The sight of James Monroe and Thomas Paine in France, representing
Republican America, was more than Gouverneur Morris could stand. He sent
to Washington the abominable slander of Monroe already quoted (ii., p.
173), and the Minister's recall came at the close of 1796.* Monroe
could not sail in midwinter with his family, so they remained until
the following spring. Paine made preparations to return to America
with them, and accompanied them to Havre; but he found so many "british
frigates cruising in sight" (so he writes Jefferson) that he did not
"trust [himself] to their discretion, and the more so as [he] had no
confidence in the Captain of the Dublin Packet" Sure enough this Captain
Clay was friendly enough with the British cruiser which lay in wait
to catch Paine, but only succeeded in finding his letter to Jefferson.
Before returning from Havre to Paris he wrote another letter to
Vice-President Jefferson.
* This sudden recall involved Monroe in heavy expenses,
which Congress afterwards repaid. I am indebted to Mr.
Frederick McGuire, of Washington, for the manuscript of
Monroe's statement of his expenses and annoyances caused by
his recall, which he declares due to "the representations
which were made to him [Washington] by those in whom he
confided." He states that Paine remained in his house a year
and a half, and that be advanced him 250 louis d'or. For
these services to Paine, he adds, "no claims were ever
presented on my part, nor is any indemnity now desired."
This money was repaid ($1,188) to Monroe by an Act of
Congress, April 7, 1831. The advances are stated in the Act
to have been made "from time to time," and were no doubt
regarded by both Paine and Monroe as compensated by the many
services rendered by the author to the Legation.
"Havre, May 14th, 1797.
"Dear Sir,--I wrote to you by the Ship Dublin Packet, Captain Clay,
mentioning my intention to have returned to America by that Vessel, and
to have suggested to some Member of the House of Representatives the
propriety of calling Mr. Monroe before them to have enquired into the
state of their affairs in France. This might have laid the foundation
for some resolves on their part that might have led to an accommodation
with France, for that House is the only part of the American Government
that have any reputation here. I apprised Mr. Monroe of my design, and
he wishes to be called up.
"You will have heard before this reaches you that the Emperor has been
obliged to sue for peace, and to consent to the establishment of the new
republic in Lombardy. How France will proceed with respect to England,
I am not, at this distance from Paris, in the way of knowing, but am
inclined to think she meditates a descent upon that Country, and a
revolution in its Government. If this should be the plan, it will keep
me in Europe at least another year.
"As the british party has thrown the American commerce into wretched
confusion, it is necessary to pay more attention to the appointment of
Consuls in the ports of france, than there was occasion to do in time
of peace; especially as there is now no Minister, and Mr. Skipwith,
who stood well with the Government here, has resigned. Mr. Cutting, the
Consul for Havre, does not reside at it, and the business is altogether
in the hands of De la Motte, the Vice Consul, who is a frenchman, [and]
cannot have the full authority proper for the office in the difficult
state matters are now in. I do not mention this to the disadvantage of
Mr. Cutting, for no man is more proper than himself if he thought it an
object to attend to.
"I know not if you are acquainted with Captain Johnson of
Massachusetts--he is a staunch man and one of the oldest American
Captains in the American employ. He is now settled at Havre and is a
more proper man for a Vice Consul than La Motte. You can learn his
character from Mr. Monroe. He has written to some of his friends to have
the appointment and if you can see an opportunity of throwing in a
little service for him, you will do a good thing. We have had several
reports of Mr. Madison's coming. He would be well received as an
individual, but as an Envoy of John Adams he could do nothing.
"Thomas Paine."
The following, in Paine's handwriting, is copied from the original in
the Morrison papers, at the British Museum. It was written in the summer
of 1797, when Lord Malmsbury was at Lille in negotiation for peace.
The negotiations were broken off because the English commissioners were
unauthorized to make the demanded restorations to Holland and Spain.
Paine's essay was no doubt sent to the Directory in the interests of
peace, suggesting as it does a compromise, as regards the Cape of Good
Hope.
"Cape of Good Hope.--It is very well known that Dun-das, the English
Minister for Indian affairs, is tenacious of holding the Cape of Good
Hope, because it will give to the English East India Company a monopoly
of the commerce of India; and this, on the other hand, is the very
reason that such a claim is inadmissible by France, and by all the
nations trading in India and to Canton, and would also be injurious to
Canton itself.--We pretend not to know anything of the negociations at
Lille, but it is very easy to see, from the nature of the case, what
ought to be the condition of the Cape. It ought to be a free port open
to the vessels of all nations trading to any part of the East Indias. It
ought also to be a neutral port at all times, under the guarantee of
all nations; the expense of keeping the port in constant repair to
be defrayed by a tonnage tax to be paid by every vessel, whether
of commerce or of war, and in proportion to the time of their
stay.--Nothing then remains but with respect to the nation who shall be
the port-master; and this ought to be the Dutch, because they understand
the business best. As the Cape is a half-way stage between Europe and
India, it ought to be considered as a tavern, where travellers on a long
journey put up for rest and refreshment.--T. P."
