The following examples of yantrams are given by Mr. Fawcett:--

Aksharamala.--Fifty-one letters. Used in connection with every other

yantram. Each letter has its own meaning, and does not represent any

word. In itself this yantram is powerless, but it gives life to all

others. It must be written on the same plate as the other yantram.

Sulini.--For protection against sorcery or devils, and to secure the

aid of the goddess.

Maha Sulini.--To prevent all kinds of harm through the devils,

chief of whom is Pulatini, he who eats infants. Women wear it to

avert miscarriage.

Ganapati.--To increase knowledge, and put away fear and shyness.

Sarasvati.--To enable its possessor to please his listeners, and

increase his knowledge.

Santana gopalam.--As a whole it represents Sri Krishna. Used by barren

women, so that they may bear children. It may be traced on a metal

plate and worn in the usual way, or on a slab of butter, which is

eaten. When the latter method is adopted, it is repeated on forty-one

consecutive days, during which the woman, as well as the Panikkar,

may not have sexual connection.

Navva.--Drawn in ashes of cow-dung on a new cloth, and tied round

the waist. It relieves a woman in labour.

Asvarudha (to climb a horse).--A person wearing it is able to

cover long distances easily on horseback, and he can make the most

refractory horse amenable by tying it round its neck. It will also

help to cure cattle.

"The charms," Mr. Fawcett explains, "are entirely inoperative, unless

accompanied in the first place with the mystic rite, which is the

secret of the Panikkar."

Many Kaniyans used formerly to be village schoolmasters, but, with the

abolition of the old methods of teaching, their number is steadily

decreasing. Some of them are clever physicians. Those who have no

pretension to learning live by making palm-leaf umbrellas, which

gives occupation to the women. But the industry is fast declining

before the competition of umbrellas imported from foreign countries.

The Kaniyans worship the sun, the planets, the moon, Ganesa and

Subramanya, Vishnu, Siva, and Baghavati. On each day of the week, the

planet, which is believed to preside over it, is specially worshipped

by an elaborate process, which is compulsorily gone through for at

least three weeks after a Kaniyan has become proficient in astrology,

and able to make calculations for himself.

It is generally believed that the supreme authority in all social

matters affecting the Kaniyan rests in British Malabar with the

Yogi already referred to, in Cochin and North Travancore with the

head of the Pazhur house, and in South Travancore with the eldest

member of a house at Manakkad in Trivandrum, known by the name of

Sankili. Practically, however, the spiritual headmen, called Kannalmas,

are independent. These Kannalmas are much respected, and well paid on

festive occasions by every Kaniyan house. They and other elders sit

in judgment on persons guilty of adultery, commensality with lower

castes, and other offences, and inflict punishments.

The Kaniyans observe both the tali-kettu ceremony before puberty,

and sambandham after that event. Inheritance is through the father,

and the eldest male of a family has the management of the ancestral

estate. Fraternal polyandry is said to have been common in olden

times, and Mr. Logan observes that, "like the Pandava brothers, as

they proudly point out, the Kanisans used formerly to have one wife

in common among several brothers, and this custom is still observed

by some of them." There is no restriction to the marriage of widows.

Concerning polyandry, Mr. Anantha Krishna Iyer states that "among the

Kaniyans, as well as among Panikkans, polyandry largely prevails. If

the young woman is intended to be the wife of several brothers, the

eldest brother goes to the bride's house, and gives her the cloth, and

takes her home the next day along with her parents and relations, who

are all well entertained. The young woman and the brothers are seated

together, and a sweet preparation is given to them, which signifies

that she has become the common wife of all. The Kalari Muppan (Nayar

headman of the village) also declares her to be such. The guests

depart, and the bridegroom (the eldest brother) and the bride are

invited to what they call virunnu-oon (sumptuous meal) in the house

of the latter, where they stay for a few days. The bridegroom then

returns home with the wife. The other brothers, one after another, are

similarly entertained along with the bride at her house. The brothers

cannot afford to live together for a long time, and they go from place

to place, earning their livelihood by astrology. Each brother is at

home only for a few days in each month; hence practically the woman

has only one husband at a time. If several of them happen to be at

home together for a few weeks, each in turn associates with the woman,

in accordance with the directions given by their mother."

The Kaniyans follow high-caste Hindus as regards many of their

ceremonies. They have their name-bestowing, food-giving and tuft-making

ceremonies, and also a superstitious rite called ittaluzhiyuka, or

exorcism in child-birth on the seventh or ninth day after the birth

of a child. A Kaniyan's education begins in his seventh year. In the

sixteenth year a ceremony, corresponding to the upanayana of the higher

castes, is performed. For forty-one days after, the Kannalma initiates

the young Kaniyan into the mysteries of astrology and witchcraft. He

is obliged to worship Subramanya, the tutelary god of the caste,

and abstains from meat and liquor. This may be taken as the close of

his Brahmacharya stage or Samavartana, as marriage cannot take place

before the observance of this ceremony.

On the subject of religion, Mr. Anantha Krishna Iyer writes that

"the Kalari Panikkans and the Kaniyans are generally Saivite

worshippers, but are not disinclined to the worship of Vishnu

also. It is said that their kalaris are forty-two feet long, and

contain the images of forty-two deities. The following are the most

important of them:--Subrahmanya, Sastha, Ganapati, Virabhadran,

Narasimha, Ashtabairavas, Hanuman, and Bhadrakali. Some of their

kalaris, which were seen by me, contained stone and metal images of

these gods. Every night a lamp is lighted in front of them for their

worship. During the Mandalam (forty days) from the first of Vrischikam

to the tenth of Dhanu (14th November to 25th December), the senior

member of the Panikkan's family bathes early in the morning, and

performs his pujas to all the gods, making offerings of boiled rice,

plantains and cocoanuts. On the fortieth day, i.e., the last day of

the Mandalam, a grand puja is performed individually to every one

of the deities in the kalari, and this lasts for twenty-four hours,

from sunrise to sunrise, when offerings of boiled rice, parched rice,

sheep and fowls are also given. This is the grand puja performed once

in the course of the year. Besides this, some of their deities command

their special reverence. For instance, Subrahmanya is adored for the

sake of astrology, Sastha for wealth and offspring. They are also

worshippers of Sakti in any of her following manifestations, namely,

Bala, Thripura, Mathangi, Ambika, Durga, Bhadrakali, the object of

which is to secure accuracy in their astrological predictions. Further,

every member of the caste proficient in astrology daily offers, after

an early bath, his prayers to the seven planets. Among the minor

deities whom they worship, are also Mallan, Mundian, Muni and Ayutha

Vadukan, the first three of which they worship for the prosperity of

their cattle, and the last four for their success in the training of

young men in athletic feats. These deities are represented by stones

placed at the root of some shady tree in their compounds. They also

worship the spirits of their ancestors, on the new-moon nights in

Karkadakam (July-August), Thulam (October-November), and Makaram

(December-January). The Kalari Panikkans celebrate a kind of feast

to the spirits of their female ancestors. This is generally done

a few days before the celebration of a wedding in their houses,

and is probably intended to obtain their blessings for the happy

married life of the bride. This corresponds to the performance of

Sumangalia Prarthana (feast for the spirits of departed virgins and

married women) performed by Brahmans in their families. At times

when small-pox, cholera, and other pestilential diseases prevail in a

village, special pujas are offered to Mariamma (the small-pox demon)

and Bhadrakali, who should be propitiated. On these occasions, their

priest turns Velichapad (oracle), and speaks to the village men as if

by inspiration, telling them when and how the maladies will subside."

Kaniyans were formerly buried, but are now, excepting young children,

cremated in a portion of the grounds of the habitation, or in a spot

adjacent thereto. The ashes are collected on the fourth day, and

deposited under water. In memory of the deceased, an annual offering

of food is made, and an oblation of water offered on every new moon.

The Potuvans or Kani Kuruppus are the barbers of the Kaniyans, and have

the privilege of being in attendance during marriages and funerals. It

is only after they have sprinkled water in the houses of polluted

Kaniyans that they again become pure. In fact, the Potuvans stand in

the same relation to the Kaniyans as the Marans to the Nayars. The

Potuvans are not expected to shave the Tinta Kaniyans.

