CHAPTER XXXVIII

1881--A ROYAL COMMISSION

Charles Dickens’ story of the Fleet Prison paralleled--I ask

permission to leave Royal Commission, but am refused--Gallop

after wild ostrich--A jail delivery in Pretoria--Visit to the

Inhlazatse, and Lotiti--My Dissent to the Report of the Royal

Commission--Hotel at Beumbei--Delagoa Bay.

Although I had delegated to the Colonial Secretary much of the routine

work of the Colony of Natal, I had to take action on some cases, and

in writing to Lord Kimberley on the 31st May I mentioned that in

1878 I had met in the Colony a magistrate who was then, I thought,

inefficient; that in 1880, when I next saw him, he had sunk still

lower, and was in 1881 a drunkard; and on inquiry I found the Colonial

regulations were so framed as to practically check any action on the

Governor’s part, and I was advised by the Colonial Secretary to leave

the matter alone. Eventually, however, the magistrate’s conduct became

so flagrant that I assembled a Committee of inquiry, and the result

indicated that Charles Dickens, in _Pickwick_, need not have drawn

on his imagination for “Jemmy” or “Number 20,” confined in the Fleet

Prison. There was one person in the jail of the little town where the

magistrate resided, who was taken out every night by a constable to the

hotel that he might play billiards with the magistrate, and on several

occasions the prisoner brought the constable back at night drunk. The

jailer was always ordered to wait up until the game was finished; but

as it was frequently protracted till past midnight, he eventually

warned the prisoner that unless he came in at reasonable hours he would

lock him out!

On the 7th May, Sir Henry de Villiers arrived, and assisted in

endeavouring to persuade the Triumvirate, as I had been trying to do

since the 29th April, to institute a searching inquiry into the murder

of Major Elliott and some other Europeans. This was a work of much

difficulty, as the Boers were unwilling to admit, although the victims

were dead, that they had been killed under unjustifiable circumstances.

Next day the High Commissioner, Sir Hercules Robinson, arrived, and

on the 8th the Royal Commission was formally opened. It was obvious

that the views of Sir Hercules and myself differed on many essential

points. It appeared to me also that Sir Henry Villiers wished to set

up a form of Government incompatible with the paramount authority of

England, whereas I appeared to him to be unwilling to repose that

confidence in his fellow-countrymen which he felt. After a fortnight’s

close attention to the work of the Royal Commission I called on

the President, for whom I had hired a farm outside Newcastle as a

residence, and informed him I should like to withdraw from the work

imposed on me. He laughingly explained that he had had a similar

suggestion from Sir Henry that morning.

Many of the subjects under consideration were new to my colleagues, and

required, therefore, more consideration from them than it was necessary

for me to give who had been in that part of South Africa for nearly two

years previously; and while they were thus engaged, by laying on horses

I was enabled to inspect the Garrisons at Wesselstroom, Utrecht, and

battalions encamped along the line of communication, going as far as

the Biggarsberg, and Ladysmith.

On the 1st June the High Commissioner and Sir Henry started in a

carriage, I remaining behind for a few days to do some military work

which had fallen in arrears during our sittings, which extended from

seven to eight hours daily. By riding up with relays of horses I was

able to cover the distance much quicker than was possible in a spider.

It was my misfortune, while maintaining cordial relations with my

brother Commissioners, to differ entirely with them in many matters

brought before us, and I protested against my colleagues telling the

Boers that we were waiting at Newcastle for Lord Kimberley’s reply to

the reference we had made on the question of boundaries. I pointed

out to Sir Henry de Villiers, who had told them in conversation why

we were waiting, that the fact of our moving up to Pretoria must show

the Boers that the British Government had accepted the advice of the

majority of the Commission, against mine, which, as the Boers knew, was

antagonistic to their views. My brother Commissioners had telegraphed

on the 1st June to the following effect: “The Boers say[222] that they

left the Boundary question with the Royal Commission for the sake of

peace at the Nek, in full confidence that they would lose nothing by

doing so. The leaders do not now wish to retract, but they point out

that the people would not acquiesce.” My brother Commissioners for

these reasons recommended that we should give back the whole of the

Transvaal, including the country adjoining Native States. I dissented,

maintaining we had carried concessions to the utmost limit, and pointed

out that the Boers admitted I had told them distinctly on the Nek that

I would do my utmost to prevent their ruling any territory bordering on

Native territories.

