CHAPTER XXV. THE LAST YEAR IN EUROPE.

{1801}

On July 15, 1801, Napoleon concluded with Pius VII. the Concordat.

Naturally, the first victim offered on the restored altar was

Theophilan-thropy. I have called Paine the founder of this Society,

because it arose amid the controversy excited by the publication of "Le

Siecle de la Raison," its manual and tracts reproducing his ideas and

language; and because he gave the inaugural discourse. Theism was little

known in France save as iconoclasm, and an assault on the Church: Paine

treated it as a Religion. But, as he did not speak French, the practical

organization and management of the Society were the work of others, and

mainly of a Russian named Hauey. There had been a good deal of odium

incurred at first by a society which satisfied neither the pious nor the

freethinkers, but it found a strong friend on the Directory. This

was Larevelliere-Lepeaux, whose secretary, Antoine Vallee, and young

daughter, had become interested in the movement. This statesman never

joined the Society, but he had attended one of its meetings, and, when

a distribution of religious edifices was made, Theophilanthropy was

assigned ten parish churches. It is said that when Larevelliere-Lepeaux

mentioned to Talleyrand his desire for the spread of this Society, the

diplomat said: "All you have to do is to get yourself hanged, and revive

the third day." Paine, who had pretty nearly fulfilled that requirement,

saw the Society spread rapidly, and he had great hopes of its future.

But Pius: VII. also had an interested eye on it, and though the

Concordat did not go into legal operation until 1802, Theophilanthropy

was offered as a preliminary sacrifice in October, 1801.

The description of Paine by Walter Savage Landor, and representations

of his talk, in the "Imaginary Conversations," so mix up persons, times,

and places, that I was at one time inclined to doubt whether the two had

met. But Mr. J. M. Wheeler, a valued correspondent in London, writes

me: "Landor told my friend Mr. Birch of Florence that he particularly

admired Paine, and that he visited him, having first obtained an

interview at the house of General Dumouriez. Landor declared that Paine

was always called 'Tom,' not out of disrespect, but because he was a

jolly good fellow." An interview with Paine at the house of Dumouriez

could only have occurred when the General was in Paris, in 1793. This

would account for what Landor says of Paine taking refuge from trouble

in brandy. There had been, as, Rickman testifies, and as all the facts

show, nothing of this kind since that period. It would appear therefore

that Landor must have mixed up at least two interviews with Paine, one

in the time of Dumouriez, the other in that of Napoleon. Not even

such an artist as Landor could invent the language ascribed to Paine

concerning the French and Napoleon.

"The whole nation may be made as enthusiastic about a salad as about a

constitution; about the colour of a cockade as about a consul or a king.

You will shortly see the real strength and figure of Bonaparte. He is

wilful, headstrong, proud, morose, presumptuous; he will be guided no

longer; he has pulled the pad from his forehead, and will break his nose

or bruise his cranium against every table, chair, and brick in the room,

until at last he must be sent to the hospital."

Paine prophesies that Napoleon will make himself emperor, and that "by

his intemperate use of power and thirst of dominion" he will cause the

people to "wish for their old kings, forgetting what beasts they were."

Possibly under the name "Mr. Normandy" Landor disguises Thomas Poole,

referred to on a preceding page. Normandy's sufferings on account of one

of Paine's books are not exaggerated. In Mrs. Sanford's work is printed

a letter from Paris, July 20, 1802, in which Poole says: "I called one

Morning on Thomas Paine. He is an original, amusing fellow. Striking,

strong physiognomy. Said a great many quaint things, and read us part of

a reply which he intends to publish to Watson's 'Apology.'"

* "Thomas Poole and His Friends," ii., p. 85.

Paine seems to have had no relation with the ruling powers at this time,

though an Englishman who visited him is quoted by Rickman (p. 198) as

remarking his manliness and fearlessness, and that he spoke as freely as

ever after Bonaparte's supremacy. One communication only to any member

of the government appears; this was to the Minister of the Interior

concerning a proposed iron bridge over the Seine.* Political France and

Paine had parted.

Under date of March 18, 1801, President Jefferson informs Paine that he

had sent his manuscripts (Maritime Compact) to the printer to be made

into a pamphlet, and that the American people had returned from their

frenzy against France. He adds:

"You expressed a wish to get a passage to this country in a public

vessel. Mr. Dawson is charged with orders to the captain of the Maryland

to receive and accommodate you back if you can be ready to depart

at such short warning. Rob. R. Livingston is appointed minister

plenipotentiary to the republic of France, but will not leave this till

we receive the ratification of the convention by Mr. Dawson.** I am in

hopes you will find us returned generally to sentiments worthy of former

times. In these it will be your glory to have steadily labored, and with

as much effect as any man living. That you may long live to continue

your useful labors and to reap the reward in the thankfulness of

nations, is my sincere prayer. Accept assurances of my high esteem and

affectionate attachment."

* "The Minister of the Interior to Thomas Paine: I have

received, Citizen, the observations that you have been so

good as to address to me upon the construction of iron

bridges. They will be of the greatest utility to us when the

new kind of construction goes to be executed for the first

time. With pleasure I assure you, Citizen, that you have

rights of more than one kind to the gratitude of nations,

and I give you, cordially, the expression of my particular

esteem.--Chaptal."

It is rather droll, considering the appropriation of his

patent in England, and the confiscation of a thousand pounds

belonging to him, to find Paine casually mentioning that at

this time a person came from London with plans and drawings

to consult with him about an iron arch of 600 feet, over the

Thames, then under consideration by a committee of the House

of Commons.

** "Beau Dawson," an eminent Virginia Congressman.

The subjoined notes are from letters of Paine to Jefferson:

_Paris, June 9, 1801_. "Your very friendly letter by Mr. Dawson gave me

the real sensation of happy satisfaction, and what served to increase

it was that he brought it to me himself before I knew of his arrival.

I congratulate America on your election. There has been no circumstance

with respect to America since the times of her revolution that excited

so much attention and expectation in France, England, Ireland, and

Scotland as the pending election for President of the United States, nor

any of which the event has given more general joy:

"I thank you for the opportunity you give me of returning by the

Maryland, but I shall wait the return of the vessel that brings Mr.

Livingston."

_Paris, June 25,1801_. "The Parliamentaire, from America to Havre,

was taken in going out, and carried into England. The pretence, as the

papers say, was that a Swedish Minister was on board for America. If

I had happened to have been there, I suppose they would have made no

ceremony in conducting me on shore."*

{1802}

_Paris, March 17,1802_. "As it is now Peace, though the definitive

Treaty is not yet signed, I shall set off by the first opportunity from

Havre or Dieppe, after the equinoctial gales are over. I continue in

excellent health, which I know your friendship will be glad to hear

of.--Wishing you and America every happiness, I remain your former

fellow-labourer and much obliged fellow-citizen."

Paine's determination not to return to America in a national vessel was

owing to a paragraph he saw in a Baltimore paper, headed "Out at Last."

It stated that Paine had written to the President, expressing a wish to

return by a national ship, and that "permission was given." There was

here an indication that Jefferson's invitation to Paine by the Hon. John

Dawson had become known to the President's enemies, and that Jefferson,

on being attacked, had apologized by making the matter appear an act

of charity. Paine would not believe that the President was personally

responsible for the apologetic paragraph, which seemed inconsistent with

the cordiality of the letter brought by Dawson; but, as he afterwards

wrote to Jefferson, "it determined me not to come by a national ship."*

His request had been made at a time when any other than a national

American ship was pretty certain to land him in an English prison. There

was evidently no thought of any _eclat_ in the matter, but no doubt a

regard for economy as well as safety.

* It was cleared up afterwards. Jefferson had been charged

with sending a national ship to France for the sole purpose

of bringing Paine home, and Paine himself would have been

the first to condemn such an assumption of power. Although

the President's adherents thought it right to deny this,

Jefferson wrote to Paine that he had nothing to do with the

paragraph. "With respect to the letter [offering the ship] I

never hesitate to avow and justify it in conversation. In no

other way do I trouble myself to contradict anything which

is said. At that time, however, there were anomalies in the

motions of some of our friends which events have at length

reduced to regularity."

The following to the eminent deist lecturer in New York, Elihu Palmer,

bears the date, "Paris, February 21, 1802, since the Fable of Christ":

"Dear Friend, I received, by Mr. Livingston, the letter you wrote me,

and the excellent work you have published ["The Principles of Nature"].

I see you have thought deeply on the subject, and expressed your

thoughts in a strong and clear style. The hinting and intimating manner

of writing that was formerly used on subjects of this kind, produced

skepticism, but not conviction. It is necessary to be bold. Some people

can be reasoned into sense, and others must be shocked into it. Say a

bold thing that will stagger them, and they will begin to think.

"There is an intimate friend of mine, Colonel Joseph Kirk-bride of

Bordentown, New Jersey, to whom I would wish you to send your work. He

is an excellent man, and perfectly in our sentiments. You can send it by

the stage that goes partly by land and partly by water, between New York

and Philadelphia, and passes through Bordentown.

"I expect to arrive in America in May next. I have a third part of the

Age of Reason to publish when I arrive, which, if I mistake not, will

make a stronger impression than any thing I have yet published on the

subject.

"I write this by an ancient colleague of mine in the French Convention,

the citizen Lequinio, who is going [as] Consul to Rhode Island, and who

waits while I write.* Yours in friendship."

The following, dated July 8, 1802, to Consul Rotch, is the last letter I

find written by Paine from Paris:

"My Dear Friend,--The bearer of this is a young man that wishes to go

to America. He is willing to do anything on board a ship to lesson the

expense of his passage. If you know any captain to whom such a person

may be usefull I will be obliged to you to speak to him about it.

"As Mr. Otte was to come to Paris in order to go to America, I wanted

to take a passage with him, but as he stays in England to negociate some

arrangements of Commerce, I have given up that idea. I wait now for the

arrival of a person from England whom I want to see,** after which, I

shall bid adieu to restless and wretched Europe. I am with affectionate

esteem to you and Mrs. Rotch,

"Yours,

"Thomas Paine."

* J. M. Lequinio, author of "Prejudices Destroyed," and

other rationalistic works, especially dealt with in

Priestley's "Letters to the Philosophers of France."

** No doubt Clio Rickman.

The President's cordial letter had raised a happy vision before the eyes

of one sitting amid the ruins of his republican world. As he said of

Job, he had "determined, in the midst of accumulating ills, to impose

upon himself the hard duty of contentment." Of the comrades with whom he

began the struggle for liberty in France but a small circle remained.

As he wrote to Lady Smith,--from whom he must now part,--"I might almost

say like Job's servant, 'and I only am escaped.'" Of the American and

English friends who cared for him when he came out of prison few remain.

The President's letter came to a poor man in a small room, furnished

only with manuscripts and models of inventions. Here he was found by

an old friend from England, Henry Redhead Yorke, who, in 1795, had been

tried in England for sedition. Yorke has left us a last glimpse of the

author in "wretched and restless Europe." The "rights of man" had become

so antiquated in Napoleon's France, that Yorke found Paine's name odious

on account of his antislavery writings, the people "ascribing to his

espousal of the rights of the negroes of St. Domingo the resistance

which Leclercq had experienced from them." He found Paine in No. 4

Rue du Theatre Francais. A "jolly-looking woman" (in whom we recognize

Madame Bonneville) scrutinized Yorke severely, but was smiling enough

on learning that he was Paine's old friend. He was ushered into a little

room heaped with boxes of documents, a chaos of pamphlets and journals.

While Yorke was meditating on the contrast between this habitation of a

founder of two great republics and the mansions of their rulers, his old

friend entered, dressed in a long flannel gown.