The Kaniyans are said to keep at a distance of twenty-four feet from

a Brahman or Kshatriya, and half that distance from a Sudra. The

corresponding distances for a Tinta Kaniyan are thirty-six and

eighteen feet. This restriction is not fully observed in Trivandrum,

and south of it. It is noted by Mr. Anantha Krishna Iyer that, on

marriage occasions, a Nayar gives a gift of a few annas and betel

leaves to the astrologer, standing close beside him, and yet there

is no pollution. The Malayalam proverb "On marriage occasions the

Nayars give dakshina (gift), almost touching the hand," refers to

this fact. The Kaniyans cannot enter Brahmanical temples. They will

not receive food from Izhavans, except in a few villages in central

Travancore, but this is a regular practice with the Tinta Kaniyans. It

is believed that the Kaniyans proper have no objection to receiving

sweetmeats from Kammalans.

The Kaniyans have been summed up as a law-abiding people, who not

infrequently add agriculture to their avocations of village doctor,

prophet, or demon-driver, and are popular with Christians and

Muhammadans as well as with Hindus. [98]

The late Mr. Pogson, when Government astronomer, used to say that

his principal native assistant was an astronomer from 10 A.M. to 5

P.M. and an astrologer from 5 P.M. to 10 A.M.

Kannada.--Kannada (Kanarese) has, at recent times of census, been

returned as a linguistic or territorial division of various classes,

e.g., Agasa, Bedar, Devanga, Holeya, Koracha, Kumbara, Samagara,

Rachewar, and Uppiliyan.

Kanna Pulayan.--Described by the Rev. W. J. Richards [99] as Pulayans

of Travancore, who wear rather better and more artistically made

aprons than the Thanda Pulayan women.

Kannaku.--A prefix to the name of Nanchinat Vellalas in Travancore.

Kannan.--A sub-division of Kammalans, the members of which do braziers'

work.

Kannadiyan.--The Kannadiyans have been summed up [100] as "immigrants

from the province of Mysore. Their traditional occupation is

said to have been military service, although they follow, at the

present day, different pursuits in different districts. They are

usually cattle-breeders and cultivators in North and South Arcot and

Chingleput, and traders in the southern districts. Most of them are

Lingayats, but a few are Vaishnavites." "They are," it is stated,

[101] "in the Mysore State known as Gaulis. At their weddings, five

married women are selected, who are required to bathe as each of

the most important of the marriage ceremonies is performed, and are

alone allowed to cook for, or to touch the happy couple. Weddings

last eight days, during which time the bride and bridegroom must

not sit on anything but woollen blankets." Some Kannadiyans in the

Tanjore district are said to be weavers. For the following account

of the Kannadiyans of the Chingleput district I am indebted to

Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao.

About twenty miles from the city of Madras is a big tank (lake)

named after the village of Chembrambakam, which is close by. The

fertile land surrounding this tank is occupied, among others, by a

colony of Lingayats, of whom each household, as a rule, owns several

acres of land. With the cultivation thereof, they have the further

occupation of cattle grazing. They utilize the products of the cow

in various ways, and it supplies them with milk, butter and curds,

in the last two of which they carry on a lucrative trade in the

city of Madras. The curds sold by them are very highly appreciated

by Madras Brahmans, as they have a sour taste caused by keeping them

till fermentation has set in. So great is the demand for their curds

that advances of money are made to them, and regular delivery is thus

secured. Their price is higher than that of the local Madras curds,

and if a Lingayat buys the latter and sells them at the higher rate,

he is decisively stigmatised as being a "local." They will not even

touch sheep and goats, and believe that even the smell of these

animals will make cows and buffaloes barren.

Though the chief settlement of the Lingayats is at Chembrambakam, they

are also to be found in the adjacent villages and in the Conjeeveram

taluk, and, in all, they number, in the Chingleput district, about

four thousand.

The Lingayats have no idea how their forefathers came to the Chingleput

district. Questioned whether they have any relatives in Mysore, many

answered in the affirmative, and one even pointed to one in a high

official position as a close relation. Another said that the Gurukkal

or Jangam (priest) is one and the same man for the Mysore Lingayats and

themselves. A third told me of his grandfather's wanderings in Mysore,

Bellary, and other places of importance to the Lingayats. I have also

heard the story that, on the Chembrambakam Lingayats being divided into

two factions through disputes among the local caste-men, a Lingayat

priest came from Mysore, and brought about their union. These few

facts suffice to show that the Lingayats are emigrants from Mysore,

and not converts from the indigenous populations of the district. But

what as to the date of their immigration? The earliest date which

can, with any show of reason, be ascribed thereto seems to be towards

the end of the seventeenth century, when Chikka Deva Raja ruled over

Mysore. He adopted violent repressive measures against the Lingayats

for quelling a widespread insurrection, which they had fomented

against him throughout the State. His measures of financial reform

deprived the Lingayat priesthood of its local leadership and much

of its pecuniary profit. What followed may best be stated in the

words of Colonel Wilks, [102] the Mysore historian. "Everywhere the

inverted plough, suspended from the tree at the gate of the village,

whose shade forms a place of assembly for its inhabitants, announced

a state of insurrection. Having determined not to till the land, the

husbandmen deserted their villages, and assembled in some places like

fugitives seeking a distant settlement; in others as rebels breathing

revenge. Chikka Deva Raja, however, was too prompt in his measures to

admit of any very formidable combination. Before proceeding to measures

of open violence, he adopted a plan of perfidy and horror, yielding to

nothing which we find recorded in the annals of the most sanguinary

people. An invitation was sent to all the Jangam priests to meet the

Raja at the great temple of Nunjengod, ostensibly to converse with him

on the subject of the refractory conduct of their followers. Treachery

was apprehended, and the number which assembled was estimated at about

four hundred only. A large pit had been previously prepared in a walled

enclosure, connected by a series of squares composed of tent walls with

the canopy of audience, at which they were received one at a time, and,

after making their obeisance, were desired to retire to a place where,

according to custom, they expected to find refreshments prepared at

the expense of the Raja. Expert executioners were in waiting in the

square, and every individual in succession was so skilfully beheaded

and tumbled into the pit as to give no alarm to those who followed,

and the business of the public audience went on without interruption

or suspicion. Circular orders had been sent for the destruction on

the same day of all the Jangam Mutts (places of residence and worship)

in his dominions, and the number reported to have been destroyed was

upwards of seven hundred.... This notable achievement was followed

by the operations of the troops, chiefly cavalry. The orders were

distinct and simple--to charge without parley into the midst of

the mob; to cut down every man wearing an orange-coloured robe (the

peculiar garb of the Jangam priests)."

How far the husbandmen carried out their threat of seeking a distant

settlement it is impossible, at this distance of time, to determine. If

the theory of religious persecution as the cause of their emigration

has not an air of certainty about it, it is at least plausible.

If the beginning of the eighteenth century is the earliest, the end of

that century is the latest date that can be set down for the Lingayat

emigration. That century was perhaps the most troublous one in the

modern history of India. Armies were passing and repassing the ghats,

and I have heard from some old gentlemen that the Chingleput Lingayats,

who are mostly shepherds, accompanied the troops in the humble capacity

of purveyors of milk and butter.

Whatever the causes of their emigration, we find them in the Chingleput

district ordinarily reckoning the Mysore, Salem and Bellary Lingayats

as of their own stock. They freely mix with each other, and I hear

contract marital alliances with one another. They speak the Kannada

(Kanarese) language--the language of Mysore and Bellary. They

call themselves by the name of Kannadiyans or Kannadiyars,

after the language they speak, and the part of the village they

inhabit--Kannadipauliem, or village of the Kannadiyars. In parts of

Madras they are known as Kavadi and Kavadiga (=bearers of head-loads).