The suspension of peace negotiations,* and the bloodless defeat of
Pichigru's conspiracy of 18 Fructidor (September 4th) were followed by a
pamphlet addressed to "The People of France and the French Armies." This
little work is of historical value, in connection with 18 Fructidor, but
it was evidently written to carry two practical points. The first was,
that if the war with England must continue it should be directed to the
end of breaking the Anglo-Germanic compact. England has the right to
her internal arrangements, but this is an external matter. While "with
respect to England it has been the cause of her immense national debt,
the ruin of her finances, and the insolvency of her bank," English
intrigues on the continent "are generated by, and act through, the
medium of this Anglo-Germanic compound. It will be necessary to dissolve
it. Let the elector retire to his electorate, and the world will have
peace." Paine's other main point is, that the neutral nations should
secure, in time of war, an unarmed neutrality.
* In a letter to Duane, many years later, Paine relates the
following story concerning the British Union: "When Lord
Malmsbury arrived in Paris, in the time of the Directory
Government, to open a negociation for a peace, his
credentials ran in the old style of 'George, by the grace of
God, of Great Britain, France, and Ireland, king.' Malmsbury
was informed that although the assumed title of king of
France, in his credentials, would not prevent France opening
a negociation, yet that no treaty of peace could be
concluded until that assumed title was removed. Pitt then
hit on the Union. Bill, under which the assumed title of
king of France was discontinued."
"Were the neutral nations to associate, under an honorable injunction of
fidelity to each other, and publickly declare to the world, that if any
belligerent power shall seize or molest any ship or vessel belonging
to the citizens or subjects of any of the powers composing that
association, that the whole association will shut its ports against the
flag of the offending nation, and will not permit any goods, wares,
or merchandize, produced or manufactured in the offending nation, or
appertaining thereto, to be imported into any of the ports included
in the association, until reparation be made to the injured party; the
reparation to be three times the value of the vessel and cargo; and
moreover that all remittances in money, goods, and bills of exchange, do
cease to be made to the offending nation, until the said reparation be
made. Were the neutral nations only to do this, which it is their
direct interest to do, England, as a nation depending on the commerce of
neutral nations in time of war, dare not molest them, and France would
not But whilst, from want of a common system, they individually permit
England to do it, because individually they cannot resist it, they put
France under the necessity of doing the same thing. The supreme of all
laws, in all cases, is that of self-preservation."
It is a notable illustration of the wayward course of political
evolution, that the English republic--for it is such--grew largely out
of the very parts of its constitution once so oppressive. The foreign
origin of the royal family helped to form its wholesome timidity about
meddling with politics, allowing thus a development of ministerial
government. The hereditary character of the throne, which George
III.'s half-insane condition associated with the recklessness of
irresponsibility, was by his complete insanity made to serve ministerial
independence. Regency is timid about claiming power, and childhood
cannot exercise it. The decline of royal and aristocratic authority in
England secured freedom to commerce, which necessarily gave hostages to
peace. The protection of neutral commerce at sea, concerning which Paine
wrote so much, ultimately resulted from English naval strength, which
formerly scourged the world.
To Paine, England, at the close of 1797, could appear only as a
dragon-guarded prison of fair Humanity. The press was paralyzed,
thinkers and publishers were in prison, some of the old orators like
Erskine were bought up, and the forlorn hope of liberty rested only with
Fox and his fifty in Parliament, overborne by a majority made brutal by
strength. The groans of imprisoned thought in his native land reached
its outlawed representative in Paris. And at the same time the inhuman
decree went forth from that country that there should be no peace with
France. It had long been his conviction that the readiness of Great
Britain to go to war was due to an insular position that kept the
horrors at a distance. War never came home to her. This conviction,
which we have several times met in these pages, returned to him with new
force when England now insisted on more bloodshed. He was convinced that
the right course of France would be to make a descent on England, ship
the royal family to Hanover, open the political prisons, and secure the
people freedom to make a Constitution. These views, freely expressed
to his friends of the Directory and Legislature, reached the ears of
Napoleon on his triumphal return from Italy.