At the same time I pointed out to the Secretary of State for War the

inconvenience of the Natal frontier when any question of a Military

offensive is contemplated, explaining it had every possible defect,

without one compensating advantage.

On receipt of this decision against my recommendations I telegraphed

to Lord Kimberley: “When peace was made my views on the most important

question, that of the Boundary, were well known here, and were, as I

thought, the views of the Government, as expressed in your telegram

of the 17th March. These opinions are so entirely opposed to those of

my colleagues, which you have since approved, that I am induced to

represent to you that as the Border Natives look to me for protection,

and may possibly regard my future action with suspicion if I continue

to serve in the Commission, I am compelled in justice to you to suggest

for your decision whether your policy might not be better carried out

by withdrawing me from the Commission, and allowing me to devote all my

time to Natal, the Army, and the Zulu settlement. My chief colleague,

with whom my relations are cordial, wishes me to remain, and advises

me not to ask you, but I have no fear of your misunderstanding my

motives.”

To this telegram the Government replied on the 9th: “We appreciate

your motives in suggesting retirement from Commission, but cannot

accept your offer. We attach much importance to the retention of your

services on Commission, your retirement from which cannot fail to have

prejudicial effect on prospects of peaceful settlement. Our agreement

with majority on Boundary question does not imply any diminution of our

confidence in you.”

My position was indeed unfortunate, for some even of my soldier friends

in London failed to realise that an officer’s first duty is obedience.

I had, however, one great consolation, the continued support of the

Sovereign. The Queen had certainly felt acutely, not only the decision

taken by the Government, but particularly the circumstances under

which it was carried out; but her gracious kindness was continued to

me personally. Her Majesty had telegraphed at the end of February,

desiring that I should not risk my life unnecessarily, and while I was

at Pretoria, in announcing Lady Wood’s safety after a confinement,

intimated her intention of being godmother to the child.

On the 12th June, about 25 miles outside Pretoria, my Aide-de-camp

and I enjoyed some good runs after a herd of wild ostriches, which we

chased with hunting whips merely for the pleasure of a gallop, for when

the birds could run no farther we left them to recover their breath. I

do not know whether it is the habit of the ostrich in all places, but

these were not difficult to run down, inasmuch as, after running at

speed for a mile, say from East to West, they would turn and go back in

a parallel line, and thus two men by judiciously nursing their horses

could overtake them.

From the 13th of June to the end of July I sat six days a week

discussing with the Triumvirate and their advisers the many and varied

questions incidental to giving back the Government of the Transvaal.

I was anxious to agree with my colleagues on Public grounds, and one of

my military advisers urged me to do so for personal reasons, but I felt

bound to record my Dissent[223] to the recommendations formulated by

Sir Hercules Robinson and Sir Henry de Villiers.

The Chief of the Staff, Sir Redvers Buller, took nearly all the

routine work off my hands, but I continued to pay attention to

questions of army training, as I foresaw they might have great

importance in the future.

I used the privilege accorded to me by the Secretary of State of

addressing him personally, in trying to provide for the eventuality

which occurred in 1899. I thought it would arise much sooner from the

Boer State becoming bankrupt, as I had not foreseen the finding of gold

mines. I wrote, 31st May: “It may be well to record in the War Office

that when you send out the next Expedition to this country, all the

Cavalry and Artillery should come from India. English horses require at

least three months easy work after a sea voyage.”

I had urged the importance of training Mounted Infantry, from 1874,

and wrote to Mr. Childers on the 18th July 1881: “I desire to urge on

your attention that the ---- were surprised ---- from having no Mounted

men. I advocated, before I left this country in 1879, that in every

battalion there should be some Mounted men to act as scouts.” I shall

shortly submit to H.R.H. a scheme for maintaining in peace time about

twenty-five horses per battalion, and to instruct a succession of young

soldiers in each company--say for four months, to ride sufficiently

well to act as scouts.”