Both men and women are possessed of great stamina. Almost every other

day they walk to and fro, in all seasons, more than twenty miles by

road to sell their butter and curds in Madras. While so journeying,

they carry on their heads a curd pot in a rattan basket containing

three or four Madras measures of curds, besides another pot containing

a measure or so of butter. Some of the men are good acrobats and

gymnasts, and I have seen a very old man successively break in two

four cocoanuts, each placed on three or four crystals of common salt,

leaving the crystals almost intact. And I have heard that there are

men who can so break fifty cocoanuts--perhaps an exaggeration for a

considerable number. In general the women may be termed beautiful,

and, in Mysore, the Lingayat women are, by common consent, regarded

as models of feminine beauty.

These Lingayats are divided into two classes, viz., Gauliyars of Damara

village, and Kadaperi or Kannadiyars proper, of Chembrambakam and

other places. The Gauliyars carry their curd pots in rattan baskets;

the Kannadiyars in bamboo baskets. Each class has its own beat in

the city of Madras, and, while the majority of the rattan basket

men traffic mainly in Triplicane, the bamboo basket men carry on

their business in Georgetown and other localities. The two classes

worship the same gods, feed together, but do not intermarry. The

rattan is considered superior to the bamboo section. Both sections

are sub-divided into a large number of exogamous septs or bedagagulu,

of which the meaning, with a few exceptions, e.g., split cane, bear,

and fruit of Eugenia Jambolana, is not clear.

Monogamy appears to be the general rule among them, but polygamy to

the extent of having two wives, the second to counteract the sterility

of the first, is not rare. Marriage before puberty is the rule, which

must not be transgressed. And it is a common thing to see small boys

grazing the cattle, who are married to babies hardly more than a year

old. Marriages are arranged by the parents, or through intermediaries,

with the tacit approval of the community as a whole. The marriage

ceremony generally lasts about nine or ten days, and, to lessen

the expenses for the individual, several families club together and

celebrate their marriages simultaneously. All the preliminaries such

as inviting the wedding guests, etc., are attended to by the agent

of the community, who is called Chaudri. The appointment of agent

is hereditary.

The first day of the marriage ceremony is employed in the erection

of the booth or pandal. On the following day, the bodice-wearing

ceremony is performed. The bride and bridegroom are presented with

new clothes, which they put on amid general merriment. In connection

with this ceremony, the following Mysore story may not be out of

place. When Tipu Sultan once saw a Lingayat woman selling curds in

the street without a body cloth, he ordered the cutting off of her

breasts. Since then the wearing of long garments has come into use

among the whole female population of Mysore.

The third day is the most important, as it is on that day that the

Muhurtham, or tali-tying ceremony, takes place, and an incident of

quite an exceptional character comes off amid general laughter. A

Brahman (generally a Saivite) is formally invited to attend, and

pretends that he is unable to do so. But he is, with mock gravity,

pressed hard to do so, and, after repeated guarantees of good faith,

he finally consents with great reluctance and misgivings. On his

arrival at the marriage booth, the headman of the family in which the

marriage is taking place seizes him roughly by the head, and ties as

tightly as possible five cocoanuts to the kudumi, or lock of hair at

the back of the head, amidst the loud, though not real, protestations

of the victim. All those present, with all seriousness, pacify him,

and he is cheered by the sight of five rupees, which are presented

to him. This gift he readily accepts, together with a pair of new

cloths and pan-supari (betel leaves and areca nuts). Meanwhile the

young folk have been making sport of him by throwing at his new and

old clothes big empty brinjal fruits (Solanum Melongena) filled with

turmeric powder and chunam (lime). He goes for the boys, who dodge

him, and at last the elders beat off the youngsters with the remark

that "after all he is a Brahman, and ought not to be trifled with in

this way." The Brahman then takes leave, and is heard of no more in

connection with the wedding rites. The whole ceremony has a decided

ring of mockery about it, and leads one to the conclusion that it

is celebrated more in derision than in honour of the Brahmans. It

is a notorious fact that the Lingayats will not even accept water

from a Brahman's hands, and do not, like many other castes, require

his services in connection with marriage or funeral ceremonies. The

practice of tying cocoanuts to the hair of the Brahman seems to be

confined to the bamboo section. But an equally curious custom is

observed by the rattan section. The village barber is invited to the

wedding, and the infant bride and bridegroom are seated naked before

him. He is provided with some ghi(clarified butter) in a cocoanut

shell, and has to sprinkle some of it on the head of the couple with a

grass or reed. He is, however, prevented from doing so by a somewhat

cruel contrivance. A big stone (representing the linga) is suspended

from his neck by a rope, and he is kept nodding to and fro by another

rope which is pulled by young lads behind him. Eventually they leave

off, and he sprinkles the ghi, and is dismissed with a few annas,

pan-supari, and the remains of the ghi. By means of the stone the

barber is for the moment turned into a Lingayat.

The officiating priest at the marriage ceremony is a man of

their own sect, and is known as the Gurukkal. They address him as

Ayyanavaru, a title generally reserved for Brahmans in Kannada-speaking

districts. The main items of expenditure at a wedding are the musician,

presents of clothes, and pan-supari, especially the areca nuts. One

man, who was not rich, told me that it cost him, for a marriage,

three maunds of nuts, and that guests come more for them than for

the meals, which he characterised as not fit for dogs.

Widow remarriage is permitted. But it is essential that the contracting

parties should be widower and widow. For such a marriage no pandal is

erected, but all the elders countenance it by their presence. Such

a marriage is known as naduvittu tali, because the tali is tied

in the mid-house. It is usually a simple affair, and finished in a

short time after sunset instead of in the day time. The offspring

of such marriages are considered as legitimate, and can inherit. But

remarried couples are disqualified from performing certain acts, e.g.,

the distribution of pan-supari at weddings, partaking in the harathi

ceremony, etc. The disqualifications attaching to remarried people

are, by a curious analogy, extended to deformed persons, who are,

in some cases, considered to be widowers and widows.

Among the ordinary names of males are Basappa, Linganna, Devanna,

Ellappa, Naganna; and of females Ellamma, Lingi and Nagamma. It is

said that all are entitled to the honorific Saudri; but the title

is specially reserved for the agent of their sect. Among common

nicknames are Chikka and Dodda Thamma (younger and elder brother),

Andi (beggar), Karapi (black woman), Guni (hunch back). In the Mysore

Province the most becoming method of addressing a Lingayat is to call

him Sivane. Their usual titles are Ravut, Appa, Anna, and Saudri.

The child-naming ceremony is a very important one. Five swords with

limes fixed to their edges are set in a line with equi-distant spaces

between them. By each sword are placed two plantain fruits, a cocoanut,

four dried dates, two cocoanut cups, pan-supari, and karamani (Vigna

Catiang) cakes. In front of the swords are also placed rice-balls

mixed with turmeric powder, various kinds of vegetables and fruits,

curds and milk. Opposite each sword five leaves are spread out, and

in front of each leaf a near relation of the family sits. The chief

woman of the house then brings five pots full of water, and gives

to each man a potful for the worship of the jangama linga which he

wears. She also brings consecrated cow-dung ashes. The men pour the

water over the linga, holding it in the left hand, and smear both the

linga and their faces with the ashes. The woman then retires, and the

guests partake of a hearty meal, at the conclusion of which the woman

reappears with five vessels full of water, with which they wash their

hands. The vessels are then broken, and thrown on a dung-heap. After

partaking of pan-supari and chunam (lime), each of the men ties up

some of the food in a towel, takes one of the swords in his hand,

and leaves the house without turning back. The headman of the family

then removes the limes from the swords, and puts them back in their

scabbards. The same evening the child is named. Sometimes this

ceremony, which is costly, is held even after the child is a year old.