The great man called upon Paine in his little room, and invited him
to dinner. He made the eloquent professions of republicanism so
characteristic of Napoleons until they became pretenders. He told Paine
that he slept with the "Rights of Man" under his pillow, and that its
author ought to have a statue of gold.*
* Rickman, p. 164.
He consulted Paine about a descent on England, and adopted the plan. He
invited the author to accompany the expedition, which was to consist of
a thousand gun-boats, with a hundred men each. Paine consented, "as
[so he wrote Jefferson] the intention of the expedition was to give the
people of England an opportunity of forming a government for themselves,
and thereby bring about peace." One of the points to be aimed at was
Norfolk, and no doubt Paine indulged a happy vision of standing once
more in Thetford and proclaiming liberty throughout the land!
The following letter (December 29, 1797) from Paine to Barras is in the
archives of the Directory, with a French translation:
"Citizen President,--A very particular friend of mine, who had a
passport to go to London upon some family affairs and to return in three
months, and whom I had commissioned upon some affairs of my own (for
I find that the English government has seized upon a thousand pounds
sterling which I had in the hands of a friend), returned two days ago
and gave me the memorandum which I enclose:--the first part relates only
to my publication on the event of the 18 Fructidor, and to a letter to
Erskine (who had been counsel for the prosecution against a former
work of mine the 'Age of Reason') both of which I desired my friend to
publish in London. The other part of the memorandum respects the state
of affairs in that country, by which I see they have little or no idea
of a descent being made upon them; tant mieux--but they will be guarded
in Ireland, as they expect a descent there.
"I expect a printed copy of the letter to Erskine in a day or two. As
this is in English, and on a subject that will be amusing to the Citizen
Revelliere Le Peaux, I will send it to him. The friend of whom I speak
was a pupil of Dessault the surgeon, and whom I once introduced to
you at a public audience in company with Captain Cooper on his plan
respecting the Island of Bermuda.--Salut et Respect."
{1798}
Thus once again did the great hope of a liberated, peaceful, and
republican Europe shine before simple-hearted Paine. He was rather poor
now, but gathered up all the money he had, and sent it to the Council of
Five Hundred. The accompanying letter was read by Coupe at the sitting
of January 28, 1798:
"Citizens Representatives,--Though it is not convenient to me, in the
present situation of my affairs, to subscribe to the loan towards the
descent upon England, my economy permits me to make a small patriotic
donation. I send a hundred livres, and with it all the wishes of my
heart for the success of the descent, and a voluntary offer of any
service I can render to promote it.
"There will be no lasting peace for France, nor for the world, until
the tyranny and corruption of the English government be abolished, and
England, like Italy, become a sister republic. As to those men, whether
in England, Scotland, or Ireland, who, like Robespierre in France, are
covered with crimes, they, like him, have no other resource than in
committing more. But the mass of the people are the friends of liberty:
tyranny and taxation oppress them, but they deserve to be free.
"Accept, Citizens Representatives, the congratulations of an old
colleague in the dangers we have passed, and on the happy prospect
before us. Salut et respect.
"Thomas Paine."
Coupe added: "The gift which Thomas Paine offers you appears very
trifling, when it is compared with the revolting injustice which this
faithful friend of liberty has experienced from the English government;
but compare it with the state of poverty in which our former colleague
finds himself, and you will then think it considerable." He moved that
the notice of this gift and Thomas Paine's letter be printed. "Mention
honorable et impression," adds the Moniteur.
The President of the Directory at this time was Larevelliere-Lepeaux, a
friend of the Theophilanthropic Society. To him Paine gave, in English,
which the president understood, a plan for the descent, which was
translated into French, and adopted by the Directory. Two hundred and
fifty gun-boats were built, and the expedition abandoned. To Jefferson,
Paine intimates his suspicion that it was all "only a feint to cover the
expedition to Egypt, which was then preparing." He also states that the
British descent on Ostend, where some two thousand of them were made
prisoners, "was in search of the gun-boats, and to cut the dykes, to
prevent their being assembled." This he was told by Vanhuile, of Bruges,
who heard it from the British officers.
After the failure of his attempt to return to America with the Monroes,
Paine was for a time the guest of Nicolas de Bonneville, in Paris,
and the visit ended in an arrangement for his abode with that family.