* * * * *

Three Zulus came down from the interior, sent by their chief Umzila,

for having been concerned in the killing of a Boer. The Chiefs message

was to the effect that he believed the men were guiltless, and had

acted merely in self-defence, but as he trusted in the justice of the

English he had sent them in to be tried. The situation was peculiar,

for I personally had no confidence that they would be accorded a fair

trial after we had left the country, and as they had walked 200 miles

under the impression the British were to remain in the country I

caused the interpreter to explain to them the actual position, coupled

with the admonition that I thought in a few days’ time the climate of

Pretoria would be unfavourable to their health; and we saw no more of

them.

During the conversation with them, while the interpreter who had spent

his life in South Africa was putting their story into English for the

benefit of the Royal Commission sentence by sentence, I observed:

“These men live near the tribe who have the curious practice of

piercing their baby girls with an assegai over the hips, and under the

shoulder blades.” My brother Commissioners doubted the existence of

such a practice, and the interpreter stoutly averred that he had never

heard of it. I explained to the President the operation of putting the

assegai through the muscles, and then a round stick in the holes, which

is moved every twenty-four hours until the skin is healed. The baby

girl on arriving at maturity has thus four holes in her to take the

arms and legs of her future baby: whom she carries on her back while at

work. The President asked the Zulus if this practice was universal in

the tribe near them, and they answered: “Yes, all the baby girls are

treated in that way.”

On the 1st August, three days before the Retrocession, a Kafir came

in from Rustenberg, about 60 miles distant, complaining that his son

had been killed by a Boer, under the following circumstances: the Boer

had taken an unusually fine beast out of the Zulu’s herd, and the

lad drove it back. Twice this operation of taking and recovering was

performed, and then, according to the father’s story, the Boer took the

lad between his knees and broke his neck, as one wrings the neck of

a chicken. I sent the depositions to Mr. Kruger, who expressed great

concern at the supposition even of such an atrocious deed, and assured

me that he would send off his State Attorney that evening to inquire

into it. This he did, and ten days later I received a letter from him

to the effect that he was sure I should be glad to hear that the State

Attorney had come to the conclusion the lad’s neck had been broken

by a fall from a rock.[224] To this I could make no reply, but the

conclusion at which the President of the Transvaal had arrived was the

less satisfactory to me as I was aware that the State Attorney had been

driven out in a carriage, with the attorney of the accused, by a near

relative of the Boer who was supposed to have killed the lad, and that,

moreover, having been close to the place, I could not remember the

rocks whence the lad was stated to have fallen.

We left Pretoria on the 5th August, and on the 4th I had a Jail

delivery. There was, however, one man in it serving a sentence of

seven years for a peculiarly atrocious sexual outrage, and, thinking

Mr. Kruger would prefer he were not at large, I sent over to say that

I had cleared the prison of all ordinary malefactors, and while I

could not leave this man locked up without food or jailers, I assumed

Mr. Kruger would sooner he was in prison than at large, and asked him

whether he would undertake that the man should not die of starvation.

The President sent back to say that he had no jailers, no money to hire

them, and begged I would do whatever I liked,--leave the man locked up,

or let him out, but he hoped not to use the jail for some time, and so

one villain more was let loose in the Transvaal.

When the Commission broke up I went to the Inhlazatze Mountain

in Zululand to interview the Chiefs put in authority under the

arrangements made at the conclusion of the Zulu War. I gathered that

there had been some improvement in the working of the settlement from

the previous year, although there was still much oppression by the

greater Chiefs, and it was evident that we were trying to civilise the

Zulus quicker than was convenient. By the orders of the Secretary of

State for the Colonies I impressed on the assembled Chiefs that they

should inaugurate a system of Industrial schools. This proposal when

understood was received in silence by all except Usibebu, who remarked

quaintly, that he had already got a Bishop and a clergyman, and he

thought that was enough for any black man.

When the interview was over I sent the Cavalry, which had been taken

less as an escort than a guard of honour, back to Natal, and with

Major Fraser,[225] Lieutenants Slade[226] and Hamilton,[227] and Mr.