When a death takes place, information is sent round to the relations

and castemen by two boys carrying little sticks in their hands. Under

the instructions of a priest, the inmates of the house begin to make

arrangements for the funeral. The corpse is washed, and the priest's

feet are also washed, and the refuse-water on the ground is poured

over the corpse or into its mouth. Among certain sections of Lingayats

it is customary, contrary to the usual Hindu practice, to invite the

friends and relations, who have come for the funeral, to a banquet,

at which the priest is a guest. It is said that the priest, after

partaking of food, vomits a portion of it, which is shared by the

members of the family. These practices do not seem to be followed by

the Chingleput Lingayats. A second bath is given to the corpse, and

then the nine orifices of the body are closed with cotton or cloth. The

corpse is then dressed as in life, and, if it be that of a priest, is

robed in the characteristic orange tawny dress. Before clothing it,

the consecrated cow-dung ashes are smeared over the forehead, arms,

chest, and abdomen. The bier is made like a car, such as is seen in

temple processions on the occasion of car festivals. To each of its

four bamboo posts are attached a plantain tree and a cocoanut, and

it is decorated with bright flowers. In the middle of the bier is a

wooden plank, on which the corpse is set in a sitting position. The

priest touches the dead body three or four times with his right leg,

and the funeral cortège, accompanied by weird village music, proceeds

to the burial-ground. The corpse, after removal from the bier, is

placed in the grave in a sitting posture, facing south, with the linga,

which the man had worn during life, in the mouth. Salt, according

to the means of the family, is thrown into the grave by friends and

relations, and it is considered that a man's life would be wasted if he

did not do this small service for a dead fellow-casteman. They quote

the proverb "Did he go unserviceable even for a handful of mud?" The

grave is filled in, and four lights are placed at the corners. The

priest, standing over the head of the corpse, faces the lamps, with

branches of Leucas aspera and Vitex Negundo at his feet. A cocoanut is

broken and camphor burnt, and the priest says "Lingannah (or whatever

the name of the dead man may be), leaving Nara Loka, you have gone

to Bhu Loka," which is a little incongruous, for Nara Loka and Bhu

Loka are identical. Perhaps the latter is a mistake for Swarga Loka,

the abode of bliss of Brahmanical theology. Possibly, Swarga Loka is

not mentioned, because it signifies the abode of Vishnu. Then the

priest calls out Oogay! Oogay! and the funeral ceremony is at an

end. On their return home the corpse-bearers, priest, and sons of

the deceased, take buttermilk, and apply it with the right hand to

the left side of the back. A Nandi (the sacred bull) is made of mud,

or bricks and mortar, and set up over the grave. Unmarried girls

and boys are buried in a lying position. From enquiries made among

the Lingayats of Chembarambakam, it appears that, when a death has

occurred, pollution is observed by the near relatives; and, even

if they are living at such distant places as Bellary or Bangalore,

pollution must be observed, and dissolved by a bath.

Basava attached no importance to pilgrimages. The Chingleput Lingayats,

however, perform what they call Jatray (i.e., pilgrimage), of which

the principal celebration takes place in Chittra-Vyasi (April-May),

and is called Virabhadra Jatray. The bamboo Lingayats of Chembarambakam

send word, with some raw rice, to the rattan Lingayats of Kadaperi

to come to the festival on a fixed day with the image of their god

Virabhadra. The Gauliyars of Kadaperi and other villages accordingly

proceed to a tank on the confines of the village of Chembrambakam,

and send word that they have responded to the call of their

brethren. The chief men of the village, accompanied by a crowd,

and the village musicians, start for the tank, and bring in the

Kadaperi guests. After a feast all retire for the night, and get up

at 3 A.M. for the celebration of the festival. Swords are unsheathed

from their scabbards, and there is a deafening noise from trumpets

and pipes. The images of Virabhadra are taken in procession to a tank,

and, on the way thither, the idol bearers and others pretend that they

are inspired, and bawl out the various names of the god. Sometimes

they become so frenzied that the people break cocoanuts on their

foreheads, or pierce their neck and wrists with a big needle, such as

is used in stitching gunny bags. Under this treatment the inspired

ones calm down. All along the route cocoanuts are broken, and may

amount to as many as four hundred, which become the perquisite of the

village washerman. When the tank is reached, pan-supari and kadalai

(Cicer arietinum) are distributed among the crowd. On the return

journey, the village washerman has to spread dupatis (cloths) for the

procession to walk over. At about noon a hearty meal is partaken of,

and the ceremony is at an end. After a few days, a return celebration

takes place at Kadaperi. The Virabhadra images of the two sections, it

may be noted, are regarded as brothers. Other ceremonial pilgrimages

are also made to Tirutani, Tiruvallur and Mylapore, and they go to

Tiruvallur on new moon days, bathe in the tank, and make offerings

to Vira Raghava, a Vaishnava deity. They do not observe the feast of

Pongal, which is so widely celebrated throughout Southern India. It

is said that the celebration thereof was stopped, because, on one

occasion, the cattle bolted, and the men who went in pursuit of them

never returned. The Ugadi, or new year feast, is observed by them as

a day of general mourning. They also observe the Kama festival with

great éclat, and one of their national songs relates to the burning

of Kama. When singing it during their journeys with the curd-pots,

they are said to lose themselves, and arrive at their destination

without knowing the distance that they have marched.

In addition to the grand Virabhadra festival, which is celebrated

annually, the Ariservai festival is also observed as a great

occasion. This is no doubt a Tamil rendering of the Sanskrit

Hariservai, which means the service of Hari or worship of Vishnu. It

is strange that Lingayats should have this formal worship of Vishnu,

and it must be a result of their environment, as they are surrounded

on all sides by Vaishnavite temples. More than six months before

the festival a meeting of elders is convened, and it is decided

that an assessment of three pies per basket shall be levied, and

the Saudri is made honorary treasurer of the fund. If a house has

two or more baskets, i.e., persons using baskets in their trade,

it must contribute a corresponding number of three pies. In other

words, the basket, and not the family, is the unit in their communal

finance. An invitation, accompanied by pan-supari, is sent to the

Thadans (Vaishnavite dramatists) near Conjeeveram, asking them

to attend the festival on the last Saturday of Paratasi, the four

Saturdays of which month are consecrated to Vishnu. The Thadans arrive

in due course at Chembrambakam, the centre of the bamboo section of

the Lingayats, and make arrangements for the festival. Invitations

are sent to five persons of the Lingayat community, who fast from

morning till evening. About 8 or 9 P.M., these five guests, who perhaps

represent priests for the occasion, arrive at the pandal (booth), and

leaves are spread out before them, and a meal of rice, dhal (Cajanus

indicus) water, cakes, broken cocoanuts, etc., is served to them. But,

instead of partaking thereof, they sit looking towards a lighted

lamp, and close their eyes in meditation. They then quietly retire

to their homes, where they take the evening meal. After a torchlight

procession with torches fed with ghi (clarified butter) the village

washermen come to the pandal, and collect together the leaves and

food, which have been left there. About 11 P.M. the villagers repair

to the spot where a dramatic performance of Hiranya Kasyapa Natakam,

or the Prahallada Charitram, is held during five alternate nights. The

latter play is based on a favourite story in the Bhagavatha, and it

is strange that it should be got up and witnessed by a community of

Saivites, some of whom (Vira Saivas) are such extremists that they

would not tolerate the sight of a Vaishnavite at a distance.

The Chembrambakam Lingayats appear to join the other villagers in

the performance of the annual puja (worship) to the village deity,

Namamdamma, who is worshipped in order to ward off cholera and cattle

disease. One mode of propitiating her is by sacrificing a goat,

collecting its entrails and placing them in a pot, with its mouth

covered with goat skin, which is taken round the village, and buried

in a corner. The pot is called Bali Setti, and he who comes in front

of it while it is being carried through the streets, is supposed to

be sure to suffer from serious illness, or even die. The sacrifice,

filling of the pot, and its carriage through the streets, are all

performed by low class Occhans and Vettiyans. The Chembrambakam

Lingayats assert that the cholera goddess has given a promise that

she will not attack any of their community, and keeps it faithfully,

and none of them die even during the worst cholera epidemics.

Kanni (rope).--A gotra of Kurni.

Kapata.--A name for rag-wearing Koragas.

Kappala (frog).--An exogamous sept of Madiga, and sub-division

of Yanadis, who are said to be frog-eaters. It is also a gotra of

Janappans, who have a legend that, when some of their family were

fishing, they caught a haul of big frogs instead of fish. Consequently,

members of this gotra will not injure frogs. I have seen frogs hanging

up for sale in the Cochin bazar.