Bonneville was an editor, thirty-seven years of age, and had been one of
the five members of Paine's Republican Club, which placarded Paris with
its manifesto after the king's flight in 1791. An enthusiastic
devotee of Paine's principles from youth, he had advocated them in
his successive journals, _Le Tribun du Peuple, Bouche de Fer, and
Bien Informe_. He had resisted Marat and Robespierre, and suffered
imprisonment during the Terror. He spoke English fluently, and was
well known in the world of letters by some striking poems, also by his
translation into French of German tales, and parts of Shakespeare. He
had set up a printing office at No. 4 Rue du Theatre-Francais, where he
published liberal pamphlets, also his _Bien Informe_. Then, in 1794, he
printed in French the "Age of Reason." He also published, and probably
translated into French, Paine's letter to the now exiled Camille
Jordan,--"Lettre de Thomas Paine, sur les Cultes." Paine, unable to
converse in French, found with the Bonnevilles a home he needed. M. and
Madame Bonneville had been married three years, and their second child
had been named after Thomas Paine, who stood as his godfather. Paine,
as we learn from Rickman, who knew the Bonnevilles, paid board, but no
doubt he aided Bonneville more by his pen.
With public affairs, either in France or America, Paine now mingled but
little. The election of John Adams to the presidency he heard of with
dismay. He wrote to Jefferson that since he was not president, he was
glad he had accepted the vice-presidency, "for John Adams has such a
talent for blundering and offending, it will be necessary to keep an eye
over him." Finding, by the abandonment of a descent on. England for
one on Egypt, that Napoleon was by no means his ideal missionary of
republicanism, he withdrew into his little study, and now remained so
quiet that some English papers announced his arrival and cool reception
in America. He was, however, fairly bored with visitors from all parts
of the world, curious to see the one international republican left.
It became necessary for Madame Bonneville, armed with polite
prevarications, to defend him from such sight-seers. For what with
his visits to and from the Barlows, the Smiths, and his friends of the
Directory, Paine had too little time for the inventions in which he was
again absorbed,--his "Saints." Among his intimate friends at this time
was Robert Fulton, then residing in Paris. Paine's extensive studies
of the steam-engine, and his early discovery, of its adaptability to
navigation, had caused Rumsey to seek him in England, and Fitch to
consult him both in America and Paris. Paine's connection with the
invention of the steamboat was recognized by Fulton, as indeed by all of
his scientific contemporaries.* To Fulton he freely gave his ideas,
and may perhaps have had some hope that the steamboat might prove a
missionary of international republicanism, though Napoleon had failed.
* Sir Richard Phillips says: "In 1778 Thomas Paine proposed,
in America, this application of steam." ("Million of Facts,"
p. 776.) As Sir Richard assisted Fulton in his experiments
on the Thames, he probably heard from him the fact about
Paine, though, indeed, in the controversy between Rumsey and
Fitch, Paine's priority to both was conceded. In America,
however, the priority really belonged to the eminent
mechanician William Henry, of Lancaster, Pa. When Fitch
visited Henry, in 1785, he was told by him that he was not
the first to devise steam-navigation; that he himself had
thought of it in 1776, and mentioned it to Andrew Ellicott;
and that Thomas Paine, while a guest at his house in 1778,
had spoken to him on the subject I am indebted to Mr. John
W. Jordan, of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, for
notes from the papers of Henry, his ancestor, showing that
Paine's scheme was formed without knowledge of others, and
that it contemplated a turbine application of steam to a
wheel. Both he and Henry, as they had not published their
plans, agreed to leave Fitch the whole credit. Fitch
publicly expressed his gratitude to Paine. Thurston adds
that Paine, in 1788, proposed that Congress should adopt the
whole matter for the national benefit. ("History of the
Growth of the Steam Engine," pp. 252, 253.)
It will not be forgotten that in the same year in which Paine startled
William Henry with a plan for steam-navigation, namely in 1778, he wrote
his sublime sentence about the "Religion of Humanity." The steamships,
which Emerson described as enormous shuttles weaving the races of
men into the woof of humanity, have at length rendered possible that
universal human religion which Paine foresaw. In that old Lancaster
mansion of the Henrys, which still stands, Paine left his spectacles,
now in our National Museum; they are strong and far-seeing; through them
looked eyes held by visions that the world is still steadily following.