Brampton Gurdon,[228] rode to Lotiti, the head kraal of Umbandeen, King

of the Swazis, intending to travel from this place to Delagoa Bay, and

return to Maritzburg by Man-o’-war.

On the evening of the 1st September, when riding towards Mabamba’s

kraal, near the Inhlobane, where we intended to sleep, I saw several

Zulus, carrying firewood on their heads, running to intercept us, and

we halted till the leading man approached. After saluting, they stood

staring at me. I said: “Why were you running?” “To see you, Lakuni.”

“Well, are you satisfied?” “Yes, we are glad to see you,--that’s what

we wanted.” “Where is the satisfaction?” “Oh, we wanted to see you,

because you fought against us.” “Yes, I killed several of you.” “That

is true, but you never interfered with any of our women, and they were

protected by you, and after the war you took no cattle from us; and as

for your killing us, you are a soldier, and have to do what you are

told, as we had.” He and his companions lit fires for us, and procured

milk from the surrounding kraals, and there came together a great

assembly of both sexes, who gave me an ovation.

We had heard in Natal that there was a hotel at a place called

Beeumbei, where we sent a letter addressed to the manager asking him

to provide accommodation, as our arrival might not coincide with that

of the Man-o’-war’s gun-boat which was coming up to take us to Durban.

Just as we were starting I received a kind letter from the Zulu Chief,

Mr. Dunn (ordinarily called the White Zulu Chief), urging me not to

attempt to go farther than Lotiti, as the party would probably get

fever, which might be fatal. That the advice was not only kind, but

well founded, is shown by the fact that of seven men who preceded us

somewhat earlier or followed later all contracted fever, and five of

them died,--the flat and marshy land between the Lebombo Mountains and

the sea being at that time peculiarly fatal to Europeans. When riding

towards Lotiti we passed two Swazis, and I said to Mr. Rudolph: “Look

at the far man--I know his face--ask him if he has ever met me.” The

Swazi, greatly pleased, replied: “Yes, I took a message to Lakuni in

Newcastle six months ago.” We spent eight hours at Lotiti trying to

explain to the King the position between the Boers and the British

Government.

His Majesty, on our taking leave, proposed to have an ox slaughtered,

but I told him that my retinue would prefer to have it at our

resting-place that evening, and he asked in what other way he could

show his respect for me, for I had sent him in 1878 and 1879 one or

two horses and other presents on behalf of the Transvaal Government.

I suggested that a present of chickens would be acceptable, and the

King, who was a stout young man, attended by his Prime Minister and

chief warriors, proceeded to chase fowls, which they knocked down

with knob-kerries, until the exertion was too much for him, and to

our relief he allowed some of the Royal attendants to provide for our

larder.

We had a guide from a kraal between Lotiti and the St. John River,

which flows into Delagoa Bay, and he led us to the hotel at Beeumbei.

We fully anticipated some kind of accommodation, and so were

proportionately disappointed on seeing the so-called hotel was a straw

hut arranged like a pagoda, about ten feet in diameter, on the upright

support of which was pinned our letter asking for accommodation, and

the guide who led us to the spot confided to us there was no human

creature within 20 miles. There was a cask of Cape brandy in the hut,

but nothing more.

The position was somewhat serious, for we had brought very few stores,

and we had run out of every article of food except Umbendeen’s fowls.

We had for three days no rice, bread, vegetables, except sweet

potatoes, or salt, the absence of which was perhaps the most felt after

two meals of boiled fowl without anything to accompany it.

On the 8th September we had absolutely no food except these fowls,

of which I was so tired I was unable to eat them, and went to sleep

supperless. At 4 a.m. I was awakened by Slade shouting that the

Gun-boat’s cutter had arrived with a hamper of food and a dozen of

champagne, to which my companions did full justice on the spot, I

declining to lift my head until daylight. We had a pleasant pull

down the St. John River, and getting on board the gun-boat reached

Maritzburg via Durban late on the 11th September.

From Midshipman to Field Marshal · 第 38 / 51 章