Kappiliyan.--The Kappiliyans, or Karumpuraththals, as they are

sometimes called, are Canarese-speaking farmers, who are found

chiefly in Madura and Tinnevelly. It is noted, in the Manual of the

Madura district, that "a few of the original Poligars were Canarese;

and it is to be presumed that the Kappiliyans immigrated under their

auspices. They are a decent and respectable class of farmers. Their

most common agnomen is Koundan (or Kavandan)."

Some Kappiliyans say that they came south six or seven generations

ago, along with the Urumikkarans, from the banks of the Tungabhadra

river, because the Tottiyans tried to ravish their women. According

to another tradition, similar to that current among the Tottiyans,

"the caste was oppressed by the Musalmans of the north, fled across

the Tungabhadra, and was saved by two pongu (Pongamia glabra) trees

bridging an unfordable stream, which blocked their escape. They

travelled, says the legend, through Mysore to Conjeeveram, thence to

Coimbatore, and thence to the Madura district. The stay at Conjeeveram

is always emphasised, and is supported by the fact that the caste

has shrines dedicated to Kanchi Varadaraja Perumal." [103]

The Kappiliyans are one of the nine Kambalam castes, who are so called

because, at their caste council meetings, a kambli (blanket) is spread,

on which is placed a kalasam (brass vessel) filled with water, and

decorated with flowers. Its mouth is closed by mango leaves and a

cocoanut. According to the Gazetteer of the Madura district, they are

"split into two endogamous sub-divisions, namely the Dharmakattu, so

called because, out of charity, they allow widows to marry one more

husband, and the Munukattu, who permit a woman to have three husbands

in succession." They are also said to recognise, among themselves,

four sub-divisions, Vokkiliyan (cultivator), Muru Balayanoru (three

bangle people), Bottu Kattoru (bottu tying people), Vokkulothoru,

to the last of which the following notes mainly refer.

They have a large number of exogamous septs, which are further divided

into exogamous sub-septs, of which the following are examples:--

Sept. Sub-sept.

Basiriyoru { Hennu (female) Basiri.

{ Gandu (male) Basiri.

{ Loddu.

{ Palingi Loddu.

{ Kolingi Loddu.

Lodduvoru { Uddudhoru (Phaseolus Mungo, var.

{ radiatus).

{ Huniseyoru (tamarind people).

{ Mottuguni.

{ Manaloru, sand people.

One exogamous sept is called Ane (elephant), and as names of sub-septs,

named after animate or inanimate objects, I may mention Hatti (hamlet),

Arane (lizard) and Puli (tiger).

The affairs of the caste are regulated by a headman called Gauda,

assisted by the Saundari. In some places, the assistance of a Pallan

or Maravan called Jadipillai, is sought.

Marriage is, as a rule, adult, and the common emblem of married

life--the tali or bottu--is dispensed with. On the first day of

the marriage ceremonies, the bride and bridegroom are conducted,

towards evening, to the houses of their maternal uncles. There the

nalagu ceremony, or smearing the body with Phaseolus Mungo, sandal

and turmeric paste, is performed, and the uncles place toe-rings on

the feet of the contracting couple. On the following day, the bride's

price is paid, and betel is distributed, in the presence of a Kummara,

Urumikkaran, and washerman, to the villagers in a special order of

precedence. On the third day, the bridegroom goes in procession to

the house of the bride, and their fingers are linked together by

the maternal uncle or uncles. For this reason, the day is called Kai

Kudukahodina, or hand-locking day.

It is noted, in the Gazetteer of the Madura district, that "the binding

portions of the marriage ceremony are the donning by the bride of a

turmeric-coloured cloth sent her by bridegroom, and of black glass

bangles (unmarried girls may only wear bangles made of lac), and

the linking of the couple's little fingers. A man's right to marry

his paternal aunt's daughter is so rigorously insisted upon that,

as among the Tottiyans, ill-assorted matches are common. A woman,

whose husband is too young to fulfil the duties of his position,

is allowed to consort with his near relations, and the children so

begotten are treated as his. [It is said that a woman does not suffer

in reputation, if she cohabits with her brothers-in-law.] Adultery

outside the caste is punished by expulsion, and, to show that the

woman is thenceforward as good as dead, funeral ceremonies are solemnly

performed to some trinket of hers, and this is afterwards burnt."

At the first menstrual period, a girl remains under pollution

for thirteen days, in a corner of the house or outside it in the

village common land (mandai). If she remains within, her maternal

uncle makes a screen, and, if outside, a temporary hut, and, in

return for his services, receives a hearty meal. On the thirteenth

day the girl bathes in a tank (pond), and, as she enters the house,

has to pass over a pestle and a cake. Near the entrance, some food is

placed, which a dog is allowed to eat. While so doing, it receives

a severe beating. The more noise it makes, the better is the omen

for a large family of children. If the poor brute does not howl,

it is supposed that the girl will bear no children. A cotton thread,

dyed with turmeric, is tied round her neck by a married woman, and,

if she herself is married, she puts on glass bangles. The hut is

burnt down and the pots she used are broken to atoms.

The caste deities are said to be Lakkamma and Vira Lakkamma,

but they also worship other deities, such as Chenraya, Thimmappa,

and Siranga Perumal. Certain septs seem to have particular deities,

whom they worship. Thus Thimmaraya is reverenced by the Dasiriyoru,

and Malamma by the Hattiyoru.

The dead are as a rule cremated, but children, those who have died of

cholera, and pregnant women, are buried. In the case of the last, the

child is, before burial, removed from the mother's body. The funeral

ceremonies are carried out very much on the lines of those of the

Tottiyans. Fire is carried to the burning ground by a Chakkiliyan. On

the last day of the death ceremonies (karmandiram) cooked food, fruits

of Solanum xanthocarpum, and leaves of Leucas aspera are placed on a

tray, by the side of which a bit of a culm of Saccharum arundinaceum,

with leaves of Cynodon Dactylon twined round it, is deposited. The

tray is taken to a stream, on the bank of which an effigy is made,

to which the various articles are offered. A small quantity thereof is

placed on arka (Calotropis gigantea) leaves, to be eaten by crows. On

the return journey to the house, three men, the brother-in-law or

father-in-law of the deceased, and two sapindas (agnates) stand in a

row at a certain spot. A cloth is stretched before them as a screen,

over which they place their right hands. These a washerman touches

thrice with Cynodon leaves dipped in milk, cow's urine, and turmeric

water. The washerman then washes the hands with water. All the agnates

place new turbans on their heads, and go back in procession to the

village, accompanied by a Urimikkaran and washerman, who must be

present throughout the ceremony.

For the following note on the Kappiliyans of the Kambam valley, in

the Madura district, I am indebted to Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao. According