One cannot suppress some transcendental sentiment in view of
the mystical harmony of this man's inventions for human
welfare,--mechanical, political, religious. Of his gunpowder motor,
mention has already been made (i., p. 240). On this he was engaged
about the time that he was answering Bishop Watson's book on the "Age of
Reason." The two occupations are related. He could not believe, he said,
that the qualities of gunpowder--the small and light grain with maximum
of force--were meant only for murder, and his faith in the divine
humanity is in the sentence. To supersede destroying gunpowder with
beneficent gunpowder, and to supersede the god of battles with the God
of Love, were kindred aims in Paine's heart Through the fiery furnaces
of his time he had come forth with every part of his being welded and
beaten and shaped together for this Human Service. Patriotism, in the
conventional sense, race-pride, sectarianism, partizanship, had been
burnt out of his nature. The universe could not have wrung from his
tongue approval of a wrong because it was done by his own country.
It might be supposed that there were no heavier trials awaiting Paine's
political faith than those it had undergone. But it was becoming evident
that liberty had not the advantage he once ascribed to truth over
error,--"it cannot be unlearned." The United States had unlearned it as
far as to put into the President's hands a power of arbitrarily crushing
political opponents, such as even George III. hardly aspired to. The
British Treaty had begun to bear its natural fruits. Washington signed
the Treaty to avoid war, and rendered war inevitable with both France
and England. The affair with France was happily a transient squall, but
it was sufficient to again bring on Paine the offices of an American
Minister in France. Many an American in that country had occasion to
appreciate his powerful aid and unfailing kindness. Among these was
Captain Rowland Crocker of Massachusetts, who had sailed with a letter
of marque. 'His vessel was captured by the French, and its wounded
commander brought to Paris, where he was more agreeably conquered by
kindness. Freeman's "History of Cape Cod" (of which region Crocker was a
native) has the following:
"His [Captain Crocker's] reminiscences of his residence in that country,
during the most extraordinary period of its history, were of a highly
interesting character. He had taken the great Napoleon by the hand; he
had familiarly known Paine, at a time when his society was sought for
and was valuable. Of this noted individual, we may in passing say, with
his uniform and characteristic kindness, he always spoke in terms which
sounded strange to the ears of a generation which has been taught, with
or without justice, to regard the author of 'The Age of Reason' with
loathing and abhorrence. He remembered Paine as a well-dressed and most
gentlemanly man, of sound and orthodox republican principles, of a good
heart, a strong intellect, and a fascinating address."
{1799}
The _coup d'etat_ in America, which made President Adams virtual
emperor, pretended constitutionality, and was reversible. That which
Napoleon and Sieves--who had his way at last--effected in France
(November 9, 1799) was lawless and fatal. The peaceful Bonneville home
was broken up. Bonneville, in his _Bien Informe_ described Napoleon as
"a Cromwell," and was promptly imprisoned. Paine, either before or soon
after this catastrophe, went to Belgium, on a visit to his old friend
Vanhuile, who had shared his cell in the Luxembourg prison. Vanhuile
was now president of the municipality of Bruges, and Paine got from him
information about European affairs. On his return he found Bonneville
released from prison, but under severe surveillance, his journal being
suppressed. The family was thus reduced to penury and anxiety, but there
was all the more reason that Paine should stand by them. He continued
his abode in their house, now probably supported by drafts on his
resources in America, to which country they turned their thoughts.
{1800}
The European Republic on land having become hopeless, Paine turned
his attention to the seas. He wrote a pamphlet on "Maritime Compact,"
including in it ten articles for the security of neutral commerce, to
be signed by the nations entering the "Unarmed Association," which he
proposed. This scheme was substantially the same as that already quoted
from his letter "To the People of France, and to the French Armies."
It was translated by Bonneville, and widely circulated in Europe. Paine
sent it in manuscript to Jefferson, who at once had it printed. His
accompanying letter to Jefferson (October i, 1800) is of too much
biographical interest to be abridged.
* Oliver Ellsworth, William V. Murray, and William R. Davie,
were sent by President Adams to France to negotiate a
treaty. There is little doubt that the famous letter of Joel
Barlow to Washington, October 2, 1798, written in the
interest of peace, was composed after consultation with
Paine. Adams, on reading the letter, abused Barlow. "Tom
Paine," he said, "is not a more worthless fellow." But he
obeyed the letter. The Commissioners he sent were associated
with the anti-French and British party in America, but peace
with America was of too much importance to the new despot of
France for the opportunity to be missed of forming a Treaty.
"Dear Sir,--I wrote to you from Havre by the ship Dublin Packet in the
year 1797. It was then my intention to return to America; but there were
so many British frigates cruising in sight of the port, and which after
a few days knew that I was at Havre waiting to go to America, that I did
not think it best to trust myself to their discretion, and the more so,
as I had no confidence in the Captain of the Dublin Packet (Clay). I
mentioned to you in that letter, which I believe you received thro'
the hands of Colonel [Aaron] Burr, that I was glad since you were not
President that you had accepted the nomination of Vice President.
