CHAPTER XII.

VOYAGE TO ENGLAND--ARRIVAL AT PLYMOUTH--REFLECTIONS--ARRIVE AT

THE PLACE OF MY NATIVITY--CHANGES--DEPOPULATION--LONDON--THE

THAMES--LIVERPOOL--EMBARK FOR NEW YORK--ARRIVAL--THE

AMERICANS--ENGLISH AND AMERICAN TOURISTS--ENGLAND AND

AMERICA--NEW YORK.

1842.--I embarked for England on the 18th of August, on board a small

schooner of sixty tons, deeply laden with fish and oil. It is scarcely

necessary to observe, that the accommodations the craft afforded

were of the meanest kind; but the inconveniences weighed lightly in

the scales, when compared with the anticipated delight of visiting

one's native land. We had a very fine passage; a steady fair breeze

carried us across the broad Atlantic in a fortnight. The green hills

of Cornwall came in view on the 1st of September, and I had the

satisfaction of treading the soil of England early on the 3d.

I remained a few days at Plymouth, to feast my eyes on scenery such as

I had long been a stranger to;--scenery, I may say, unrivalled by any

I had ever beheld at home or abroad. What spot in the world, in fact,

can present such varied charms, as the summit of Mount Edgecumb? where

the most refined taste, aided by the amplest means, has been employed

for a thousand years in beautifying the glorious landscape. To me,

just arrived from _Ungava_, the beauties of the scene were undoubtedly

heightened by the contrast; and one short visit to Mount Edgecumb

effaced from my mind the dreary prospect of bleak rocks, snow banks,

and icebergs, with which it had been so long and so sadly familiar,

and inspired it with a rapture and delight to which it had long been

a stranger. Yet this terrestrial paradise, I am informed, belongs to

a noble lord, who is a miserable invalid. Alas, for poor humanity!

neither wealth nor grandeur preserve their possessors from the ills

that flesh is heir to: and this nobleman may, perhaps, envy the lot of

the humblest individual that visits his enchanting domain.

Bidding adieu to Plymouth, and its delightful environs, I set out

for London on the 11th of September. The desire of home, however,

now urged me forward; so that even the wonders of this wonderful

city could not detain me. Passing over the uninteresting incidents of

steamboat and railroad travelling, I arrived on the 20th of September

at the spot from which I had started twenty-three years before. The

meeting of a mother with an only son, after so long an absence, need

not be described, nor the feelings the well-known scenes of youthful

sports and youthful joys gave rise to. These scenes were still the

same, as far as the hand of Nature was concerned:--there stood the

lofty Benmore, casting his sombre shades over the glassy surface of

Lochba, as in the days of yore; there were also the same heath-covered

hills and wooded dells, well stocked with sheep and cattle; but

the human inhabitants of the woods and dells--where were they?--far

distant from their much-loved native land in the wilds of America,

or toiling for a miserable existence in the crowded cities of the

Lowlands,--a sad change! The bleating of sheep, and lowing of cattle,

for the glad voices of a numerous population, happy and contented with

their lot, loyal to their sovereign, and devotedly attached to their

chiefs! But loyalty and attachment are but fancies, which, in these

utilitarian and trading days, are flat and unprofitable; yet the

aristocratical manufacturers of beef and mutton may live to feel the

truth of the lines of Goldsmith:--

"But a bold peasantry, their country's pride,

When once destroyed, can never be supplied."

I remained about six weeks in my native country, and set out for

London, where I arrived early in November,--"the beginning of the gay

season;" but it appeared to me the reverse. The city was shrouded in

a cloud of condensed smoke and fog, that shut out the light of heaven.

During three whole days the obscurity was so great that the steamboats

were prevented from plying on the Thames, and the gas-lights were

seen glimmering through the windows at noon-day. How applicable is

the description of the Roman historian to the Rome of our day:--"Caput

orbis terrarum, urbis magnificentiam augebant fora, templa, porticas,

aquæductus, theatra, horti denique, et ejus generis alia, ad quæ

vel lecta animus stupet." My time was too limited, however, and the

weather too unfavourable, to admit of my seeing all the "lions;" but

who would think of leaving London without visiting that wonderful

work--the Tunnel,--that lasting monument of the genius of a Brunell,

and of the wealth and enterprise of British merchants!

A Cockney may well boast of his great city, its wealth, its vast

population, and its magnificent buildings; but with regard to the

Thames, of which he is equally proud,--he that has seen the St.