to a tradition which is current among them, they migrated from their

original home in search of new grazing ground for their cattle. The

herd, which they brought with them, still lives in its descendants

in the valley, which are small, active animals, well known for their

trotting powers. It is about a hundred and fifty strong, and is called

devaru avu in Canarese, and thambiran madu in Tamil, both meaning

the sacred herd. The cows are never milked, and their calves, when

they grow up, are not used for any purpose, except breeding. When

the cattle die, they are buried deep in the ground, and not handed

over to Chakkiliyans (leather-workers). One of the bulls goes by the

name of pattada avu, or the king bull. It is selected from the herd

by a quaint ceremonial. On an auspicious day, the castemen assemble,

and offer incense, camphor, cocoanuts, plantains, and betel to the

herd. Meanwhile, a bundle of sugar-cane is placed in front thereof,

and the spectators eagerly watch to see which of the bulls will

reach it first. The animal which does so is caught hold of, daubed

with turmeric, and decorated with flowers, and installed as the king

bull. It is styled Nanda Gopala, or Venugopalaswami, after Krishna, the

divine cattle-grazer, and is an object of adoration by the caste. To

meet the expenses of the ceremony, which amount to about two hundred

rupees, a subscription is raised among them. The king bull has a

special attendant, or driver, whose duties are to graze and worship

it. He belongs to the Maragala section of the Endar sub-division of

the caste. When he dies, a successor is appointed in the following

manner. Before the assembled castemen, puja (worship) is offered to

the sacred herd, and a young boy, "upon whom the god comes," points

out a man from among the Maragalas, who becomes the next driver. He

enjoys the inams, and is the custodian of the jewels presented to the

king bull in former days, and of the copper plates, whereon grants made

in its name are engraved. As many as nine of these copper grants were

entrusted to the keeping of a youthful driver, about sixteen years old,

in 1905. Most of them record grants from unknown kings. One Ponnum

Pandyan, a king of Gudalur, is recorded as having made grants of

land, and other presents to the bull. Others record gifts of land

from Ballala Raya and Rama Rayar. Only the names of the years are

recorded. None of the plates contain the saka dates. Before the annual

migration of the herd to the hills during the summer, a ceremony

is carried out, to determine whether the king bull is in favour of

its going. Two plates, one containing milk, and the other sugar,

are placed before the herd. Unless, or until the bull has come up to

them, and gone back, the migration does not take place. The driver,

or some one deputed to represent him, goes with the herd, which is

accompanied by most of the cattle of the neighbouring villages. The

driver is said to carry a pot of fresh-drawn milk within a kavadi

(shrine). On the day on which the return journey to the valley is

commenced, the pot is opened, and the milk is said to be found in a

hardened state. A slice thereof is cut off, and given to each person

who accompanied the herd to the hills. It is believed that the milk

would not remain in good condition, if the sacred herd had been in any

way injuriously affected during its sojourn there. The sacred herd is

recruited by certain calves dedicated as members thereof by people of

other castes in the neighbourhood of the valley. These calves, born

on the 1st of the month Thai (January-February), are dedicated to the

god Nandagopala, and are known as sanni pasuvu. They are branded on

the legs or buttocks, and their ears are slightly torn. They are not

used for ploughing or milking, and cannot be sold. They are added

to the sacred herd, but the male calves are kept distinct from the

male calves thereof. Many miracles are attributed to the successive

king bulls. During the fight between the Tottiyans and Kappiliyans at

Dindigul, a king bull left on the rock the permanent imprint of its

hoof, which is still believed to be visible. At a subsequent quarrel

between the same castes, at Dombacheri, a king bull made the sun turn

back in its course, and the shadow is still pointed under a tamarind

tree beneath which arbitration took place. For the assistance rendered

by the bull on this occasion, the Maragalas will not use the wood of

the tamarind tree, or of the vela tree, to which the bull was tied,

either for fuel or for house-building. The Kappiliyans have recently

(1906) raised Rs. 11,000 by taxing all members of the caste in the

Periyakulam taluk for three years, and have spent this sum in building

roomy masonry quarters at Kambam for the sacred herd. Their chief

grievance at present is that the same grazing fees are levied on their

animals as on mere ordinary cattle, which, they urge, is equivalent

to treating gods as equals of men. In the settlement of caste affairs,

oaths are taken within the enclosure for the sacred herd.

"Local tradition at Kambam (where a large proportion of the people

are Kappiliyans) says that the Anuppans, another Canarese caste, were

in great strength here in olden days, and that quarrels arose between

the two bodies, in the course of which the chief of the Kappiliyans,

Ramachcha Kavundan, was killed. With his dying breath he cursed the

Anuppans, and thenceforth they never prospered, and now not one of

them is left in the town. A fig tree to the east of the village is

shown as marking the place where Ramachcha's body was burned; near

it is the tank, the Ramachchankulam; and under the bank of this is

his math, where his ashes were deposited." [104]

Kapu.--The Kapus or Reddis are the largest caste in the Madras

Presidency, numbering more than two millions, and are the great caste

of cultivators, farmers, and squireens in the Telugu country. In

the Gazetteer of Anantapur they are described as being the great

land-holding body in the Telugu districts, who are held in much respect

as substantial, steady-going yeomen, and next to the Brahmans are the

leaders of Hindu Society. In the Salem Manual it is stated that "the

Reddis are provident. They spend their money on the land, but are not

parsimonious. They are always well dressed, if they can afford it. The

gold ornaments worn by the women or the men are of the finest kind

of gold. Their houses are always neat and well built, and the Reddis

give the idea of good substantial ryots. They live chiefly on ragi

(grain: Eleusine Coracana), and are a fine, powerful race." Of proverbs

relating to the hereditary occupation of the Reddis, the following

may be quoted. "Only a Reddi can cultivate the land, even though he

has to drink for every clod turned over." "Those are Reddis who get

their living by cultivating the earth." "The Reddi who grows arika

(Paspalum strobiculatum) can have but one cloth for man and wife."

"The term Kapu," Mr. H. A. Stuart writes, [105] "means a watchman, and

Reddi means a king. The Kapus or Reddis (Ratti) appear to have been

a powerful Dravidian tribe in the early centuries of the Christian

era, for they have left traces of their presence at various places

in almost every part of India. Though their power has been put down

from time to time by the Chalukyas, the Pallavas, and the Bellalas,

several families of zamindars came into existence after the captivity

of Pratapa Rudra of Warrangal in A.D. 1323 by the Muhammadan emperor

Ghiyas-ud-din Toghluk."

Writing in the Manual of the Salem district concerning the Kongu

kingdom, the Rev. T. Foulkes states that "the Kongu kingdom claims to

have existed from about the commencement of the Christian era, and to

have continued under its own independent kings down to nearly the end

of the ninth century A.D., when it was conquered by the Chola kings of

Tanjore, and annexed to their dominions. The earliest portion of the

Kongu Chronicle (one of the manuscripts of the Mackenzie collection)

gives a series of short notices of the reigns of twenty-eight kings

who ruled the country previous to its conquest by the Cholas. These

kings belonged to two distinct dynasties: the earlier line was of the

solar race, and the later line of the Ganga race. The earlier dynasty

had a succession of seven kings of the Ratti tribe, a tribe very

extensively distributed, which has at various periods left its mark

throughout almost every part of India. This is probably the earliest

reference to them as a ruling power, and it is the most southern

situation in which they ever held dominion. They disappear in these

parts about the end of the second century A.D.; and, in the next

historical references to them, we find them high up in the Northern

Dakkan, amongst the kingdoms conquered by the Chalukyas about the

fourth century A.D. soon after they first crossed the Nerbudda. In

the Kongu Chronicle they are stated to be of the solar race: and the

genealogies of this tribe accordingly trace them up to Kusha, the

second son of Rama, the hero of the great solar epic of the Hindus;

but their claim to this descent is not undisputed. They are, however,

sometimes said to be of the lunar race, and of the Yadava tribe,

though this latter statement is sometimes confined to the later

Rathors." According to the Rev. T. Foulkes, the name Ratti is found

under various forms, e.g., Irattu, Iretti, Radda, Rahtor, Rathaur,

Rashtra-kuta, Ratta, Reddi, etc.