"The Commissioners Ellsworth & Co." have been here about eight months,
and three more useless mortals never came upon public business. Their
presence appears to me to have been rather an injury than a benefit They
set themselves up for a faction as soon as they arrived. I was then in
Belgia. Upon my return to Paris I learned they had made a point of not
returning the visits of Mr. Skipwith and Barlow, because, they said,
they had not the confidence of the executive. Every known republican was
treated in the same manner. I learned from Mr. Miller of Philadelphia,
who had occasion to see them upon business, that they did not intend to
return my visit, if I made one. This I supposed it was intended I should
know, that I might not make one. It had the contrary effect. I went
to see Mr. Ellsworth. I told him, I did not come to see him as a
commissioner, nor to congratulate him upon his mission; that I came to
see him because I had formerly known him in Congress. I mean not, said
I, to press you with any questions, or to engage you in any conversation
upon the business you are come upon, but I will nevertheless candidly
say that I know not what expectations the Government or the people of
America may have of your mission, or what expectations you may have
yourselves, but I believe you will find you can do but little. The
treaty with England lies at the threshold of all your business. The
American Government never did two more foolish things than when it
signed that Treaty and recalled Mr. Monroe, who was the only man could
do them any service. Mr. Ellsworth put on the dull gravity of a Judge,
and was silent. I added, you may perhaps make a treaty like that you
have made with England, which is a surrender of the rights of the
American flag; for the principle that neutral ships make neutral
property must be general or not at all. I then changed the subject, for
I had all the talk to myself upon this topic, and enquired after Sam.
Adams, (I asked nothing about John,) Mr. Jefferson, Mr. Monroe, and
others of my friends, and the melancholy case of the yellow fever,--of
which he gave me as circumstantial an account as if he had been summing
up a case to a Jury. Here my visit ended, and had Mr. Ellsworth been as
cunning as a statesman, or as wise as a Judge, he would have returned my
visit that he might appear insensible of the intention of mine.
"I now come to the affairs of this country and of Europe. You will, I
suppose, have heard before this arrives to you, of the battle of
Marengo in Italy, where the Austrians were defeated--of the armistice
in consequence thereof, and the surrender of Milan, Genoa, etc., to
the french--of the successes of the french army in Germany--and the
extension of the armistice in that quarter--of the preliminaries of
peace signed at Paris--of the refusal of the Emperor [of Austria] to
ratify these preliminaries--of the breaking of the armistice by the
french Government in consequence of that refusal--of the 'gallant'
expedition of the Emperor to put himself at the head of his Army--of his
pompous arrival there--of his having made his will--of prayers being put
in all his churches for the preservation of the life of this Hero--of
General Moreau announcing to him, immediately on his arrival at the
Army, that hostilities would commence the day after the next at sunrise,
unless he signed the treaty or gave security that he would sign within
45 days--of his surrendering up three of the principal keys of Germany
(Ulm, Philipsbourg, and Ingolstad), as security that he would sign them.
This is the state things [they] are now in, at the time of writing this
letter; but it is proper to add that the refusal of the Emperor to sign
the preliminaries was motived upon a note from the King of England to be
admitted to the Congress for negociating Peace, which was consented to
by the french upon the condition of an armistice at Sea, which England,
before knowing of the surrender the Emperor had made, had refused. From
all which it appears to me, judging from circumstances, that the Emperor
is now so compleatly in the hands of the french, that he has no way of
getting out but by a peace. The Congress for the peace is to be held
at Luneville, a town in france. Since the affair of Rastadt the french
commissioners will not trust themselves within the Emperor's territory.
"I now come to domestic affairs. I know not what the Commissioners have
done, but from a paper I enclose to you, which appears to have
some authority, it is not much. The paper as you will perceive is
considerably prior to this letter. I knew that the Commissioners before
this piece appeared intended setting off. It is therefore probable that
what they have done is conformable to what this paper mentions, which
certainly will not atone for the expence their mission has incurred,
neither are they, by all the accounts I hear of them, men fitted for the
business.
"But independently of these matters there appears to be a state of
circumstances rising, which if it goes on, will render all partial
treaties unnecessary. In the first place I doubt if any peace will be
made with England; and in the second place, I should not wonder to see a
coalition formed against her, to compel her to abandon her insolence on
the seas. This brings me to speak of the manuscripts I send you.