"Time seemed to have made dreadful ravages over his whole frame, and a

settled melancholy was visible on his countenance. He desired me to be

seated, and although he did not recollect me for a considerable time,

he conversed with his usual affability. I confess I felt extremely

surprised that he should have forgotten me; but I resolved not to make

myself known to him, as long as it could be avoided with propriety. In

order to try his memory, I referred to a number of circumstances which

had occurred while we were in company, but carefully abstained from

hinting that we had ever lived together. He would frequently put his

hand to his forehead, and exclaim, 'Ah! I know that voice, but my

recollection fails!' At length I thought it time to remove his suspense,

and stated an incident which instantly recalled me to his mind. It

is impossible to describe the sudden change which this effected; his

countenance brightened, he pressed me by the hand, and a silent tear

stole down his cheek. Nor was I less affected than himself. For some

time we sat without a word escaping from our lips. 'Thus are we met once

more, Mr. Paine,' I resumed, 'after a long separation of ten years,

and after having been both of us severely weather-beaten.' 'Aye,' he

replied, 'and who would have thought that we should meet in Paris?'

He then enquired what motive had brought me here, and on my explaining

myself, he observed with a smile of contempt, 'They have shed blood

enough for liberty, and now they have it in perfection. This is not a

country for an honest man to live in; they do not understand any thing

at all of the principles of free government, and the best way is to

leave them to themselves. You see they have conquered all Europe, only

to make it more miserable than it was before.' Upon this, I remarked

that I was surprised to hear him speak in such desponding language of

the fortune of mankind, and that I thought much might yet be done for

the Republic. 'Republic!' he exclaimed, 'do you call this a Republic?

Why they are worse off than the slaves of Constantinople; for there,

they expect to be bashaws in heaven by submitting to be slaves below,

but here they believe neither in heaven nor hell, and yet are slaves by

choice. I know of no Republic in the world except America, which is the

only country for such men as you and I. It is my intention to get away

from this place as soon as possible, and I hope to be off in the autumn;

you are a young man and may see better times, but I have done with

Europe, and its slavish politics.'

"I have often been in company with Mr. Paine, since my arrival here, and

I was not a little surprised to find him wholly indifferent about the

public spirit in England, or the remaining influence of his doctrines

among its people. Indeed he seemed to dislike the mention of the

subject; and when, one day, in order to provoke discussion, I told him

I had altered my opinions upon many of his principles, he answered, 'You

certainly have the right to do so; but you cannot alter the nature

of things; the French have alarmed all honest men; but still truth is

truth. Though you may not think that my principles are practicable in

England, without bringing on a great deal of misery and confusion, you

are, I am sure, convinced of their justice.' Here he took occasion to

speak in terms of the utmost severity of Mr------, who had obtained

a seat in parliament, and said that 'parsons were always mischievous

fellows when they turned politicians.' This gave rise to an observation

respecting his 'Age of Reason,' the publication of which I said had

lost him the good opinion of numbers of his English advocates. He

became uncommonly warm at this remark, and in a tone of singular energy

declared that he would not have published it if he had not thought it

calculated to 'inspire mankind with a more exalted idea of the Supreme

Architect of the Universe, and to put an end to villainous imposture.'

He then broke out with the most violent invectives against our received

opinions, accompanying them at the same time with some of the most grand

and sublime conceptions of an Omnipotent Being, that I ever heard or

read of. In the support of his opinion, he avowed himself ready to

lay down his life, and said 'the Bishop of Llandaff may roast me in

Smithfield if he likes, but human torture cannot shake my conviction.'

He reached down a copy of the Bishop's work, interleaved with remarks

upon it, which he read me; after which he admitted the liberality of

the Bishop, and regretted that in all controversies among men a similar

temper was not maintained. But in proportion as he appeared listless in

politics, he seemed quite a zealot in his religious creed; of which the

following is an instance. An English lady of our acquaintance, not less

remarkable for her talents than for elegance of manners, entreated me to

contrive that she might have an interview with Mr. Paine. In consequence

of this I invited him to dinner on a day when we were to be favoured

with her company. But as she is a very rigid Roman Catholic I cautioned

Mr. Paine, beforehand, against touching upon religious subjects,

assuring him at the same time that she felt much interested to make his

acquaintance. With much good nature he promised to be _discreet_.... For

above four hours he kept every one in astonishment and admiration of

his memory, his keen observation of men and manners, his numberless

anecdotes of the American Indians, of the American war, of Franklin,

Washington, and even of his Majesty, of whom he told several curious

facts of humour and benevolence. His remarks on genius and taste can

never be forgotten by those present. Thus far everything went on as I

could wish; the sparkling champagne gave a zest to his conversation,

and we were all delighted. But alas! alas! an expression relating to his

'Age of Reason' having been mentioned by one of the company, he broke

out immediately. He began with Astronomy,--addressing himself to Mrs.

Y.,--he declared that the least inspection of the motion of the stars

was a convincing proof that Moses was a liar. Nothing could stop him. In

vain I attempted to change the subject, by employing every artifice in

my power, and even attacking with vehemence his political principles.

He returned to the charge with unabated ardour. I called upon him for a

song though I never heard him sing in my life. He struck up one of

his own composition; but the instant he had finished it he resumed his

favourite topic. I felt extremely mortified, and remarked that he had

forgotten his promise, and that it was not fair to wound so deeply the

opinions of the ladies. 'Oh!' said he, 'they 'll come again. What a pity

it is that people should be so prejudiced!' To which I retorted that

their prejudices might be virtues. 'If so,' he replied, 'the blossoms

may be beautiful to the eye, but the root is weak.' One of the most

extraordinary properties belonging to Mr. Paine is his power of

retaining everything he has written in the course of his life. It is

a fact that he can repeat word for word every sentence in his 'Common

Sense,' 'Rights of Man,' etc., etc. The Bible is the only book which he

has studied, and there is not a verse in it that is not familiar to him.

In shewing me one day the beautiful models of two bridges he had devised

he observed that Dr. Franklin once told him that 'books are written to

please, houses built for great men, churches for priests, but no bridges

for the people.' These models exhibit an extraordinary degree not only

of skill but of taste; and are wrought with extreme delicacy entirely

by his own hands. The largest is nearly four feet in length; the iron

works, the chains, and every other article belonging to it, were forged

and manufactured by himself. It is intended as the model of a bridge

which is to be constructed across the Delaware, extending 480 feet with

only one arch. The other is to be erected over a lesser river,

whose name I forget, and is likewise a single arch, and of his own

workmanship, excepting the chains, which, instead of iron, are cut out

of pasteboard, by the fair hand of his correspondent the 'Little Corner

of the World,' whose indefatigable perseverance is extraordinary. He was

offered L3000 for these models and refused it. The iron bars, which

I before mentioned that I noticed in a corner of his room, were also

forged by himself, as the model of a crane, of a new description. He put

them together, and exhibited the power of the lever to a most surprising

degree."'

*"Letters from France," etc., London, 1804, 2 vols., 8vo.

Thirty-three pages of the last letter are devoted to Paine.

About this time Sir Robert Smith died, and another of the ties to Paris

was snapped. His beloved Bonnevilles promised to follow him to the New

World. His old friend Rickman has come over to see him off, and observed

that "he did not drink spirits, and wine he took moderately; he even

objected to any spirits being laid in as a part of his sea-stock." These

two friends journeyed together to Havre, where, on September 1st, the

way-worn man begins his homeward voyage. Poor Rickman, the perpetually

prosecuted, strains his eyes till the sail is lost, then sits on the

beach and writes his poetical tribute to Jefferson and America for

recalling Paine, and a touching farewell to his friend:

"Thus smooth be thy waves, and thus gentle the breeze,

As thou bearest my Paine far away;

O waft him to comfort and regions of ease,

Each blessing of freedom and friendship to seize,

And bright be his setting sun's ray."

Who can imagine the joy of those eyes when they once more beheld the

distant coast of the New World! Fifteen years have passed,--years

in which all nightmares became real, and liberty's sun had turned to

blood,--since he saw the happy land fading behind him. Oh, America,

thine old friend who first claimed thy republican independence, who laid

aside his Quaker coat and fought for thy cause, believing it sacred, is

returning to thy breast! This is the man of whom Washington wrote: "His

writings certainly had a powerful effect on the public mind,--ought they

not then to meet an adequate return? He is poor! He is chagrined!" It is

not money he needs now, but tenderness, sympathy; for he comes back from

an old world that has plundered, outlawed, imprisoned him for his love

of mankind. He has seen his dear friends sent to the guillotine, and

others are pining in British prisons for publishing his "Rights of

Man,"--principles pronounced by President Jefferson and Secretary

Madison to be those of the United States. Heartsore, scarred,

white-haired, there remains to this veteran of many struggles for

humanity but one hope, a kindly welcome, a peaceful haven for his

tempest-tossed life. Never for an instant has his faith in the heart

of America been shaken. Already he sees his friend Jefferson's arms

extended; he sees his old comrades welcoming him to their hearths; he

sees his own house and sward at Bordentown, and the beautiful Kirk-bride

mansion beside the Delaware,--river of sacred memories, soon to be

spanned by his graceful arch. How the ladies he left girls,--Fanny.

Kitty, Sally,--will come with their husbands to greet him! How will they

admire the latest bridge-model, with Lady Smith's delicate chain-work

for which (such is his estimate of friendship) he refused three thousand

pounds, though it would have made his mean room palatial! Ah, yes, poor

heart, America will soothe your wounds, and pillow your sinking head on

her breast! America, with Jefferson in power, is herself again. They do

not hate men in America for not believing in a celestial Robespierre.

Thou stricken friend of man, who hast appealed from the god of wrath

to the God of Humanity, see in the distance that Maryland coast, which

early voyagers called Avalon, and sing again your song when first

stepping on that shore twenty-seven years ago:

"I come to sing that summer is at hand,

The summer time of wit, you 'll understand;

Plants, fruits, and flowers, and all the smiling race

That can the orchard or the garden grace;

The Rose and Lily shall address the fair,

And whisper sweetly out, 'My dears, take care:'

With sterling worth the Plant of Sense shall rise,

And teach the curious to philosophize.

"The frost returns?

We 'll garnish out the scenes

With stately rows of Evergreens,

Trees that will bear the frost, and deck their tops

With everlasting flowers, like diamond drops."

* "The Snowdrop and Critic," Pennsylvania Magazine, 1775.

Couplets are omitted between those given.

CHAPTER XVI. THE AMERICAN INQUISITION

On October 30th Paine landed at Baltimore. More than two and a half

centuries had elapsed since the Catholic Lord Baltimore appointed a

Protestant Governor of Maryland, William Stone, who proclaimed in that

province (1648) religious freedom and equality. The Puritans, crowding

thither, from regions of oppression, grew strong enough to exterminate

the religion of Lord Baltimore who had given them shelter, and

imprisoned his Protestant Governor. So, in the New World, passed the

Inquisition from Catholic to Protestant hands.

In Paine's first American pamphlet, he had repeated and extolled the

principle of that earliest proclamation of religious liberty. "Diversity

of religious opinions affords a larger field for Christian kindness."

The Christian kindness now consists in a cessation of sectarian strife

that they may unite in stretching the author of the "Age of Reason"

on their common rack, so far as was possible under a Constitution

acknowledging no deity. This persecution began on the victim's arrival.

Soon after landing Paine wrote to President Jefferson:

"I arrived here on Saturday from Havre, after a passage of sixty days.

I have several cases of models, wheels, etc., and as soon as I can get

them from the vessel and put them on board the packet for Georgetown

I shall set off to pay my respects to you. Your much obliged

fellow-citizen,--Thomas Paine."

On reaching Washington City Paine found his dear friend Monroe starting

off to resume his ministry in Paris, and by him wrote to Mr. Este,

banker in Paris (Sir Robert Smith's son-in-law), enclosing a letter to

Rickman, in London. "You can have no idea," he tells Rickman, "of the

agitation which my arrival occasioned." Every paper is "filled with

applause or abuse."

"My property in this country has been taken care of by my friends, and

is now worth six thousand pounds sterling; which put in the funds will

bring me L400 sterling a year. Remember me in friendship and affection

to your wife and family, and in the circle of our friends. I am but just

arrived here, and the minister sails in a few hours, so that I have just

time to write you this. If he should not sail this tide I will write to

my good friend Col. Bosville, but in any case I request you to wait on

him for me.* Yours in friendship."