In a note on the Rashtrakutas, Mr. J. F. Fleet writes [106] that "we

find that, from the first appearance of the Chalukyas in this part of

the country, in the fifth century A.D., the Kanarese districts of the

Bombay Presidency were held by them, with short periods of interruption

of their power caused by the invasions of the Pallavas and other

kings, down to about the early part or the middle of the eighth century

A.D. Their sway over this part of the country then ceased entirely for

a time. This was due to an invasion by the Rashtrakuta kings, who,

like their predecessors, came from the north.... It is difficult to

say when there was first a Rashtrakuta kingdom. The earliest notices

that we have of the family are contained in the western Chalukya

inscriptions. Thus, the Miraj plates tell us that Jayasimha I, restored

the fortunes of the Chalukya dynasty by defeating, among others,

one Indra of the Rashtrakuta family, who was the son of Krishna, and

who possessed an army of eight hundred elephants; and there is little

doubt that Appayika-Govinda, who, as we are told in the Aihole Meguti

inscription, came from the north and invaded the Chalukya kingdom

with his troops of elephants, and was repulsed by Pulikesi II, also

belonged to this same dynasty. It is plain, therefore, that in the

fifth and sixth centuries A.D. the Rashtrakuta dynasty was one of

considerable importance in central or in northern India. The later

inscriptions state that the Rashtrakutas were of the Somavamsa or

lunar race, and were descendants of Yadu. Dr. Burnell seems inclined

to look upon the family as of Dravidian origin, as he gives 'Rashtra'

as an instance of the Sanskritising of Dravidian names, and considers

it to be a mythological perversion for 'Ratta,' which is the same

as the Kanarese and Telugu 'Reddi.' Dr. Bühler is unable to record

any opinion as to 'whether the Rashtrakutas were an Aryan Kshatriya,

i.e., Rajput race, which immigrated into the Dekkan from the north

like the Chalukyas, or a Dravidian family which was received into

the Aryan community after the conquest of the Dekkan.' The earliest

inscriptions, at any rate, show them as coming from the north, and,

whatever may be their origin, as the word Rashtrakuta is used in many

inscriptions of other dynasties as the equivalent of Rashtrapati, i.e.,

as an official word meaning 'the headman or governor of a country or

district,' it appears to me that the selection of it as a dynastic

name implies that, prior to attaining independent sovereignty,

the Rashtrakutas were feudal chiefs under some previous dynasty,

of which they have not preserved any record."

It is a common saying among the Kapus that they can easily enumerate

all the varieties of rice, but it is impossible to give the names of

all the sections into which the caste is split up. Some say that there

are only fourteen of these, and use the phrase Panta padnalagu kulalu,

or Panta and fourteen sections.

The following sub-divisions are recorded by Mr. Stuart [107] as being

the most important:--

Ayodhya, or Oudh, where Rama is reputed to have lived. The sub-division

is found in Madura and Tinnevelly. They are very proud of their

supposed connection with Oudh. At the commencement of the marriage

ceremony, the bride's party asks the bridegroom's who they are, and

the answer is that they are Ayodhya Reddis. A similar question is

then asked by the bridegroom's party, and the bride's friends reply

that they are Mithila Reddis.

Balija. The chief Telugu trading caste. Many of the Balijas are

now engaged in cultivation, and this accounts for so many having

returned Kapu as their main caste, for Kapu is a common Telugu word

for a ryot or cultivator. It is not improbable that there was once

a closer connection than now between the Kapus and Balijas.

Bhumanchi (good earth).

Desur. Possibly residents originally of a place called Desur, though

some derive the word from deha, body, and sura, valour, saying that

they were renowned for their courage.

Gandi Kottai. Found in Madura and Tinnevelly. Named after Gandi Kota in

the Ceded districts, whence they are said to have emigrated southward.

Gazula (glass bangle makers). A sub-division of the Balijas. They are

said to have two sections, called Naga (cobra) and Tabelu (tortoise),

and, in some places, to keep their women gosha.

Kammapuri. These seem to be Kammas, who, in some places, pass as

Kapus. Some Kammas, for example, who have settled in the city of

Madras, call themselves Kapu or Reddi.

Morasa. A sub-division of the Vakkaligas. The Verala icche Kapulu,

or Kapus who give the fingers, have a custom which requires that,

when a grandchild is born in a family, the wife of the eldest son of

the grandfather must have the last two joints of the third and fourth

fingers of her right hand amputated at a temple of Bhairava.

Nerati, Nervati, or Neradu. Most numerous in Kurnool, and the Ceded

districts.

Oraganti. Said to have formerly worked in the salt-pans. The name is

possibly a corruption of Warangal, capital of the Pratapa Rudra.

Pakanati. Those who come from the eastern country (prak nadu).

Palle. In some places, the Pallis who have settled in the Telugu

country call themselves Palle Kapulu, and give as their gotra Jambumaha

Rishi, which is the gotra of the Pallis. Though they do not intermarry

with the Kapus, the Palle Kapulu may interdine with them.

Panta (Panta, a crop). The largest sub-division of all.

Pedaganti or Pedakanti. By some said to be named after a place called

Pedagallu. By others the word is said to be derived from peda, turned

aside, and kamma eye, indicating one who turns his eyes away from

the person who speaks to him. Another suggestion is that it means

stiff-necked. The Pedakantis are said to be known by their arrogance.

The following legend is narrated in the Baramahal Records. [108]

"On a time, the Guru or Patriarch came near a village, and put up in a

neighbouring grove until he sent in a Dasari to apprize his sectaries

of his approach. The Dasari called at the house of one of them, and

announced the arrival of the Guru, but the master of the house took no

notice of him, and, to avoid the Guru, he ran away through the back

door of the house, which is called peradu, and by chance came to the

grove, and was obliged to pay his respects to the Guru, who asked if

he had seen his Dasari, and he answered that he had been all day from

home. On which, the Guru sent for the Dasari, and demanded the reason

of his staying away so long, when he saw the master of the house was

not in it. The Dasari replied that the person was at home when he

went there, but that, on seeing him, he fled through the back door,

which the Guru finding true, he surnamed him the Peratiguntavaru or the

runaway through the back door, now corruptly called Perdagantuwaru,

and said that he would never honour him with another visit, and that

he and his descendants should henceforth have no Guru or Patriarch."

Pokanadu (poka, areca palm: Areca Catechu).

Velanati. Kapus from a foreign (veli) country.

Yerlam.

"The last division," Mr. Stuart writes, "are the most peculiar of

all, and are partly of Brahmanical descent. The story goes that a

Brahman girl named Yerlamma, not having been married by her parents

in childhood, as she should have been, was for that reason turned

out of her caste. A Kapu, or some say a Besta man, took compassion on

her, and to him she bore many children, the ancestors of the Yerlam

Kapu caste. In consequence of the harsh treatment of Yerlamma by her

parents and caste people, all her descendants hate Brahmans with a

deadly hatred, and look down upon them, affecting also to be superior

to every other caste. They are most exclusive, refusing to eat with any

caste whatever, or even to take chunam (lime for chewing with betel)

from any but their own people, whereas Brahmans will take lime from

a Sudra, provided a little curd be mixed with it. The Yerlam Kapus

do not employ priests of the Brahman or other religious classes

even for their marriages. At these no homam (sacred fire) ceremony

is performed, and no worship offered to Vigneswara, but they simply

ascertain a fortunate day and hour, and get an old matron (sumangali)

to tie the tali to the bride's neck, after which there is feasting

and merry-making."

The Panta Kapus are said to be divided into two tegas or endogamous

divisions, viz., Perama Reddi or Muduru Kapu (ripe or old Kapu); and

Katama Reddi or Letha Kapu (young or unripe Kapus). A sub-division

called Konda (hill) Kapus is mentioned by the Rev. J. Cain [109]

as being engaged in cultivation and the timber trade in the eastern

ghats near the Godavari river (see Konda Dora). Akula (betel-leaf

seller) was returned at the census, 1901, as a sub-caste of Kapus.

In the Census Report, 1891, Kapu (indicating cultivator), is given

as a sub-division of Chakkiliyans, Dommaras, Gadabas, Savaras and

Telis. It further occurs as a sub-division of Mangala. Some Maratha

cultivators in the Telugu country are known as Are Kapu. The Konda

Doras are also called Konda Kapus. In the Census Report, 1901, Pandu

is returned as a Tamil synonym, and Kampo as an Oriya form of Kapu.

Reddi is the usual title of the Kapus, and is the title by which the

village munsiff is called in the Telugu country, regardless of the

caste to which he may belong. Reddi also occurs as a sub-division

of cultivating Linga Balijas, Telugu Vadukans or Vadugans in the

Tamil country, Velamas, and Yanadis. It is further given as a name

for Kavarais engaged in agriculture, and as a title of the Kallangi

sub-division of Pallis, and Sadars. The name Sambuni Reddi is adopted

by some Palles engaged as fishermen.

As examples of exogamous septs among the Kapus, the following may

be cited:--

Avula, cow.

Alla, grain.

Bandi, cart.

Barrelu, buffaloes.

Dandu, army.