"The piece No. 1, without any title, was written in consequence of
a question put to me by Bonaparte. As he supposed I knew England
and English Politics he sent a person to me to ask, that in case of
negociating a Peace with Austria, whether it would be proper to include
England. This was when Count St. Julian was in Paris, on the part of the
Emperor negociating the preliminaries:--which as I have before said the
Emperor refused to sign on the pretence of admitting England.
"The piece No. 2, entitled _On the Jacobinism of the English at
Sea_, was written when the English made their insolent and impolitic
expedition to Denmark, and is also an auxiliary to the politic of No. 1.
I shewed it to a friend [Bonneville] who had it translated into french,
and printed in the form of a Pamphlet, and distributed gratis among the
foreign Ministers, and persons in the Government. It was immediately
copied into several of the french Journals, and into the official Paper,
the Moniteur. It appeared in this paper one day before the last
dispatch arrived from Egypt; which agreed perfectly with what I had said
respecting Egypt. It hit the two cases of Denmark and Egypt in the exact
proper moment.
"The piece No. 3, entitled _Compact Maritime_, is the sequel of No. 2
digested in form. It is translating at the time I write this letter,
and I am to have a meeting with the Senator Garat upon the subject.
The pieces 2 and 3 go off in manuscript to England, by a confidential
person, where they will be published.
"By all the news we get from the North there appears to be something
meditating against England. It is now given for certain that Paul has
embargoed all the English vessels and English property in Russia till
some principle be established for protecting the Rights of neutral
Nations, and securing the liberty of the Seas. The preparations in
Denmark continue, notwithstanding the convention that she has made with
England, which leaves the question with respect to the right set up by
England to stop and search Neutral vessels undecided. I send you the
paragraphs upon the subject.
"The tumults are great in all parts of England on account of the
excessive price of corn and bread, which has risen since the harvest.
I attribute it more to the abundant increase of paper, and the
non-circulation of cash, than to any other cause, People in trade
can push the paper off as fast as they receive it, as they did by
continental money in America; but as farmers have not this opportunity
they endeavor to secure themselves by going considerably in advance.
"I have now given you all the great articles of intelligence, for I
trouble not myself with little ones, and consequently not with the
Commissioners, nor any thing they are about, nor with John Adams,
otherwise than to wish him safe home, and a better and wiser man in his
place.
"In the present state of circumstances and the prospects arising from
them, it may be proper for America to consider whether it is worth her
while to enter into any treaty at this moment, or to wait the event of
those circumstances which, if they go on will render partial treaties
useless by deranging them. But if, in the mean time, she enters into
any treaty it ought to be with a condition to the following purpose:
Reserving to herself the right of joining in an association of Nations
for the protection of the Rights of Neutral Commerce and the security of
the liberty of the Seas.
"The pieces 2, 3, may go to the press. They will make a small pamphlet
and the printers are welcome to put my name to it. It is best it should
be put from thence; they will get into the newspapers. I know that the
faction of John Adams abuses me pretty heartily. They are welcome. It
does not disturb me, and they lose their labour; and in return for it I
am doing America more service, as a neutral nation, than their expensive
Commissioners can do, and she has that service from me for nothing. The
piece No. 1 is only for your own amusement and that of your friends.
"I come now to speak confidentially to you on a private subject.
When Mr. Ellsworth and Davie return to America, Murray will return to
Holland, and in that case there will be nobody in Paris but Mr. Skipwith
that has been in the habit of transacting business with the french
Government since the revolution began. He is on a good standing with
them, and if the chance of the day should place you in the presidency
you cannot do better than appoint him for any purpose you may have
occasion for in France. He is an honest man and will do his country
Justice, and that with civility and good manners to the government he
is commissioned to act with; a faculty which that Northern Bear Timothy
Pickering wanted, and which the Bear of that Bear, John Adams, never
possessed.
"I know not much of Mr. Murray, otherwise than of his unfriendliness to
every American who is not of his faction, but I am sure that Joel Barlow
is a much fitter man to be in Holland than Mr. Murray. It is upon
the fitness of the man to the place that I speak, for I have not
communicated a thought upon the subject to Barlow, neither does he
know, at the time of my writing this (for he is at Havre), that I have
intention to do it.