* Paine still had faith in Bosville. He was slow in

suspecting any man who seemed enthusiastic for liberty. In

this connection it may be mentioned that it is painful to

find in the "Diary and Letters of Gouverneur Morris," (ii.,

p. 426) a confidential letter to Robert R. Livingston,

Minister in France, which seems to assume that Minister's

readiness to receive slanders of Jefferson, who appointed

him, and of Paine whose friendship he seemed to value.

Speaking of the President, Morris says: "The employment of

and confidence in adventurers from abroad will sooner or

later rouse the pride and indignation of this country."

Morris' editor adds: "This was probably an allusion to

Thomas Paine, who had recently returned to America and was

supposed to be an intimate friend of Mr. Jefferson, who, it

was said, received him warmly, dined him at the White House,

and could be seen walking arm in arm with him on the street

any fine afternoon." The allusion to "adventurers" was no

doubt meant for Paine, but not to his reception by

Jefferson, for Morris' letter was written on August 27th,

some two months before Paine's arrival. It was probably

meant by Morris to damage Paine in Paris, where it was known

that he was intimate with Livingston, who had been

introduced by him to influential men, among others to Sir

Robert Smith and Este, bankers. It is to be hoped that

Livingston resented Morris' assumption of his treacherous

character. Morris, who had shortly before dined at the White

House, tells Livingston that Jefferson is "descending to a

condition which I find no decent word to designate." Surely

Livingston's descendants should discover his reply to that

letter.

The defeated Federalists had already prepared their batteries to assail

the President for inviting Paine to return on a national ship, under

escort of a Congressman. It required some skill for these adherents of

John Adams, a Unitarian, to set the Inquisition in motion. It had to be

done, however, as there was no chance of breaking down Jefferson but

by getting preachers to sink political differences and hound the

President's favorite author. Out of the North, stronghold of the

"British Party," came this partisan crusade under a pious flag. In

Virginia and the South the "Age of Reason" was fairly discussed, its

influence being so great that Patrick Henry, as we have seen, wrote and

burnt a reply. In Virginia, Deism, though largely prevailing, had not

prevented its adherents from supporting the Church as an institution.

It had become their habit to talk of such matters only in private.

Jefferson had not ventured to express his views in public, and was

troubled at finding himself mixed up with the heresies of Paine.*

* To the Rev. Dr. Waterhouse (Unitarian) who had asked

permission to publish a letter of his, Jefferson, with a

keen remembrance of Paine's fate, wrote (July 19, 1822):

"No, my dear Sir, not for the world. Into what a hornet's

nest would it thrust my head!--The genus irritabile vatmm,

on whom argument is lost, and reason is by themselves

disdained in matters of religion. Don Quixote undertook to

redress the bodily wrongs of the world, but the redressaient

of mental vagaries would be an enterprise more than Quixotic

I should as soon undertake to bring the crazy skulls of

Bedlam to sound understanding as to inculcate reason into

that of an Athanasian. I am old, and tranquillity is now my

summum bonum. Keep me therefore from the fire and faggot of

Calvin and his victim Servetus. Happy in the prospect of a

restoration of a primitive Christianity, I must leave to

younger athletes to lop off the false branches which have

been engrafted into it by the mycologists of the middle and

modern ages."--MS. belonging to Dr. Fogg of Boston.

The author on reaching Lovell's Hotel, Washington, had made known

his arrival to the President, and was cordially received; but as the

newspapers came in with their abuse, Jefferson may have been somewhat

intimidated. At any rate Paine so thought. Eager to disembarrass the

administration, Paine published a letter in the _National Intelligencer_

which had cordially welcomed him, in which he said that he should not

ask or accept any office.*

* The National Intelligencer (Nov. 3d), announcing Paine's

arrival at Baltimore, said, among other things: "Be his

religious sentiments what they may, it must be their [the

American people's] wish that he may live in the undisturbed

possession of our common blessings, and enjoy them the more

from his active participation in their attainment." The same

paper said, Nov. 10th: "Thomas Paine has arrived in this

city [Washington] and has received a cordial reception from

the Whigs of Seventy-six, and the republicans of 1800, who

have the independence to feel and avow a sentiment of

gratitude for his eminent revolutionary services."

He meant to continue writing and bring forward his mechanical projects.

None the less did the "federalist" press use Paine's infidelity to

belabor the President, and the author had to write defensive letters

from the moment of his arrival. On October 29th, before Paine had

landed, the _National Intelligencer_ had printed (from a Lancaster,

Pa., journal) a vigorous letter, signed "A Republican," showing that the

denunciations of Paine were not religious, but political, as John Adams

was also unorthodox. The "federalists" must often have wished that they

had taken this warning, for Paine's pen was keener than ever, and the

opposition had no writer to meet him. His eight "Letters to the

Citizens of the United States" were scathing, eloquent, untrammelled by

partisanship, and made a profound impression on the country,--for even

the opposition press had to publish them as part of the news of the

day.*

* They were published in the National Intelligencer of

November 15th, 22d. 29th, December 6th, January 25th, and

February 2d, 1803. Of the others one appeared in the Aurora

(Philadelphia), dated from Bordentown, N. J., March 12th,

and the last in the Trenton True American % dated April

21st.

On Christmas Day Paine wrote the President a suggestion for the purchase

of Louisiana. The French, to whom Louisiana had been ceded by Spain,

closed New Orleans (November 26th) against foreign ships (including

American), and prohibited deposits there by way of the Mississippi. This

caused much excitement, and the "federalists" showed eagerness to push

the administration into a belligerent attitude toward France. Paines

"common sense" again came to the front, and he sent Jefferson the

following paper:

"OF LOUISIANA.

"Spain has ceded Louisiana to france, and france has excluded the

Americans from N. Orleans and the navigation of the Mississippi;

the people of the Western Territory have complained of it to their

Government, and the governt. is of consequence involved and interested

in the affair The question then is--What is the best step to be taken?

"The one is to begin by memorial and remonstrance against an infraction

of a right. The other is by accommodation, still keeping the right in

view, but not making it a groundwork.

"Suppose then the Government begin by making a proposal to france to

repurchase the cession, made to her by Spain, of Louisiana, provided it

be with the consent of the people of Louisiana or a majority thereof.

"By beginning on this ground any thing can be said without carrying the

appearance of a threat,--the growing power of the western territory

can be stated as matter of information, and also the impossibility

of restraining them from seizing upon New Orleans, and the equal

impossibility of france to prevent it.

"Suppose the proposal attended to, the sum to be given comes next on the

carpet This, on the part of America, will be estimated between the

value of the Commerce, and the quantity of revenue that Louisiana will

produce.

"The french treasury is not only empty, but the Government has consumed

by anticipation a great part of the next year's revenue. A monied

proposal will, I believe, be attended to; if it should, the claims upon

france can be stipulated as part of the payment, and that sum can be

paid here to the claimants.

"------I congratulate you on the _birthday of the New Sun_, now called

christmas-day; and I make you a present of a thought on Louisiana."

Jefferson next day told Paine, what was as yet a profound secret, that

he was already contemplating the purchase of Louisiana.*

* "The idea occurred to me," Paine afterwards wrote to the

President, "without knowing it had occurred to any other

person, and I mentioned it to Dr. Leib who lived in the same

house (Lovell's); and, as he appeared pleased with it, I

wrote the note and showed it to him before I sent it. The

next morning you said to me that measures were already taken

in that business. When Leib returned from Congress I told

him of it. 'I knew that,' said he. 'Why then,' said I, 'did

you not tell me so, because in that case I would not have

sent the note.' 'That is the very reason,' said he; 'I would

not tell you, because two opinions concurring on a case

strengthen it.' I do not, however, like Dr. Leib's motion

about Banks. Congress ought to be very cautious how it gives

encouragement to this speculating project of banking, for it

is now carried to an extreme. It is but another kind of

striking paper money. Neither do I like the notion

respecting the recession of the territory [District of

Columbia.]." Dr. Michael Leib was a representative from

Pennsylvania.

{1803}

The "New Sun" was destined to bring his sunstrokes on Paine. The

pathetic story of his wrongs in England, his martyrdom in France,

was not generally known, and, in reply to attacks, he had to tell

it himself. He had returned for repose and found himself a sort of

battlefield. One of the most humiliating circumstances was the discovery

that in this conflict of parties the merits of his religion were of

least consideration. The outcry of the country against him, so far as

it was not merely political, was the mere ignorant echo of pulpit

vituperation. His well-considered theism, fruit of so much thought,

nursed amid glooms of the dungeon, was called infidelity or atheism.

Even some from whom he might have expected discriminating criticism

accepted the vulgar version and wrote him in deprecation of a work

they had not read. Samuel Adams, his old friend, caught in this

_schwarmerei_, wrote him from Boston (November 30th) that he had "heard"

that he had "turned his mind to a defence of infidelity." Paine copied

for him his creed from the "Age of Reason," and asked, "My good friend,

do you call believing in God infidelity?"

This letter to Samuel Adams (January 1, 1803) has indications that Paine

had developed farther his theistic ideal.

"We cannot serve the Deity in the manner we serve those who cannot do

without that service. He needs no service from us. We can add nothing to

eternity. But it is in our power to render a service acceptable to him,

and that is, not by praying, but by endeavoring to make his creatures

happy. A man does not serve God by praying, for it is himself he is

trying to serve; and as to hiring or paying men to pray, as if the Deity

needed instruction, it is in my opinion an abomination. I have been

exposed to and preserved through many dangers, but instead of buffeting

the Deity with prayers, as if I distrusted him, or must dictate to him,

I reposed myself on his protection; and you, my friend, will find, even

in your last moments, more consolation in the silence of resignation

than in the murmuring wish of a prayer."

Paine must have been especially hurt by a sentence in the letter of

Samuel Adams in which he said: "Our friend, the president of the United

States, has been calumniated for his liberal sentiments, by men who have

attributed that liberality to a latent design to promote the cause of

infidelity." To this he did not reply, but it probably led him to feel a

deeper disappointment at the postponement of the interviews he had hoped

to enjoy with Jefferson after thirteen years of separation. A feeling

of this kind no doubt prompted the following note (January 12th) sent to

the President:

"I will be obliged to you to send back the Models, as I am packing up

to set off for Philadelphia and New York. My intention in bringing them

here in preference to sending them from Baltimore to Philadelphia, was

to have some conversation with you on those matters and others I have

not informed you of. But you have not only shown no disposition towards

it, but have, in some measure, by a sort of shyness, as if you stood in

fear of federal observation, precluded it. I am not the only one, who

makes observations of this kind."

Jefferson at once took care that there should be no misunderstanding

as to his regard for Paine. The author was for some days a guest in the

President's family, where he again met Maria Jefferson (Mrs. Eppes) whom

he had known in Paris. Randall says the devout ladies of the family had

been shy of Paine, as was but natural, on account of the President's

reputation for rationalism, but "Paine's discourse was weighty, his

manners sober and inoffensive; and he left Mr. Jefferson's mansion the

subject of lighter prejudices than he entered it."*

* "Life of Jefferson," ii., 642 sec. Randall is mistaken in

some statements. Paine, as we have seen, did not return on

the ship placed at his service by the President; nor did

the President's letter appear until long after his return,

when he and Jefferson felt it necessary in order to disabuse

the public mind of the most absurd rumors on the subject.

Paine's defamers have manifested an eagerness to ascribe his

maltreatment to personal faults. This is not the case. For some years

after his arrival in the country no one ventured to hint anything

disparaging to his personal habits or sobriety. On January 1, 1803, he

wrote to Samuel Adams: "I have a good state of health and a happy mind;

I take care of both by nourishing the first with temperance, and the

latter with abundance."

Had not this been true the "federal" press would have noised it abroad.