Lawrence, the Hudson, the McKenzie, and many others, compared to which

the Thames is but a rivulet, may be excused if he cannot view its

not very limpid waters with the same extravagant admiration as the

Londoner, who calls the Serpentine a river, and dignifies a pond of a

few roods in extent with the name of a lake. Yet there is one feature

about the Thames, of which he can scarcely be too proud, and which

is unparalleled perhaps in the world,--the often-noticed "forest of

masts," extending farther than the eye can reach, and suggesting,--not

the silence and solitude of the forests with which I have been

familiar,--but the countless population, the wealth, and the grandeur

of Britain; and the might and the majesty of civilized and industrious

man.

I took leave of London on the 12th of September, and set out for

Liverpool by railroad, and reached it in six hours. I had sufficient

time to visit its docks, crowded by the ships of every nation; its

warehouses containing the produce of every clime; and, though last,

not least in my estimation, the splendid monument erected to the

memory of Nelson. No monument of stone or brass is necessary to

perpetuate our hero's fame; he lives in the heart of every true

Briton, and will ever live, till British oak and British prowess shall

cease to "rule the waves."

I embarked on the 15th of December on board a sailing-packet bound

for New York. These vessels are so punctual to the hour of sailing

advertised, that, if the wind proves contrary, and blows fresh, they

are towed out to sea by steamboats. This proved to be our case, and we

kept tacking about in the "chops" of the Channel for six days, when

a fair wind sprung up that soon carried us out of sight of England.

England! great and glorious country, adieu! I shall probably never

see thee more; but in quitting thy white-cliffed shores, I quit not my

ardent attachment and veneration for thee;--and now for _thy_ eldest

daughter beyond the ocean!

To me, who had spent so much of my lifetime in solitude, the tedium

of the voyage so much complained of was gaiety itself; with three

fellow-passengers besides the captain, the time passed very agreeably.

On board these floating palaces a passenger, in fact, finds everything

that can contribute to his comfort; the best of accommodation, the

best of fare, and the best of attendance; so that there is nothing

wanting but _stability_, to make him fancy himself in a first-class

hotel on shore.

The weather proved extremely favourable throughout the passage; not an

incident occurred worthy of notice; and on the 17th of January, 1843,

I landed safely at New York, and thus found myself for the first time

in a foreign land; and, since fate has so decreed, among a foreign

people. Yes! they are foreigners, if being called by another name, and

living under a different form of government can make them so; yet in

language, in laws, in religion, and in blood, we are the same. Their

ancestors brought abroad with them the same sentiments of regard

and attachment to their native land as we feel; they rejoiced in the

prosperity of Britain; felt proud of her victories, and grieved at

her misfortunes. Alas, how different the feelings of the present race!

Britain may, in fact, reckon the Americans of the present day her most

inveterate foes; those who are of our own kindred, and whom therefore

we might expect to stand by us in our hour of need, regard us with

more envy and hatred than the "hereditary foes" with whom we have been

for centuries engaged in mortal strife.

In resisting the arbitrary acts of a misguided government, the

American people only proved themselves possessed of the same noble

spirit that procured for their English progenitors the confirmation of

Magna Charta, and that hurled a tyrant from his throne. The heroes of

the American revolution nobly fought and conquered; they entered the

arena with fearful odds against them; they continued the struggle

under every disadvantage, save the sacredness of their cause; and

finally won the prize for which they contended. Of that prize the

Americans of the present day have undisputed possession; and nothing

can be more certain than that the Britons of the present day have no

wish to deprive them of it--even if they could. What cause, then, can

there be for still cherishing those feelings of animosity which the

unhappy disruption gave rise to? If our fathers quarrelled, cannot

we be friends? But are not the British themselves to blame, in

some measure, for the continuance of these irritated feelings? The

mercenary pens of prejudiced, narrow-minded individuals contribute

daily to add fuel to the flame. Our "Diaries," and our "Notes,"

replete with offensive remarks, are, from the cheapness of

publication, disseminated through the length and breadth of the Union,

and are in everybody's hands; and those foolish remarks are supposed

to be the sentiments of the British nation; when they are in fact

only the sentiments of individuals whose opinions are little valued at

home, and ought to be less valued abroad.