"I will now, by way of relief, amuse you with some account of the
progress of Iron Bridges. The french revolution and Mr. Burke's attack
upon it, drew me off from any pontifical Works. Since my coming from
England in '92, an Iron Bridge of a single arch 236 feet span versed
sine 34 feet, has been cast at the Iron Works of the Walkers where my
model was, and erected over the river Wear at Sunderland in the county
of Durham in England. The two members in Parliament for the County,
Mr. Bourdon and Mr. Milbank, were the principal subscribers; but the
direction was committed to Mr. Bourdon. A very sincere friend of mine,
Sir Robert Smyth, who lives in france, and whom Mr. Monroe well knows,
supposing they had taken their plan from my model wrote to Mr. Milbank
upon the subject. Mr. Milbank answered the letter, which answer I have
by me and I give you word for word the part concerning the Bridge: 'With
respect to the Bridge over the river Wear at Sunderland it certainly is
a Work well deserving admiration both for its structure, durability
and utility, and I have good grounds for saying that the first Idea was
taken from Mr. Paine's bridge exhibited at Paddington. But with respect
to any compensation to Mr. Paine, however desirous of rewarding the
labours of an ingenious man, I see not how it is in my power, having had
nothing to do with his bridge after the payment of my subscription, Mr.
Bourdon being accountable for the whole. But if you can point out
any mode by which I can be instrumental in procuring for Mr. P. any
compensation for the advantages which the public may have derived from
his ingenious model, from which certainly the outlines of the Bridge
at Sunderland was taken, be assured it will afford me very great
satisfaction.'
"I have now made two other models, one is pasteboard, five feet span
and five inches of height from the cords. It is in the opinion of every
person who has seen it one of the most beautiful objects the eye can
behold. I then cast a model in Metal following the construction of that
in pasteboard and of the same dimensions. The whole was executed in my
own Chamber. It is far superior in strength, elegance, and readiness in
execution to the model I made in America, and which you saw in Paris. I
shall bring those Models with me when I come home, which will be as soon
as I can pass the seas in safety from the piratical John Bulls.
"I suppose you have seen, or have heard of the Bishop of Landaff's
answer to my second part of the Age of reason. As soon as I got a
copy of it I began a third part, which served also as an answer to the
Bishop; but as soon as the clerical Society for promoting _Christian
Knowledge_ knew of my intention to answer the Bishop, they prosecuted,
as a Society, the printer of the first and second parts, to prevent that
answer appearing. No other reason than this can be assigned for their
prosecuting at the time they did, because the first part had been in
circulation above three years and the second part more than one, and
they prosecuted immediately on knowing that I was taking up their
Champion. The Bishop's answer, like Mr. Burke's attack on the french
revolution; served me as a back-ground to bring forward other subjects
upon, with more advantage than if the background was not there. This is
the motive that induced me to answer him, otherwise I should have gone
on without taking any notice of him. I have made and am still making
additions to the manuscript, and shall continue to do so till an
opportunity arrive for publishing it.
"If any American frigate should come to france, and the direction of
it fall to you, I will be glad you would give me the opportunity of
returning. The abscess under which I suffered almost two years is
entirely healed of itself, and I enjoy exceeding good health. This is
the first of October, and Mr. Skipwith has just called to tell me the
Commissioners set off for Havre tomorrow. This will go by the frigate
but not with the knowledge of the Commissioners. Remember me with much
affection to my friends and accept the same to yourself."
As the Commissioners did not leave when they expected, Paine added
several other letters to Jefferson, on public affairs. In one (October
1st) he says he has information of increasing aversion in the English
people to their government. "It was the hope of conquest, and is now the
hope of peace that keeps it [Pitt's administration] up." Pitt is anxious
about his paper money. "The credit of Paper is suspicion asleep. When
suspicion wakes the credit vanishes as the dream would." "England has a
large Navy, and the expense of it leads to her ruin." The English nation
is tired of war, longs for peace, "and calculates upon defeat as
it would upon victory." On October 4th, after the Commissioners had
concluded a treaty, Paine alludes to an article said to be in it,
requiring certain expenditures in France, and says that if he,
Jefferson, be "in the chair, and not otherwise," he should offer himself
for this business, should an agent be required "It will serve to defray
my expenses until I can return, but I wish it may be with the condition
of returning. I am not tired of working for nothing, but I cannot afford
it. This appointment will aid me in promoting the object I am now upon
of a law of nations for the protection of neutral commerce." On October
6th he reports to Jefferson that at an entertainment given the American
envoys, Consul Le Brun gave the toast: "A l'union de l'Amerique avec les
puissances du Nord pour faire respecter la liberte des mers." On October
15th the last of his enclosures to Jefferson is written. He says that
Napoleon, when asked if there would be more war, replied: "Nous
n'aurions plus qu'une guerre d'ecritoire." In all of Paine's writing
about Napoleon, at this time, he seems as if watching a thundercloud,
and trying to make out meteorologically its drift, and where it will
strike.