He was neat in his attire. In all portraits, French and American, his

dress is in accordance with the fashion. There was not, so far as I can

discover, a suggestion while he was at Washington, that he was not a

suitable guest for any drawing-room in the capital On February 23,

1803, probably, was written the following which I find among the Cobbett

papers:

From Mr. Paine to Mr. Jefferson, on the occasion of a toast being given

at a federal dinner at Washington, of "May they

NEVER KNOW PLEASURE WHO LOVE PAINE."

"I send you, Sir, a tale about some Feds,

Who, in their wisdom, got to loggerheads.

The case was this, they felt so flat and sunk,

They took a glass together and got drunk.

Such things, you know, are neither new nor rare,

For some will hary themselves when in despair.

It was the natal day of Washington,

And that they thought a famous day for fun;

For with the learned world it is agreed,

The better day the better deed.

They talked away, and as the glass went round

They grew, in point of wisdom, more profound;

For at the bottom of the bottle lies

That kind of sense we overlook when wise.

Come, here 's a toast, cried one, with roar immense,

May none know pleasure who love Common Sense.

Bravo! cried some,--no, no! some others cried,

But left it to the waiter to decide.

I think, said he, the case would be more plain,

To leave out Common Sense, and put in Paine.

On this a mighty noise arose among

This drunken, bawling, senseless throng.

Some said that Common Sense was all a curse,

That making people wiser made them worse;

It learned them to be careful of their purse,

And not be laid about like babes at nurse,

Nor yet believe in stories upon trust,

Which all mankind, to be well governed must;

And that the toast was better at the first,

And he that did n't think so might be cursed.

So on they went, till such a fray arose

As all who know what Feds are may suppose."

On his way northward, to his old home in Bor-dentown, Paine passed many

a remembered spot, but found little or no greeting on his journey. In

Baltimore a "New Jerusalemite," as the Sweden-borgian was then called,

the Rev. Mr. Hargrove, accosted him with the information that the key to

scripture was found, after being lost 4,000 years.

"Then it must be very rusty," answered Paine. In Philadelphia his old

friend Dr. Benjamin Rush never came near him. "His principles," wrote

Rush to Cheetham, "avowed in his 'Age of Reason,' were so offensive to

me that I did not wish to renew my intercourse with him." Paine made

arrangements for the reception of his bridge models at Peale's Museum,

but if he met any old friend there no mention of it appears. Most

of those who had made up the old circle--Franklin, Rittenhouse,

Muhlenberg--were dead, some were away in Congress; but no doubt Paine

saw George Clymer. However, he did not stay long in Philadelphia, for he

was eager to reach the spot he always regarded as his home, Bordentown.

And there, indeed, his hope, for a time, seemed to be fulfilled It need

hardly be said that his old friend Colonel Kirkbride gave him hearty

welcome. John Hall, Paine's bridge mechanician, "never saw him jollier,"

and he was full of mechanical "whims and schemes" they were to pursue

together. Jefferson was candidate for the presidency, and Paine entered

heartily into the canvass; which was not prudent, but he knew nothing of

prudence. The issue not only concerned an old friend, but was turning on

the question of peace with France. On March 12th he writes against the

"federalist" scheme for violently seizing New Orleans. At a meeting in

April, over which Colonel Kirkbride presides, Paine drafts a reply to an

attack on Jefferson's administration, circulated in New York. On April

21 st he writes the refutation of an attack on Jefferson, _apropos_ of

the national vessel offered for his return, which had been coupled

with a charge that Paine had proposed to the Directory an invasion of

America! In June he writes about his bridge models (then at Peale's

Museum, Philadelphia), and his hope to span the Delaware and the

Schuylkill with iron arches.

Here is a letter written to Jefferson from Bordentown

(August 2d) containing suggestions concerning the beginning of

government in Louisiana, from which it would appear that Paine's faith

in the natural inspiration of _vox populi_ was still imperfect:

"I take it for granted that the present inhabitants know little or

nothing of election and representation as constituting government. They

are therefore not in an immediate condition to exercise those powers,

and besides this they are perhaps too much under the influence of their

priests to be sufficiently free.

"I should suppose that a Government _provisoire_ formed by Congress for

three, five, or seven years would be the best mode of beginning. In

the meantime they may be initiated into the practice by electing their

Municipal government, and after some experience they will be in train to

elect their State government. I think it would not only be good policy

but right to say, that the people shall have the right of electing their

Church Ministers, otherwise their Ministers will hold by authority from

the Pope. I do not make it a compulsive article, but to put it in their

power to use it when they please. It will serve to hold the priests in a

stile of good behavior, and also to give the people an idea of elective

rights. Anything, they say, will do to learn upon, and therefore they

may as well begin upon priests.

"The present prevailing language is french and Spanish, but it will be

necessary to establish schools to teach english as the laws ought to be

in the language of the Union.

"As soon as you have formed any plan for settling the Lands I shall be

glad to know it. My motive for this is because there are thousands and

tens of thousands in England and Ireland and also in Scotland who are

friends of mine by principle, and who would gladly change their present

country and condition. Many among them, for I have friends in all ranks

of life in those countries, are capable of becoming monied purchasers to

any amount.

"If you can give me any hints respecting Louisiana, the quantity in

square miles, the population, and amount of the present Revenue I will

find an opportunity of making some use of it. When the formalities of

the cession are compleated, the next thing will be to take possession,

and I think it would be very consistent for the President of the United

States to do this in person.

"What is Dayton gone to New Orleans for? Is he there as an Agent for the

British as Blount was said to be?"

Of the same date is a letter to Senator Breck-enridge, of Kentucky,

forwarded through Jefferson:

"My Dear Friend,--Not knowing your place of Residence in Kentucky I send

this under cover to the President desiring him to fill up the direction.

"I see by the public papers and the Proclamation for calling Congress,

that the cession of Louisiana has been obtained. The papers state the

purchase to be 11,250,000 dollars in the six per cents and 3,750,000

dollars to be paid to American claimants who have furnished supplies to

France and the french Colonies and are yet unpaid, making on the whole

15,000,000 dollars.

"I observe that the faction of the Feds who last Winter were for going

to war to obtain possession of that country and who attached so much

importance to it that no expense or risk ought be spared to obtain it,

have now altered their tone and say it is not worth having, and that

we are better without it than with it. Thus much for their consistency.

What follows is for your private consideration.

"The second section of the 2d article of the constitution says, The

'President shall have Power by and with the consent of the senate to

make Treaties provided two thirds of the senators present concur.'

"A question may be supposed to arise on the present case, which is,

under what character is the cession to be considered and taken up in

congress, whether as a treaty, or in some other shape? I go to examine

this point.

"Though the word, Treaty, as a Word, is unlimited in its meaning

and application, it must be supposed to have a denned meaning in the

constitution. It there means Treaties of alliance or of navigation and

commerce--Things which require a more profound deliberation than

common acts do, because they entail on the parties a future reciprocal

responsibility and become afterwards a supreme law on each of the

contracting countries which neither can annull. But the cession of

Louisiana to the United States has none of these features in it It is a

sale and purchase. A sole act which when finished, the parties have no

more to do with each other than other buyers and sellers have. It has no

future reciprocal consequences (which is one of the marked characters of

a Treaty) annexed to it; and the idea of its becoming a supreme law

to the parties reciprocally (which is another of the characters of a

Treaty) is inapplicable in the present case. There remains nothing for

such a law to act upon.

"I love the restriction in the constitution which takes from the

Executive the power of making treaties of his own will: and also the

clause which requires the consent of two thirds of the Senators, because

we cannot be too cautious in involving and entangling ourselves with

foreign powers; but I have an equal objection against extending the

same power to the senate in cases to which it is not strictly and

constitutionally applicable, because it is giving a nullifying power

to a minority. Treaties, as already observed, are to have future

consequences and whilst they remain, remain always in execution

externally as well as internally, and therefore it is better to run the

risk of losing a good treaty for the want of two thirds of the senate

than be exposed to the danger of ratifying a bad one by a small

majority. But in the present case no operation is to follow but what

acts itself within our own Territory and under our own laws. We are the

sole power concerned after the cession is accepted and the money paid,

and therefore the cession is not a Treaty in the constitutional meaning

of the word subject to be rejected by a minority in the senate.

"The question whether the cession shall be accepted and the bargain

closed by a grant of money for the purpose, (which I take to be the

sole question) is a case equally open to both houses of congress, and

if there is any distinction of _formal right_, it ought according to

the constitution, as a money transaction, to begin in the house of

Representatives.

"I suggest these matters that the senate may not be taken unawares, for

I think it not improbable that some Fed, who intends to negative the

cession, will move to take it up as if it were a Treaty of Alliance or

of Navigation and Commerce.

"The object here is an increase of territory for a valuable

consideration. It is altogether a home concern--a matter of domestic

policy. The only real ratification is the payment of the money, and as

all verbal ratification without this goes for nothing, it would be a

waste of time and expense to debate on the verbal ratification distinct

from the money ratification. The shortest way, as it appears to me,

would be to appoint a committee to bring in a report on the President's

Message, and for that committee to report a bill for the payment of the

money. The french Government, as the seller of the property, will not

consider anything ratification but the payment of the money contracted

for.

"There is also another point, necessary to be aware of, which is, to

accept it in toto. Any alteration or modification in it, or annexed as

a condition is so far fatal, that it puts it in the power of the other

party to reject the whole and propose new Terms. There can be no such

thing as ratifying in part, or with a condition annexed to it and

the ratification to be binding. It is still a continuance of the

negociation.

"It ought to be presumed that the American ministers have done to the

best of their power and procured the best possible terms, and that being

immediately on the spot with the other party they were better Judges of

the whole, and of what could, or could not be done, than any person at

this distance, and unacquainted with many of the circumstances of the

case, can possibly be.

"If a treaty, a contract, or a cession be good upon the whole, it is ill

policy to hazard the whole, by an experiment to get some trifle in it

altered. The right way of proceeding in such case is to make sure of

the whole by ratifying it, and then instruct the minister to propose

a clause to be added to the Instrument to obtain the amendment or

alteration wished for. This was the method Congress took with respect to

the Treaty of Commerce with France in 1778. Congress ratified the whole

and proposed two new articles which were agreed to by France and added

to the Treaty.

"There is according to newspaper account an article which admits french

and Spanish vessels on the same terms as American vessels. But this

does not make it a commercial Treaty. It is only one of the Items in the

payment: and it has this advantage, that it joins Spain with France in

making the cession and is an encouragement to commerce and new settlers.

"With respect to the purchase, admitting it to be 15 millions dollars,

it is an advantageous purchase. The revenue alone purchased as an

annuity or rent roll is worth more--at present I suppose the revenue

will pay five per cent for the purchase money.

"I know not if these observations will be of any use to you. I am in

a retired village and out of the way of hearing the talk of the great

world. But I see that the Feds, at least some of them, are changing

their tone and now reprobating the acquisition of Louisiana; and the

only way they can take to lose the affair will be to take it up as they

would a Treaty of Commerce and annull it by a Minority; or entangle it

with some condition that will render the ratification of no effect.

"I believe in this state (Jersey) we shall have a majority at the next

election. We gain some ground and lose none anywhere. I have half a

disposition to visit the Western World next spring and go on to New

Orleans. They are a new people and unacquainted with the principles of

representative government and I think I could do some good among them.

"As the stage-boat which was to take this letter to the Post-office does

not depart till to-morrow, I amuse myself with continuing the subject

after I had intended to close it.

"I know little and can learn but little of the extent and present

population of Louisiana. After the cession be com-pleated and the

territory annexed to the United States it will, I suppose, be formed

into states, one, at least, to begin with.

"The people, as I have said, are new to us and we to them and a great

deal will depend on a right beginning. As they have been transferred

backward and forward several times from one European Government to

another it is natural to conclude they have no fixed prejudices with

respect to foreign attachments, and this puts them in a fit disposition

for their new condition. The established religion is roman; but in

what state it is as to exterior ceremonies (such as processions and

celebrations), I know not. Had the cession to france continued with her,

religion I suppose would have been put on the same footing as it is

in that country, and there no ceremonial of religion can appear on the

streets or highways; and the same regulation is particularly necessary

now or there will soon be quarrels and tumults between the old settlers

and the new. The Yankees will not move out of the road for a little

wooden Jesus stuck on a stick and carried in procession nor kneel in

the dirt to a wooden Virgin Mary. As we do not govern the territory as

provinces but incorporated as states, religion there must be on the same

footing it is here, and Catholics have the same rights as Catholics have

with us and no others. As to political condition the Idea proper to be

held out is, that we have neither conquered them, nor bought them, but

formed a Union with them and they become in consequence of that union a

part of the national sovereignty.