Circumstances taken into consideration, I think it very unfair to

draw comparisons between the social condition of young America, just

become a distinct nation, and of old England, whose empire has lasted

a thousand years. The American people are still too much occupied

with the necessaries of life to devote much of their time to its

elegancies; they are still engaged in the pursuits that ultimately

ensure wealth and real independence. Those results attained, what is

there to prevent the American gentleman from becoming as polished and

accomplished as his cousin in Britain? Can it be supposed, with the

least shadow of reason, that the short period that has elapsed since

the Revolution can have been sufficient to produce that alteration in

the character and manners of the Americans, which our travellers love

to exercise their wit upon? It is impossible. The Americans "guessed,"

and "calculated," and "speculated," while they were British subjects,

just as they do now; nor have they learned to chew, and spit, and

smoke tobacco since the 4th of July, 1782.

As to the peculiar phrases the Americans use in conversation, I am

convinced that their forefathers brought the greater part of them from

Britain, as many of those phrases are to be found in the works of

old English authors still extant. The English language as spoken in

America, is elegance itself, compared to the provincial dialects of

Britain, or even to the vile slang one hears in the streets of London.

This is a fact that every unprejudiced person who has travelled in

America must admit.

It appears Americans find leisure, of late years, to travel and take

notes, as well as their transatlantic brethren; and, in return for the

polite attentions of our travellers, describe England and Englishmen

in the bitter language of recrimination and retort; and thus the

enmity between the mother and daughter is kept alive and perpetuated.

A publication of this kind fell lately into my hands, entitled, "The

Glory and Shame of England." The writer, said to be a _Christian

minister_, with the malignity of baser minds, sinks and keeps in the

background her "glories," and brings into relief and dwells upon her

shameful parts; representing in the most sombre colours the misery of

the "squalid" population of our cities. Would to God there were not

so much truth in the picture! His reverence, however, seems to have

lost sight of the clergyman; and in gratifying his resentment against

England, and in his zeal to kindle the same unchristian feeling in

the breasts of his countrymen, has not hesitated to sacrifice the

truth;--and he a clergyman, whose office it is to "proclaim peace on

earth, and good-will to men!"

That there is much misery and wretchedness in England, none can deny;

but will not the well-informed philanthropist consider it rather as

our misfortune than our reproach?--consisting mainly, as that mass

of wretchedness does, of those ills which neither "kings nor laws can

cause or cure." What plan would this philanthropic divine recommend to

remove those evils, which, while he affects to deplore, he yet glories

over? Strip the nobility and land-owners of their possessions--convert

our monarchy into a republic--and the church into a "meetin ouse?"

These _reforms_ effected, would the people of England be permanently

benefited by them? Supposing the whole arable soil of England were

divided in equal portions among its crowded inhabitants, (passing

by the injustice of robbing the present proprietors of their lawful

possessions--many of them acquired by the same hard labour or skill

by which an artisan gains his weekly wages,) would the equality

of property long continue? Would not the sloth, improvidence, and

imprudence, that ever distinguish a great proportion of mankind; and

the industry, foresight, and ambition that characterise others, soon

bring many of the equal lots into one, thus forming a great estate,

the property of an individual,--when matters would just be at the

point where his reverence found them? And then, of course, would

follow another "equitable adjustment," to relieve the wants of the

poor, whose progenitors had squandered their patrimony. Or, admitting

that the lots remained in possession of the families to whom they were

originally granted, would the produce be equal to the maintenance

of their numerous descendants, when the property became divided and

subdivided into fifty or a hundred shares?

The present proprietors of the soil of England have, undoubtedly,

large incomes; but what becomes of those incomes? Do they not flow

back into the hands of the merchants, tradesmen, servants, &c.?--the

greater proportion, at least; for the sums expended by our tourists

on the continent form so inconsiderable a portion of those incomes,

as not to be worth mentioning. The same may be said of the _alleged_

wealth of the clergy; for (admitting the allegation) it all flows back

into the channels whence it issued; and, although neither belonging

to the Church of England, nor approving of her forms of government, I

do not think that her downfall would improve the _temporal_ condition

of the people. If we wish to remain a Christian nation, we cannot

dispense with the services of the clergy; and in order that those

services may be efficient, they must be maintained in independence and

respectability.

As to a republican form of government, that experiment has been

already tried in England, and failed; it may be tried again with no

better success. The circumstances in which the American people found

themselves after the Revolution, rendered the adoption of republican

institutions both safe and beneficial. They had learned by experience

that the remote position of their country secured their independence

from the ambitious projects of any power in Europe; while they had

nothing to fear from any power in America. Thus situated, any form of

government, consistent with the due maintenance of good order at home,

answered their purpose. The nascent republic might, at the period in

question, have adopted as its motto, "Liberty and Equality," with

the utmost propriety; for all enjoyed equal liberty, and nearly equal

fortunes. Experience, however, shows that liberty and equality cannot

long exist under any form of government; industry procures wealth,

wealth induces ambition, and ambition sighs after distinction and

power.