"The present Inhabitants and their descendants will be a majority for

some time, but new emigrations from the old states and from Europe, and

intermarriages, will soon change the first face of things, and it is

necessary to have this in mind when the first measures shall be taken.

Everything done as an expedient grows worse every day, for in proportion

as the mind grows up to the full standard of sight it disclaims the

expedient. America had nearly been ruined by expedients in the first

stages of the revolution, and perhaps would have been so, had not

'Common Sense' broken the charm and the Declaration of Independence sent

it into banishment.

"Yours in friendship

"Thomas Paine.*

"remember me in the circle of your friends."

* The original is in possession of Mr. William F.

Havermeyer, Jr.

Mr. E. M. Woodward, in his account of Bordentown, mentions among the

"traditions" of the place, that Paine used to meet a large number of

gentlemen at the "Washington House," kept by Debora Applegate, where he

conversed freely "with any proper person who approached him."

"Mr. Paine was too much occupied in literary pursuits and writing to

spend a great deal of his time here, but he generally paid several

visits during the day. His drink was invariably brandy. In walking he

was generally absorbed in deep thought, seldom noticed any one as he

passed, unless spoken to, and in going from his home to the tavern was

frequently observed to cross the street several times. It is stated that

several members of the church were turned from their faith by him, and

on this account, and the general feeling of the community against him

for his opinions on religious subjects, he was by the mass of the

people held in odium, which feeling to some extent was extended to Col.

Kirkbride."

These "traditions" were recorded in 1876. Paine's "great power of

conversation" was remembered. But among the traditions, even of the

religious, there is none of any excess in drinking.

Possibly the turning of several church-members from their faith may

not have been so much due to Paine as to the parsons, in showing their

"religion" as a gorgon turning hearts to stone against a benefactor

of mankind. One day Paine went with Colonel Kirkbride to visit Samuel

Rogers, the Colonels brother-in-law, at Bellevue, across the river. As

he entered the door Rogers turned his back, refusing his old friend's

hand, because it had written the "Age of Reason." Presently Borden-town

was placarded with pictures of the Devil flying away with Paine. The

pulpits set up a chorus of vituperation. Why should the victim spare the

altar on which he is sacrificed, and justice also? Dogma had chosen to

grapple with the old man in its own way. That it was able to break a

driven leaf Paine could admit as truly as Job; but he could as bravely

say: Withdraw thy hand from me, and I will answer thee, or thou shalt

answer me! In Paine too it will be proved that such outrages on truth

and friendship, on the rights of thought, proceed from no God, but from

the destructive forces once personified as the adversary of man.

Early in March Paine visited New York, to see Monroe before his

departure for France. He drove with Kirkbride to Trenton; but so furious

was the pious mob, he was refused a seat in the Trenton stage. They

dined at Government House, but when starting for Brunswick were hooted

These were the people for whose liberties Paine had marched that same

road on foot, musket in hand. At Trenton insults were heaped on the

man who by camp-fires had written the _Crisis_, which animated the

conquerors of the Hessians at that place, in "the times that tried men's

souls." These people he helped to make free,--free to cry _Crucify!_

Paine had just written to Jefferson that the Louisianians were "perhaps

too much under the influence of their priests to be sufficiently free."

Probably the same thought occurred to him about people nearer home,

when he presently heard of Colonel Kirkbride's sudden unpopularity, and

death. On October 3d Paine lost this faithful friend.*

* It should be stated that Burlington County, in which

Bordentown is situated, was preponderantly Federalist, and

that Trenton was in the hands of a Federalist mob of young

well-to-do rowdies. The editor of the _True American_, a

Republican paper to which Paine had contributed, having

commented on a Fourth of July orgie of those rowdies in a

house associated with the revolution, was set upon with

bludgeons on July 12th, and suffered serious injuries. The

Grand Jury refused to present the Federalist ruffians,

though the evidence was clear, and the mob had free course.

The facts of the Paine mob are these: after dining at Government House,

Trenton, Kirkbride applied for a seat on the New York stage for Paine.

The owner, Voorhis, cursed Paine as "a deist," and said, "I 'll be

damned if he shall go in my stage." Another stage-owner also refused,

saying, "My stage and horses were once struck by lightning, and I don't

want them to suffer again." When Paine and Kirkbride had entered their

carriage a mob surrounded them with a drum, playing the "rogue's march."

The local reporter (_True American_) says, "Mr. Paine discovered not the

least emotion of fear or anger, but calmly observed that such conduct

had no tendency to hurt his feelings or injure his fame." The mob then

tried to frighten the horse with the drum, and succeeded, but the two

gentlemen reached a friend's house in Brunswick in safety. A letter

from Trenton had been written to the stage-master there also, to prevent

Paine from securing a seat, whether with success does not appear.

CHAPTER XVII. NEW ROCHELLE AND THE BONNEVILLES

The Bonnevilles, with whom Paine had resided in Paris, were completely

impoverished after his departure. They resolved to follow Paine to

America, depending on his promise of aid should they do so. Foreseeing

perils in France, Nicolas, unable himself to leave at once, hurried off

his wife and children--Benjamin, Thomas, and Louis. Madame Bonneville

would appear to have arrived in August, 1803. I infer this because Paine

writes, September 23d, to Jefferson from Stonington, Connecticut; and

later letters show that he had been in New York, and afterwards placed

Thomas Paine Bonneville with the Rev. Mr. Foster (Universalist) of

Stonington for education. Madame Bonneville was placed in his house at

Bordentown, where she was to teach French.

At New York, Paine found both religious and political parties sharply

divided over him. At Lovett's Hotel, where he stopped, a large dinner

was given him, March 18th, seventy being present One of the active

promoters of this dinner was James Cheetham, editor of the _American

Citizen_, who, after seriously injuring Paine by his patronage, became

his malignant enemy.

In the summer of 1803 the political atmosphere was in a tempestuous

condition, owing to the widespread accusation that Aaron Burr had

intrigued with the Federalists against Jefferson to gain the presidency.

There was a Society in New York called "Republican Greens," who, on

Independence Day, had for a toast "Thomas Paine, the Man of the People,"

and who seem to have had a piece of music called the "Rights of Man."

Paine was also apparently the hero of that day at White Plains, where

a vast crowd assembled, "over 1,000," among the toasts being: "Thomas

Paine--the bold advocate of rational liberty--the People's friend." He

probably reached New York again in August A letter for "Thomas Payne"

is in the advertised Letter-list of August 6th, and in the _American

Citizen_ (August 9th) are printed (and misprinted) "Lines, extempore, by

Thomas Paine, July, 1803."*

* On July 12th the _Evening Post _(edited by William

Coleman) tries to unite republicanism and infidelity by

stating that Part I. of the "Age of Reason" was sent in MS.

to Mr. Fellows of New York, and in the following year Part

II. was gratuitously distributed "from what is now the

office of the Aurora." On September 24th that paper

publishes a poem about Paine, ending:

"Quick as the lightning's vivid flash

The poet's eye o'er Europe rolls;

Sees battles rage, hears tempests crash,

And dims at horror's threatening scowls.

"Mark ambition's ruthless king,

With crimsoned banners scathe the globe;

While trailing after conquest's wing,

Man's festering wounds his demons probe.

"Palled with streams of reeking gore

That stain the proud imperial day,

He turns to view the western shore,

Where freedom holds her boundless sway.

"'T is here her sage triumphant sways

An empire in the people's love;

'T is here the sovereign will obeys

No king but Him who rules above."

The verses, crudely expressing the contrast between President Jefferson

and King George--or Napoleon, it is not clear which,--sufficiently show

that Paine's genius was not extempore. His reputation as a patriotic

minstrel was high; his "Hail, great Republic," to the tune of "Rule

Britannia," was the established Fourth-of-July song, and it was even

sung at the dinner of the American consul in London (Erving) March 4,

1803, the anniversary of Jefferson's election. Possibly the extempore

lines were sung on some Fourth-of-July occasion. I find "Thomas Paine"

and the "Rights of Man" favorite toasts at republican celebrations in

Virginia also at this time. In New York we may discover Paine's coming

and going by rancorous paragraphs concerning him in the _Evening Post_.*

"And having spent a lengthy life in evil,

Return again unto thy parent Devil!"

Perhaps the most malignant wrong done Paine in this paper was the

adoption of his signature, "Common Sense," by one of its contributors!

Another paragraph says that Franklin hired Paine in London to come to

America and write in favor of the Revolution,--a remarkable example of

federalist heredity from "Toryism." On September 27th the paper prints a

letter purporting to have been found by a waiter in Lovett's Hotel after

Paine's departure,--a long letter to Paine, by some red-revolutionary

friend, of course gloating over the exquisite horrors filling Europe in

consequence of the "Rights of Man." The pretended letter is dated "Jan.

12, 1803," and signed "J. Oldney." The paper's correspondent pretends

to have found out Oldney, and conversed with him. No doubt many simple

people believed the whole thing genuine.

The most learned physician in New York, Dr. Nicholas Romayne, invited

Paine to dinner, where he was met by John Pintard, and other eminent

citizens. Pintard said to Paine: "I have read and re-read your 'Age

of Reason,' and any doubts which I before entertained of the truth

of revelation have been removed by your logic. Yes, sir, your very

arguments against Christianity have convinced me of its truth." "Well

then," answered Paine, "I may return to my couch to-night with the

consolation that I have made at least one Christian."* This authentic

anecdote is significant John Pintard, thus outdone by Paine in

politeness, founded the Tammany Society, and organized the democratic

party. When the "Rights of Man" appeared, the book and its author were

the main toasts of the Tammany celebrations; but it was not so after

the "Age of Reason" had appeared. For John Pintard was all his life

a devotee of Dutch Reformed orthodoxy. Tammany, having begun with the

populace, had by this time got up somewhat in society. As a rule the

"gentry" were Federalists, though they kept a mob in their back yard to

fly at the democrats on occasion. But with Jefferson in the presidential

chair, and Clinton vice-president, Tammany was in power. To hold this

power Tammany had to court the clergy. So there was no toast to Paine in

the Wigwam of 1803.**

* Dr. Francis' "Old New York," p. 140.

** The New York Daily Advertiser published the whole of Part

I. of the "Rights of Man" in 1791 (May 6-27), the editor

being then John Pintard. At the end of the publication a

poetical tribute to Paine was printed. Four of the lines run:

"Rous'd by the reason of his manly page,

Once more shall Paine a listening world engage;

From reason's source a bold reform he brings,

By raising up mankind he pulls down kings."

President Jefferson was very anxious about the constitutional points

involved in his purchase of Louisiana, and solicited Paine's views on

the whole subject. Paine wrote to him extended communications, among

which was the letter of September 23d, from Stonington. The interest of

the subject is now hardly sufficient to warrant publication of the whole

of this letter, which, however, possesses much interest.

At the great celebration (October 12, 1792) of the third Centenary of

the discovery of America, by the sons of St Tammany, New York, the first

man toasted after Columbus was Paine, and next to Paine "The Rights of

Man." They were also extolled in an ode composed for the occasion, and

sung.

"Your two favours of the 10 and 18 ult. reached me at this place on the

14th inst.; also one from Mr. Madison. I do not suppose that the framers

of the Constitution thought anything about the acquisition of new

territory, and even if they did it was prudent to say nothing about

it, as it might have suggested to foreign Nations the idea that we

contemplated foreign conquest. It appears to me to be one of those cases

with which the Constitution had nothing to do, and which can be judged

of only by the circumstances of the times when such a case shall occur.

The Constitution could not foresee that Spain would cede Louisiana to

France or to England, and therefore it could not determine what our

conduct should be in consequence of such an event. The cession makes

no alteration in the Constitution; it only extends the principles of it

over a larger territory, and this certainly is within the morality of

the Constitution, and not contrary to, nor beyond, the expression or

intention of any of its articles... Were a question to arise it would

apply, not to the Cession, because it violates no article of the

Constitution, but to Ross and Morris's motion. The Constitution empowers

Congress to declare war, but to make war without declaring it is

anti-constitutional. It is like attacking an unarmed man in the dark.

There is also another reason why no such question should arise. The

english Government is but in a tottering condition and if Bonaparte

succeeds, that Government will break up. In that case it is not

improbable we may obtain Canada, and I think that Bermuda ought to

belong to the United States. In its present condition it is a nest for

piratical privateers. This is not a subject to be spoken of, but it may

be proper to have it in mind.

"The latest news we have from Europe in this place is the insurrection

in Dublin. It is a disheartening circumstance to the english Government,

as they are now putting arms into the hands of people who but a few

weeks before they would have hung had they found a pike in their

possession. I think the probability is in favour of the descent [on

England by Bonaparte]...

"I shall be employed the ensuing Winter in cutting two or three thousand

Cords of Wood on my farm at New Rochelle for the New York market distant

twenty miles by water. The Wood is worth 3 1/2 dollars per load as it

stands. This will furnish me with ready money, and I shall then be ready

for whatever may present itself of most importance next spring. I had

intended to build myself a house to my own taste, and a workshop for

my mechanical operations, and make a collection, as authors say, of

my works, which with what I have in manuscript will make four, or five

octavo volumes, and publish them by subscription, but the prospects that

are now opening with respect to England hold me in suspence.

"It has been customary in a President's discourse to say something about

religion. I offer you a thought on this subject. The word, religion,

used as a word _en masse_ has no application to a country like America.

In catholic countries it would mean exclusively the religion of the

romish church; with the Jews, the Jewish religion; in England,

the protestant religion or in the sense of the english church, the

established religion; with the Deists it would mean Deism; with the

Turks, Mahometism &c, &c, As well as I recollect it is _Lego, Religo,

Relegio, Religion_, that is say, tied or bound by an oath or obligation.

The french use the word properly; when a woman enters a convent, she is

called a novitiate; when she takes the oath, she is a _religieuse_, that

is, she is bound by an oath. Now all that we have to do, as a Government

with the word religion, in this country, is with the civil rights of it,

and not at all with its _creeds_. Instead therefore of using the word

religion, as a word en masse, as if it meant a creed, it would be better

to speak only of its civil rights; _that all denominations of religion

are equally protected, that none are dominant, none inferior, that

the rights of conscience are equal to every denomination and to every

individual and that it is the duty of Government to preserve this

equality of conscientious rights_. A man cannot be called a hypocrite

for defending the civil rights of religion, but he may be suspected of

insincerity in defending its creeds.

"I suppose you will find it proper to take notice of the impressment of

American seamen by the Captains of British vessels, and procure a list

of such captains and report them to their government. This pretence

of searching for british seamen is a new pretence for visiting and

searching American vessels....

"I am passing some time at this place at the house of a friend till the

wood cutting time comes on, and I shall engage some cutters here and

then return to New Rochelle. I wrote to Mr. Madison concerning the

report that the british Government had cautioned ours not to pay

the purchase money for Louisiana, as they intended to take it for

themselves. I have received his [negative] answer, and I pray you make

him my compliments.

"We are still afflicted with the yellow fever, and the Doctors are

disputing whether it is an imported or a domestic disease. Would it not

be a good measure to prohibit the arrival of all vessels from the West

Indies from the last of June to the middle of October. If this was

done this session of Congress, and we escaped the fever next summer, we

should always know how to escape it. I question if performing quarantine

is a sufficient guard. The disease may be in the cargo, especially that

part which is barrelled up, and not in the persons on board, and when

that cargo is opened on our wharfs, the hot steaming air in contact with

the ground imbibes the infection. I can conceive that infected air can

be barrelled up, not in a hogshead of rum, nor perhaps sucre, but in

a barrel of coffee. I am badly off in this place for pen and Ink, and

short of paper. I heard yesterday from Boston that our old friend S.

Adams was at the point of death. Accept my best wishes."

When Madame Bonneville left France it was understood that her husband

would soon follow, but he did not come, nor was any letter received from

him. This was probably the most important allusion in a letter of Paine,

dated New York, March 1, 1804, to "Citizen Skipwith, Agent Commercial

d'Amerique, Paris."

"Dear Friend--I have just a moment to write you a line by a friend who

is on the point of sailing for Bordeaux. The Republican interest is now

compleatly triumphant. The change within this last year has been great.

We have now 14 States out of 17,--N. Hampshire, Mass. and Connecticut

stand out. I much question if any person will be started against Mr.

Jefferson. Burr is rejected for the vice-presidency; he is now putting

up for Governor of N. York. Mr. Clinton will be run for vice-president.

Morgan Lewis, Chief Justice of the State of N. Y. is the Republican

candidate for Governor of that State.

"I have not received a line from Paris, except a letter from Este, since

I left it. We have now been nearly 80 days without news from Europe.

What is Barlow about? I have not heard anything from him except that

he is _always_ coming. What is Bonneville about? Not a line has been

received from aim. Respectful compliments to Mr. Livingston and family.

Yours in friendship."

Madame Bonneville, unable to speak English, found Bordentown dull,

and soon turned up in New York. She ordered rooms in Wilburn's

boarding-house, where Paine was lodging, and the author found the

situation rather complicated The family was absolutely without means

of their own, and Paine, who had given them a comfortable home at

Bordentown, was annoyed by their coming on to New York. Anxiety is shown

in the following letter written at 16 Gold St., New York, March 24th, to

"Mr. Hyer, Bordenton, N. J."

"Dear Sir,--I received your letter by Mr. Nixon, and also a former

letter, but I have been so unwell this winter with a fit of gout, tho'

not so bad as I had at Bordenton about twenty years ago, that I could

not write, and after I got better I got a fall on the ice in the garden

where I lodge that threw me back for above a month. I was obliged to get

a person to copy off the letter to the people of England, published

in the Aurora, March 7, as I dictated it verbally, for all the time my

complaint continued. My health and spirits were as good as ever. It

was my intention to have cut a large quantity of wood for the New York

market, and in that case you would have had the money directly, but this

accident and the gout prevented my doing anything. I shall now have to

take up some money upon it, which I shall do by the first of May to put

Mrs. Bonneville into business, and I shall then discharge her bill. In

the mean time I wish you to receive a quarter's rent due on the 1st of

April from Mrs Richardson, at $25 per ann., and to call on Mrs. Read for

40 or 50 dollars, or what you can get, and to give a receipt in my name.

Col. Kirkbride should have discharged your bill, it was what he engaged

to do. Mrs. Wharton owes for the rent of the house while she lived in

it, unless Col. Kirkbride has taken it into his accounts. Samuel Hileyar

owes me 84 dollars lent him in hard money. Mr. Nixon spake to me about

hiring my house, but as I did not know if Mrs. Richardson intended to

stay in it or quit it I could give no positive answer, but said I would

write to you about it. Israel Butler also writes me about taking at the

same rent as Richardson pays. I will be obliged to you to let the house

as you may judge best. I shall make a visit to Bordenton in the spring,

and I shall call at your house first.

"There have been several arrivals here in short passages from England.

P. Porcupine, I see, is become the panegyrist of Bonaparte. You will see

it in the Aurora of March 19, and also the message of Bonaparte to the

french legislature. It is a good thing.

"Mrs. Bonneville sends her compliments. She would have wrote, but she

cannot yet venture to write in English. I congratulate you on your new

appointment.

"Yours in friendship."*

* I am indebted for this letter to the N. Y. Hist. Society,

which owns the original ought to be fulfilled." The

following passages may be quoted:

"In casting my eye over England and America, and comparing

them together, the difference is very striking. The two

countries were created by the same power, and peopled from

the same stock. What then has caused the difference? Have

those who emigrated to America improved, or those whom they

left behind degenerated?... We see America flourishing

in peace, cultivating friendship with all nations, and

reducing her public debt and taxes, incurred by the

revolution. On the contrary we see England almost

perpetually in war, or warlike disputes, and her debt and

taxes continually increasing. Could we suppose a stranger,

who knew nothing of the origin of the two nations, he would

from observation conclude that America was the old country,

experienced and sage, and England the new, eccentric and

wild. Scarcely had England drawn home her troops from

America, after the revolutionary war, than she was on the

point of plunging herself into a war with Holland, on

account of the Stadtholder; then with Russia; then with

Spain on account of the Nootka cat-skins; and actually with

France to prevent her revolution. Scarcely had she made

peace with France, and before she had fulfilled her own part

of the Treaty, than she declared war again, to avoid

fulfilling the Treaty. In her Treaty of peace with America,

she engaged to evacuate the western posts within six months;

but, having obtained peace, she refused to fulfil the

conditions, and kept possession of the posts, and embroiled

herself in an Indian war.* In her Treaty of peace with

France, she engaged to evacuate Malta within three months;

but, having obtained peace, she refused to evacuate Malta,

and began a new war."

* Paine's case is not quite sound at this point. The

Americans had not, on their side, fulfilled the condition of

paying their English debts.

(1804)

Paine's letter alluded to was printed in the _Aurora_ with the following

note:

"To the Editor.--As the good sense of the people in their elections has

now put the affairs of America in a prosperous condition at home and

abroad, there is nothing immediately important for the subject of a

letter. I therefore send you a piece on another subject."

The piece presently appeared as a pamphlet of sixteen pages with the

following title: "Thomas Paine to the People of England, on the Invasion

of England. Philadelphia: Printed at the Temple of Reason Press, Arch

Street. 1804." Once more the hope had risen in Paine's breast that

Napoleon was to turn liberator, and that England was to be set free. "If

the invasion succeed I hope Bonaparte will remember that this war

has not been provoked by the people. It is altogether the act of the

government without their consent or knowledge; and though the late

peace appears to have been insidious from the first, on the part of the

government, it was received by the people with a sincerity of joy."

He still hopes that the English people may be able to end the trouble

peacefully, by compelling Parliament to fulfil the Treaty of Amiens.

Paine points out that the failure of the French Revolution was due to

"the provocative interference of foreign powers, of which Pitt was

the principal and vindictive agent," and affirms the success of

representative government in the United States after thirty years'

trial. "The people of England have now two revolutions before them,--the

one as an example, the other as a warning. Their own wisdom will direct

them what to choose and what to avoid; and in everything which regards

their happiness, combined with the common good of mankind, I wish them

honor and success."

During this summer, Paine wrote a brilliant paper on a memorial sent

to Congress from the French inhabitants of Louisiana. They demanded

immediate admission to equal Statehood, also the right to continue

the importation of negro slaves. Paine reminds the memorialists of

the "mischief caused in France by the possession of power before they

understood principles." After explaining their position, and the

freedom they have acquired by the merits of others, he points out their

ignorance of human "rights" as shown in their guilty notion that to

enslave others is among them. "Dare you put up a petition to Heaven

for such a power, without fearing to be struck from the earth by its

justice? Why, then, do you ask it of man against man? Do you want to

renew in Louisiana the horrors of Domingo?"

This article (dated September 22d) produced great effect. John Randolph

of Roanoke, in a letter to Albert Gallatin (October 14th), advises

"the printing of... thousand copies of Tom Paine's answer to their

remonstrance, and transmitting them by as many thousand troops, who

can speak a language perfectly intelligible to the people of Louisiana,

whatever that of their governor may be."

Nicolas Bonneville still giving no sign, and Madame being uneconomical

in her notions of money, Paine thought it necessary--morally and

financially--to let it be known that he was not responsible for her

debts. When, therefore, Wilburn applied to him for her board ($35),

Paine declined to pay, and was sued. Paine pleaded _non assumpsit_, and,

after gaining the case, paid Wilburn the money.