While America feels secure from the aggression of her neighbours,

Great Britain is surrounded by powerful states, some of whom afford

her daily proofs of their envy of her greatness and their hatred of

her power; and only want the ability, not the will, to annihilate

both. Those states are, for the most part, ruled by absolute or

despotic governments, who can call fleets and armies into action

without losing a moment in debating the justice or injustice, policy

or impolicy, of their movements. With such neighbours as these, would

the Messenger of Peace recommend the "Britishers" to adopt a form of

government which would necessitate them to debate and consult while

their enemies were acting; and to remit to the people to discuss the

question of peace or war, when they should be enlisting and drilling

them?

Columbia, happy land! the broad Atlantic intervenes between thee and

the envy or hatred of Europe; thy wide domain, presenting millions of

acres of untenanted land, stands open to the industry and enterprise

of thy citizens. How thankful, then, ought they to be for the

blessings they enjoy, compared with the condition of their brethren

"beyond the water," confined as they are to the narrow limits of their

sea-girt isle, whose soil is no longer sufficient for the support of

its over-crowded inhabitants, and surrounded by hostile nations, who

have long since pronounced the sentence, "_Delenda est Britannia!_"

"Boz" has already told his countrymen all that is worth telling about

New York, and something more. What the "Dickens" brought him to

the "Five Points?" Did he never visit Wapping with the same views,

whatever they might be? If he did, did he observe nothing in that sink

of filth and wickedness equal to the scenes that shocked him so much

in the outskirts of New York? One just arrived from England finds

little in this city to excite wonder or admiration, unless it be the

extraordinary width of some of the streets. Were those streets kept

clean, and the liberty of the pigs a little restrained, the citizens

might well boast of their superiority to most of the streets of our

British cities; and as their taste improves, everything unsightly will

be removed.

Nature has done much for New York: she possesses one of the finest

harbours in the world; her climate is pleasant and salubrious; and

one of the noblest rivers of America gives her the command of the

commercial resources of a country which equals in extent nearly all

Europe. New York will undoubtedly become one of the first cities in

the world; in commerce, in wealth, in population, she has advanced at

a prodigious rate within the last fifty years, and her progress is not

likely to be arrested.

The aqueduct that supplies the town with water, pure, wholesome, and

abundant, is well worth the notice of a stranger. This stupendous work

was executed at a cost of nine millions of dollars, and conveys the

water from a distance of forty miles!--the genius of the engineer

and the power of money overcoming every obstacle. The two great

reservoirs, near the city, present splendid specimens of that kind of

architecture. Happening in company to express my opinion of this work,

as reflecting the highest credit on the enterprise of the citizens, a

gentleman present, evidently an American, in reply to the compliment,

observed, "It is very much to their advantage, no doubt, and it will

also be much to their credit, if they pay the debt they incurred in

constructing it." The fact is, that this and many other public works

in the United States, have been executed by British capital. Would to

heaven that our _sympathising_ friends, who are so jealous in regard

to the honour of America, where a few thousand acres of worthless land

are concerned, were equally jealous in regard to it when, under the

newly-invented name of _repudiation_, the honour of their country is

tarnished by a vast system of unblushing robbery! Would to heaven that

their _sympathies_ were extended to the thousands who are involved in

misery and ruin by this audacious system of national perfidy!

If the art or ingenuity of the good citizens of New York has not

produced very many objects worthy of admiration, the faces of their

lovely fair make ample amends for it. Among the crowds of charmers

who throng the fashionable promenade of Broadway, scarcely an ordinary

face is to be seen. I, in fact, saw more pretty faces there in one

hour than in all my tour in Britain.

I landed in New York without any prejudice against the Americans, and

I now take leave of their commercial capital with feelings of esteem

and regret. In the society I frequented I neither saw nor heard

anything unworthy of, or unbecoming the descendants of Britons. Some

little peculiarities, the natural result of circumstances, I certainly

noticed; some differences also in their social life; but I shall leave

it to those who are disposed to find fault to criticise these matters.

Notes of a Twenty-Five Years' Service in the Hudson's Bay Territory. Volume II. · 第 12 / 22 章