It presently turned out that the surveillance of Nicolas Bonneville did

not permit him to leave France, and, as he was not permitted to resume

his journal or publications, he could neither join his family nor assist

them.

Paine now resolved to reside on his farm. The following note was written

to Col. John Fellows. It is dated at New Rochelle, July 9th:

"Fellow Citizen,--As the weather is now getting hot at New York, and the

people begin to get out of town, you may as well come up here and help

me settle my accounts with the man who lives on the place. You will be

able to do this better than I shall, and in the mean time I can go on

with my literary works, without having my mind taken off by affairs of

a different kind. I have received a packet from Governor Clinton,

enclosing what I wrote for. If you come up by the stage you will stop

at the post-office, and they will direct you the way to the farm. It

is only a pleasant walk. I send a price for the Prospect; if the plan

mentioned in it is pursued, it will open a way to enlarge and give

establishment to the deistical church; but of this and some other things

we will talk when you come up, and the sooner the better. Yours in

friendship."

Paine was presently enjoying himself on his farm at New Rochelle, and

Madame Bonneville began to keep house for him.

"It is a pleasant and healthy situation [he wrote to Jefferson somewhat

later], commanding a prospect always green and peaceable, as New

Rochelle produces a great deal of grass and hay. The farm contains three

hundred acres, about one hundred of which is meadow land, one hundred

grazing and village land, and the remainder woodland. It is an oblong

about a mile and a half in length. I have sold off sixty-one acres and

a half for four thousand and twenty dollars. With this money I shall

improve the other part, and build an addition 34 feet by 32 to the

present dwelling."

He goes on into an architectural description, with drawings, of

the arched roof he intends to build, the present form of roof being

"unpleasing to the eye." He also draws an oak floor such as they make in

Paris, which he means to imitate.

With a black cook, Rachel Gidney, the family seemed to be getting on

with fair comfort; but on Christmas Eve an event occurred which came

near bringing Paine's plans to an abrupt conclusion. This is related

in a letter to William Carver, New York, dated January 16th, at New

Rochelle.

"Esteemed Friend,--I have recd, two letters from you, one giving an

account of your taking Thomas to Mr. Foster*--the other dated Jany.

12--I did not answer the first because I hoped to see you the next

Saturday or the Saturday after.

* Thomas Bonneville, Paine's godson, at school in Stonington.

What you heard of a gun being fired into the room is true--Robert and

Rachel were both gone out to keep Christmas Eve and about eight o'clock

at Night the gun were fired. I ran immediately out, one of Mr. Dean's

boys with me, but the person that had done it was gone. I directly

suspected who it was, and I halloed to him by name, that _he was

discovered_. I did this that the party who fired might know I was on the

watch. I cannot find any ball, but whatever the gun was charged with

passed through about three or four inches below the window making a hole

large enough to a finger to go through--the muzzle must have been very

near as the place is black with the powder, and the glass of the window

is shattered to pieces. Mr Shute after examining the place and getting

what information could be had, issued a warrant to take up Derrick, and

after examination committed him.

"He is now on bail (five hundred dollars) to take his trial at the

supreme Court in May next. Derrick owes me forty-eight dollars for which

I have his note, and he was to work it out in making stone fence which

he has not even begun and besides this I have had to pay forty-two

pounds eleven shillings for which I had passed my word for him at Mr.

Pelton's store. Derrick borrowed the Gun under pretence of giving Mrs.

Bayeaux a Christmas Gun. He was with Purdy about two hours before the

attack on the house was made and he came from thence to Dean's half

drunk and brought with him a bottle of Rum, and Purdy was with him when

he was taken up.

"I am exceedingly well in health and shall always be glad to see you.

Hubbs tells me that your horse is getting better. Mrs. Shute sent for

the horse and took him when the first snow came but he leaped the fences

and came back. Hubbs says there is a bone broke. If this be the case I

suppose he has broke or cracked it in leaping a fence when he was lame

on the other hind leg, and hung with his hind legs in the fence. I am

glad to hear what you tell me of Thomas. He shall not want for anything

that is necessary if he be a good boy for he has no friend but me. You

have not given me any account about the meeting house. Remember me to

our Friends. Yours in friendship."

The window of the room said to have been Paine's study is close to the

ground, and it is marvellous that he was not murdered.**

* I am indebted for this letter to Dr. Clair J. Grece, of

England, whose uncle, Daniel Constable, probably got it from

Carver.

** Derrick (or Dederick) appears by the records at White

Plains to have been brought up for trial May 19, 1806, and

to have been recognized in the sum of $500 for his

appearance at the next Court of Oyer and Terminer and

General Gaol Delivery, and in the meantime to keep the peace

towards the

People, and especially towards Thomas Payne (sic). Paine, Christopher

Hubbs, and Andrew A. Dean were recognized in $50 to appear and give

evidence against Derrick. Nothing further appears in the records

(examined for me by Mr. B. D. Washburn up to 1810). It is pretty certain

that Paine did not press the charges.

The most momentous change which had come over America during Paine's

absence was the pro-slavery reaction. This had set in with the first

Congress. An effort was made by the Virginia representatives to check

the slave traffic by imposing a duty of $10 on each negro imported, but

was defeated by an alliance of members from more Southern States and

professedly antislavery men of the North. The Southern leader in this

first victory of slavery in Congress was Major Jackson of Georgia, who

defended the institution as scriptural and civilizing. The aged Dr.

Franklin published (Federal Gazette, March 25, 1790) a parody of

Jackson's speech, purporting to be a speech uttered in 1687 by a Divan

of Algiers in defence of piracy and slavery, against a sect of Erika,

or Purists, who had petitioned for their suppression. Franklin was now

president of the American Antislavery Society, founded in Philadelphia

in 1775 five weeks after the appearance of Paine's scheme of

emancipation (March 8, 1775). Dr. Rush was also active in the cause, and

to him Paine wrote (March 16, 1790) the letter on the subject elsewhere

quoted (L, p. 271). This letter was published by Rush (Columbian

Magazine, vol. ii., p. 318) while the country was still agitated by the

debate which was going on in Congress at the time when it was written,

on a petition of the Antislavery Society, signed by Franklin,--his

last public act.

Franklin died April 17, 1790, twenty-five days after the close of the

debate, in which he was bitterly denounced by the proslavery party.

Washington had pronounced the petition "inopportune,"--his presidential

mansion in New York was a few steps from the slave-market,--Jefferson

(now Secretary of State) had no word to say for it, Madison had smoothed

over the matter by a compromise. Thenceforth slavery had become a

suppressed subject, and the slave trade, whenever broached in Congress,

had maintained its immunity. In 1803, even under Jefferson's

administration, the negroes fleeing from oppression in Domingo were

forbidden asylum in America, because it was feared that they would

incite servile insurrections. That the United States, under presidency

of Jefferson, should stand aloof from the struggle of the negroes in

Domingo for liberty, cut Paine to the heart. Unperturbed by the attempt

made on his own life a few days before, he wrote to Jefferson on New

Year's Day, 1805, (from New Rochelle,) what may be regarded as an

appeal:

{1805}

"Dear Sir,--I have some thoughts of coming to Washington this winter, as

I may as well spend a part of it there as elsewhere. But lest bad roads

or any other circumstance should prevent me I suggest a thought for

your consideration, and I shall be glad if in this case, as in that of

Louisiana, we may happen to think alike without knowing what each other

had thought of.

"The affair of Domingo will cause some trouble in either of the cases

in which it now stands. If armed merchantmen force their way through the

blockading fleet it will embarrass us with the french Government;

and, on the other hand, if the people of Domingo think that we show a

partiality to the french injurious to them there is danger they will

turn Pirates upon us, and become more injurious on account of vicinity

than the barbary powers, and England will encourage it, as she

encourages the Indians. Domingo is lost to France either as to the

Government or the possession of it, But if a way could be found out to

bring about a peace between france and Domingo through the mediation,

and under the guarantee of the United States, it would be beneficial to

all parties, and give us a great commercial and political standing,

not only with the present people of Domingo but with the West Indies

generally. And when we have gained their confidence by acts of

justice and friendship, they will listen to our advice in matters of

Civilization and Government, and prevent the danger of their becoming

pirates, which I think they will be, if driven to desperation.

"The United States is the only power that can undertake a measure of

this kind. She is now the Parent of the Western world, and her knowledge

of the local circumstances of it gives her an advantage in a matter of

this kind superior to any European Nation. She is enabled by situation,

and grow[ing] importance to become a guarantee, and to see, as far as

her advice and influence can operate, that the conditions on the part

of Domingo be fulfilled. It is also a measure that accords with

the humanity of her principles, with her policy, and her commercial

interest.

"All that Domingo wants of France, is, that France agree to let her

alone, and withdraw her forces by sea and land; and in return for

this Domingo to give her a monopoly of her commerce for a term of

years,--that is, to import from France all the utensils and manufactures

she may have occasion to use or consume (except such as she can more

conveniently procure from the manufactories of the United States), and

to pay for them in produce. France will gain more by this than she can

expect to do even by a conquest of the Island, and the advantage to

America will be that she will become the carrier of both, at least

during the present war.

"There was considerable dislike in Paris against the Expedition to

Domingo; and the events that have since taken place were then often

predicted. The opinion that generally prevailed at that time was that

the commerce of the Island was better than the conquest of it,--that the

conquest could not be accomplished without destroying the negroes, and

in that case the Island would be of no value.

"I think it might be signified to the french Government, yourself is

the best judge of the means, that the United States are disposed to

undertake an accommodation so as to put an end to this otherwise endless

slaughter on both sides, and to procure to France the best advantages in

point of commerce that the state of things will admit of. Such an offer,

whether accepted or not, cannot but be well received, and may lead to a

good end.

"There is now a fine snow, and if it continues I intend to set off

for Philadelphia in about eight days, and from thence to Washington.

I congratulate your constituents on the success of the election for

President and Vice-President.

"Yours in friendship,

"Thomas Paine."

The journey to Washington was given up, and Paine had to content himself

with his pen. He took in several newspapers, and was as keenly alive

as ever to the movements of the world. His chief anxiety was lest some

concession might be made to the Louisianians about the slave trade, that

region being an emporium of the traffic which grew more enterprising and

brutal as its term was at hand. Much was said of the great need of the

newly acquired region for more laborers, and it was known that Jefferson

was by no means so severe in his opposition to slavery as he was once

supposed to be. The President repeatedly invited Paine's views, and they

were given fully and freely. The following extracts are from a letter

dated New York, January 25, 1805:

"Mr. Levy Lincoln and Mr. Wingate called on me at N. York, where I

happened to be when they arrived on their Journey from Washington to

the Eastward: I find by Mr. Lincoln that the Louisiana Memorialists will

have to return as they came and the more decisively Congress put an

end to this business the better. The Cession of Louisiana is a great

acquisition; but great as it is it would be an incumbrance on the Union

were the prayer of the petitioners to be granted, nor would the lauds be

worth settling if the settlers are to be under a french jurisdiction....

When the emigrations from the United States into Louisiana become equal

to the number of french inhabitants it may then be proper and right to

erect such part where such equality exists into a constitutional state;

but to do it now would be sending the american settlers into exile....

For my own part, I wish the name of Louisiana to be lost, and this may

in a great measure be done by giving names to the new states that will

serve as descriptive of their situation or condition. France lost the

names and almost the remembrance of provinces by dividing them into

departments with appropriate names.

"Next to the acquisition of the territory and the Government of it

is that of settling it. The people of the Eastern States are the

best settlers of a new country, and of people from abroad the German

Peasantry are the best. The Irish in general are generous and dissolute.

The Scotch turn their attention to traffic, and the English to

manufactures. These people are more fitted to live in cities than to

be cultivators of new lands. I know not if in Virginia they are much

acquainted with the importation of German redemptioners, that is,

servants indented for a term of years. The best farmers in Pennsylvania

are those who came over in this manner or the descendants of them. The

price before the war used to be twenty pounds Pennsylvania currency for

an indented servant for four years, that is, the ship owner, got twenty

pounds per head passage money, so that upon two hundred persons he would

receive after their arrival four thousand pounds paid by the persons who

purchased the time of their indentures which was generally four

years. These would be the best people, of foreigners, to bring into

Louisiana--because they would grow to be citizens. Whereas bringing poor

negroes to work the lands in a state of slavery and wretchedness, is,

besides the immorality of it, the certain way of preventing population

and consequently of preventing revenue. I question if the revenue

arising from ten Negroes in the consumption of imported articles is

equal to that of one white citizen. In the articles of dress and of the

table it is almost impossible to make a comparison.

"These matters though they do not belong to the class of principles are

proper subjects for the consideration of Government; and it is always

fortunate when the interests of Government and that of humanity act

unitedly. But I much doubt if the Germans would come to be under a

french Jurisdiction. Congress must frame the laws under which they are

to serve out their time; after which Congress might give them a few

acres of land to begin with for themselves and they would soon be able

to buy more. I am inclined to believe that by adopting this method the

Country will be more peopled in about twenty years from the present time

than it has been in all the times of the french and Spaniards. Spain,

I believe, held it chiefly as a barrier to her dominions in Mexico, and

the less it was improved the better it agreed with that policy; and

as to france she never shewed any great disposition or gave any great

encouragement to colonizing. It is chiefly small countries, that are

straitened for room at home, like Holland and England, that go in quest

of foreign settlements....

"I have again seen and talked with the gentleman from Hamburg. He tells

me that some Vessels under pretence of shipping persons to America

carried them to England to serve as soldiers and sailors. He tells me

he has the Edict or Proclamation of the Senate of Hamburg forbidding

persons shipping themselves without the consent of the Senate, and that

he will give me a copy of it, which if he does soon enough I will send

with this letter. He says that the American Consul has been spoken to

respecting this kidnapping business under American pretences, but

that he says he has no authority to interfere. The German members of

Congress, or the Philadelphia merchants or ship-owners who have been

in the practice of importing German redemptioners, can give you better

information respecting the business of importation than I can. But the

redemptioners thus imported must be at the charge of the Captain or

ship owner till their time is sold. Some of the quaker Merchants of

Philadelphia went a great deal into the importation of German servants

or redemptioners. It agreed with the morality of their principles that

of bettering people's condition, and to put an end to the practice of

importing slaves. I think it not an unreasonable estimation to suppose

that the population of Louisiana may be increased ten thousand souls

every year. What retards the settlement of it is the want of labourers,

and until labourers can be had the sale of the lands will be slow. Were

I twenty years younger, and my name and reputation as well known in

European countries as it is now, I would contract for a quantity of land

in Louisiana and go to Europe and bring over settlers....

"It is probable that towards the close of the session I may make an

excursion to Washington. The piece on Gouverneur Morris's Oration

on Hamilton and that on the Louisiana Memorial are the last I have

published; and as every thing of public affairs is now on a good ground

I shall do as I did after the War, remain a quiet spectator and attend

now to my own affairs.

"I intend making a collection of all the pieces I have published,

beginning with Common Sense, and of what I have by me in manuscript,

and publish them by subscription. I have deferred doing this till the

presidential election should be over, but I believe there was not much

occasion for that caution. There is more hypocrisy than bigotry in

America. When I was in Connecticut the summer before last, I fell

in company with some Baptists among whom were three Ministers. The

conversation turned on the election for President, and one of them who

appeared to be a leading man said 'They cry out against Mr. Jefferson

because, they say he is a Deist. Well, a Deist may be a good man, and if

he think it right, it is right to him. For my own part, said he, 'I had

rather vote for a Deist than for a blue-skin presbyterian.' 'You judge

right,' said I, 'for a man that is not of any of the sectaries will hold

the balance even between all; but give power to a bigot of any sectary

and he will use it to the oppression of the rest, as the blue-skins

do in connection,' They all agree in this sentiment, and I have always

found it assented to in any company I have had occasion to use it.

"I judge the collection I speak of will make five volumes octavo of four

hundred pages each at two dollars a volume to be paid on delivery; and

as they will be delivered separately, as fast as they can be printed and

bound the subscribers may stop when they please. The three first volumes

will be political and each piece will be accompanied with an account

of the state of affairs at the time it was written, whether in America,

france, or England, which will also shew the occasion of writing it.

The first expression in the first No. of the Crisis published the 19th

December '76 is '_These are the times that try men's souls,_' It is

therefore necessary as explanatory to the expression in all future times

to shew what those times were. The two last volumes will be theological

and those who do not chuse to take them may let them alone. They will

have the right to do so, by the conditions of the subscription. I shall

also make a miscellaneous Volume of correspondence, Essays, and

some pieces of Poetry, which I believe will have some claim to

originality....

"I find by the Captain [from New Orleans] above mentioned that several

Liverpool ships have been at New Orleans. It is chiefly the people

of Liverpool that employ themselves in the slave trade and they bring

cargoes of those unfortunate Negroes to take back in return the hard

money and the produce of the country. Had I the command of the elements

I would blast Liverpool with fire and brimstone. It is the Sodom and

Gomorrah of brutality....

"I recollect when in France that you spoke of a plan of making the

Negroes tenants on a plantation, that is, allotting each Negroe family

a quantity of land for which they were to pay to the owner a certain

quantity of produce. I think that numbers of our free negroes might be

provided for in this manner in Louisiana. The best way that occurs to me

is for Congress to give them their passage to New Orleans, then for them

to hire themselves out to the planters for one or two years; they would

by this means learn plantation business, after which to place them on a

tract of land as before mentioned. A great many good things may now be

done; and I please myself with the idea of suggesting my thoughts to

you.

"Old Captain Landais who lives at Brooklyn on Long Island opposite

New York calls sometimes to see me. I knew him in Paris. He is a very

respectable old man. I wish something had been done for him in Congress

on his petition; for I think something is due to him, nor do I see how

the Statute of limitation can consistently apply to him. The law in John

Adams's administration, which cut off all commerce and communication

with france, cut him off from the chance of coming to America to put

in his claim. I suppose that the claims of some of our merchants on

England, france and Spain is more than 6 or 7 years standing yet no

law of limitation, that I know of take place between nations or between

individuals of different nations. I consider a statute of limitation to

be a domestic law, and can only have a domestic operation. Dr. Miller,

one of the New York Senators in Congress, knows Landais and can give you

an account of him.

"Concerning my former letter, on Domingo, I intended had I come to

Washington to have talked with Pichon about it--if you had approved that

method, for it can only be brought forward in an indirect way. The two

Emperors are at too great a distance in objects and in colour to have

any intercourse but by Fire and Sword, yet something I think might be

done. It is time I should close this long epistle. Yours in friendship."

Paine made but a brief stay in New York (where he boarded with William

Carver). His next letter (April 22d) is from New Rochelle, written to

John Fellows, an auctioneer in New York City, one of his most faithful

friends.

"Citizen: I send this by the N. Rochelle boat and have desired the

boatman to call on you with it. He is to bring up Bebia and Thomas and I

will be obliged to you to see them safe on board. The boat will leave N.

Y. on friday.

"I have left my pen knife at Carver's. It is, I believe, in the writing

desk. It is a small french pen knife that slides into the handle. I wish

Carver would look behind the chest in the bed room. I miss some papers

that I suppose are fallen down there. The boys will bring up with them

one pair of the blankets Mrs. Bonneville took down and also my best

blanket which is at Carver's.--I send enclosed three dollars for a ream

of writing paper and one dollar for some letter paper, and porterage to

the boat. I wish you to give the boys some good advice when you go with

them, and tell them that the better they behave the better it will be

for them. I am now their only dependance, and they ought to know it.

Yours in friendship."

"All my Nos. of the Prospect, while I was at Carver's, are left there.

The boys can bring them. I have received no No. since I came to New

Rochelle."'

The Thomas mentioned in this letter was Paine's godson, and "Bebia" was

Benjamin,--the late Brigadier-General Bonneville, U. S. A. The third

son, Louis, had been sent to his father in France. The _Prospect_ was

Elihu Palmer's rationalistic paper.

Early in this year a series of charges affecting Jefferson's public and

private character were published by one Hulbert, on the authority of

Thomas Turner of Virginia. Beginning with an old charge of cowardice,

while Governor (of which Jefferson had been acquitted by the Legislature

of Virginia), the accusation proceeded to instances of immorality,

persons and places being named. The following letter from New Rochelle,

July 19th, to John Fellows enclosed Paine's reply, which appeared in the

_American Citizen_, July 23d and 24th:

* This letter is in the possession of Mr. Grenville Kane,

Tuxedo, N. Y.

"Citizen--I inclose you two pieces for Cheetham's paper, which I wish

you to give to him yourself. He may publish one No. in one daily paper,

and the other number in the next daily paper, and then both in his

country paper. There has been a great deal of anonimous (sic) abuse

thrown out in the federal papers against Mr. Jefferson, but until some

names could be got hold of it was fighting the air to take any notice

of them. We have now got hold of two names, your townsman Hulbert, the

hypocritical Infidel of Sheffield, and Thomas Turner of Virginia, his

correspondent. I have already given Hulbert a basting with my name

to it, because he made use of my name in his speech in the Mass.

legislature. Turner has not given me the same cause in the letter he

wrote (and evidently) to Hulbert, and which Hulbert, (for it could be

no other person) has published in the Repertory to vindicate himself.

Turner has detailed his charges against Mr. Jefferson, and I have taken

them up one by one, which is the first time the opportunity has offered

for doing it; for before this it was promiscuous abuse. I have not

signed it either with my name or signature (Common Sense) because I

found myself obliged, in order to made such scoundrels feel a little

smart, to go somewhat out of my usual manner of writing, but there are

some sentiments and some expressions that will be supposed to be in my

stile, and I have no objection to that supposition, but I do not wish

Mr. Jefferson to be _obliged_ to know it is from me.

"Since receiving your letter, which contained no direct information of

any thing I wrote to you about, I have written myself to Mr. Barrett

accompanied with a piece for the editor of the Baltimore Evening Post,

who is an acquaintance of his, but I have received no answer from Mr.

B., neither has the piece been published in the Evening Post. I will be

obliged to you to call on him & to inform me about it. You did not

tell me if you called upon Foster; but at any rate do not delay the

enclosed.--I do not trouble you with any messages or compliments, for

you never deliver any. Your's in friendship."'

* I am indebted for this letter to Mr. John T. Robertson.

editor of the National Reformer, London.

By a minute comparison of the two alleged specifications of immorality,

Paine proved that one was intrinsically absurd, and the other without

trustworthy testimony. As for the charge of cowardice, Paine contended

that it was the duty of a civil magistrate to move out of danger, as

Congress had done in the Revolution. The article was signed "A Spark

from the Altar of '76," but the writer was easily recognized. The

service thus done Jefferson was greater than can now be easily realized.

Another paper by Paine was on "Constitutions, Governments and

Charters." It was an argument to prove the unconstitutionality in New

York of the power assumed by the legislature to grant charters. This

defeated the object of annual elections, by placing the act of one

legislature beyond the reach of its successor. He proposes that all

matters of "extraordinary legislation," such as those involving grants

of land and incorporations of companies, "shall be passed only by a

legislature succeeding the one in which it was proposed." Had such an

article been originally in the Constitution [of New York] the bribery

and corruption employed to seduce and manage the members of the late

legislature, in the affair of the Merchants' Bank, could not have taken

place. It would not have been worth while to bribe men to do what they

had no power of doing.

Madame Bonneville hated country life, and insisted on going to New

York. Paine was not sorry to have her leave, as she could not yet talk

English, and did not appreciate Paine's idea of plain living and high

thinking. She apparently had a notion that Paine had a mint of money,

and, like so many others, might have attributed to parsimony efforts

the unpaid author was making to save enough to give her children,

practically fatherless, some start in life. The philosophic solitude in

which he was left at New Rochelle is described in a letter (July 31st)

to John Fellows, in New York.