Gorre, sheep.

Gudise, hut.

Guntaka, harrow.

Kodla, fowl.

Mekala, goats.

Kanugala, Pongamia glabra.

Mungaru, woman's skirt.

Nagali, plough.

Tangedu, Cassia auriculata.

Udumala, Varanus bengalensis.

Varige, Setaria italica.

Yeddulu, bulls.

Yenuga, elephant.

At Conjeeveram, some Panta Reddis have true totemistic septs, of

which the following are examples:--

Magili (Pandanus fascicularis). Women do not, like women of

other castes, use the flower-bracts for the purpose of adorning

themselves. A man has been known to refuse to purchase some bamboo

mats, because they were tied with the fibre of this tree.

Ippi (Bassia longifolia). The tree, and its products, must not

be touched.

Mancham (cot). They avoid sleeping on cots.

Arigala (Paspalum scrobiculatum). The grain is not used as food.

Chintaginjalu (tamarind seeds). The seeds may not be touched,

or used.

Puccha (Citrullus vulgaris; water melon). The fruit may not

be eaten.

The Pichigunta vandlu, a class of mendicants who beg chiefly from

Kapus and Gollas, manufacture pedigrees and gotras for these castes

and the Kammas.

Concerning the origin of the Kapus, the following legend is

current. During the reign of Pratapa Rudra, the wife of one Belthi

Reddi secured by severe penance a brilliant ear ornament (kamma) from

the sun. This was stolen by the King's minister, as the King was very

anxious to secure it for his wife. Belthi Reddi's wife told her sons

to recover it, but her eldest son refused to have anything to do with

the matter, as the King was involved in it. The second son likewise

refused, and used foul language. The third son promised to secure

it, and, hearing this, one of his brothers ran away. Finally the

ornament was recovered by the youngest son. The Panta Kapus are said

to be descended from the eldest son, the Pakanatis from the second,

the Velamas from the son who ran away, and the Kammas from the son

who secured the jewel.

The Kapus are said to have originally dwelt in Ayodhya. During the

reign of Bharata, one Pillala Mari Belthi Reddi and his sons deceived

the King by appropriating all the grain to themselves, and giving him

the straw. The fraud was detected by Rama when he assumed charge of the

kingdom, and, as a punishment, he ordered the Kapus to bring Cucurbita

(pumpkin) fruits for the sradh (death ceremony) of Dasaratha. They

accordingly cultivated the plant, but, before the ceremony took

place, all the plants were uprooted by Hanuman, and no fruits were

forthcoming. In lieu thereof, they promised to offer gold equal in

weight to that of the pumpkin, and brought all of which they were

possessed. This they placed in the scales, but it was not sufficient to

counterbalance a pumpkin against which it was weighed. To make up the

deficiency in weight, the Kapu women removed their bottus (marriage

badges), and placed them in the scales. Since that time women of the

Motati and Pedakanti sections have substituted a cotton string dyed

with turmeric for the bottu. It is worthy of notice that a similar

legend is current among the Vakkaligas (cultivators) of Mysore, who,

instead of giving up the bottu, seem to have abandoned the cultivation

of the Cucurbita plant. The exposure of the fraud led Belthi Reddi

to leave Ayodhya with one of his wives and seventy-seven children,

leaving behind thirteen wives. In the course of their journey, they

had to cross the Silanadi (petrifying river), and, if they passed

through the water, they would have become petrified. So they went

to a place called Dhonakonda, and, after worshipping Ganga, the head

of the idol was cut off, and brought to the river bank. The waters,

like those of the Red Sea in the time of Pharaoh, were divided,

and the Kapus crossed on dry ground. In commemoration of this event,

the Kapus still worship Ganga during their marriage ceremonies. After

crossing the river, the travellers came to the temple of Mallikarjuna,

and helped the Jangams in the duties of looking after it. Some time

afterwards the Jangams left the place for a time, and placed the

temple in charge of the Kapus. On their return, the Kapus refused

to hand over charge to them, and it was decided that whoever should

go to Nagalokam (the abode of snakes), and bring back Naga Malligai

(jasmine from snake-land), should be considered the rightful owner of

the temple. The Jangams, who were skilled in the art of transformation,

leaving their mortal frames, went in search of the flower in the

guise of spirits. Taking advantage of this, the Kapus burnt the

bodies of the Jangams, and, when the spirits returned, there were no

bodies for them to enter. Thereon the god of the temple became angry,

and transformed the Jangams into crows, which attacked the Kapus,

who fled to the country of Oraganti Pratapa Rudra. As this King was

a Sakti worshipper, the crows ceased to harass the Kapus, who settled

down as cultivators. Of the produce of the land, nine-tenths were to

be given to the King, and the Kapus were to keep a tithe. At this time

the wife of Belthi Reddi was pregnant, and she asked her sons what they

would give to the son who was about to be born. They all promised to

give him half their earnings. The child grew into a learned man and

poet, and one day carried water to the field where his brothers were

at work. The vessel containing the water was only a small one, and

there was not enough water for all. But he prayed to Sarasvati, with

whose aid the vessel was always filled up. Towards evening, the grain

collected during the day was heaped together, with a view to setting

apart the share for the King. But a dispute arose among the brothers,

and it was decided that only a tithe should be given to him. The King,

being annoyed with the Kapus for not giving him his proper share,

waited for an opportunity to bring disgrace on Belthi Reddi, and

sought the assistance of a Jangam, who managed to become the servant

of Belthi Reddi's wife. After some time, he picked up her kamma when

it fell off while she was asleep, and handed it over to Pratapa Rudra,

who caused it to be proclaimed that he had secured the ornament as

a preliminary to securing the person of its owner. The eldest son of

Belthi Reddi, however, recovered the kamma in a fight with the King,

during which he carried his youngest brother on his back. From him the

Kammas are descended. The Velamas are descended from the sons who ran

away, and the Kapus from those who would neither fight nor run away.

Pollution at the first menstrual ceremony lasts, I am informed, for

sixteen days. Every day, both morning and evening, a dose of gingelly

(Sesamum) oil is administered to the girl, and, if it produces much

purging, she is treated with buffalo ghi (clarified butter). On

alternate days water is poured over her head, and from the neck

downwards. The cloth which she wears, whether new or old, becomes

the property of the washerwoman. On the first day the meals consist

of milk and dhal (Cajanus indicus), but on subsequent days cakes,

etc., are allowed.

In their marriage ceremonial, the Panta Reddis of the South Arcot and

Salem districts appear to follow the Brahmanical form. In the Telugu

country, however, it is as follows. On the pradhanam or betrothal

day, the party of the bridegroom-elect go in procession under a

canopy (ulladam), attended by musicians, and matrons carrying betel,

cocoanuts, date and plantain fruits, and turmeric on plates. As soon

as they have arrived at the courtyard of the future bride's house, she

seats herself on a plank. A Brahman purohit moulds a little turmeric

paste into a conical mass representing Vigneswara (the elephant god),

and it is worshipped by the girl, in front of whom the trays brought

by the women are placed. She is presented with a new cloth, which

she puts on, and a near female relation gives her three handfuls of

areca nuts, a few betel leaves, and the bride-price and jewels tied up

in a turmeric-dyed cloth. All these things the girl deposits in her

lap. The fathers of the contracting couple then exchange betel, with

the customary formula. "The girl is yours, and the money mine" and "The

money is yours, and the girl mine." Early on the wedding morning the

bridegroom's party, accompanied by a purohit and washerman (Tsakala),

go to fetch the bride from her house. The milk-post is set up, and is

usually made of a branch of Mimusops hexandra or, in the Tamil country,

Odina Wodier. On the conclusion of the marriage rites, the Odina post

is planted in the backyard, and, if it takes root and flourishes,

it is regarded as a happy omen for the newly married couple. A small

party of Kapus, taking with them some food and gingelly (Sesamum) oil,

proceed in procession beneath a canopy to the house of a washerman

(Tsakala), in order to obtain from him a framework made of bamboo or

sticks over which cotton threads are wound (dhornam), and the Ganga

idol, which is kept in his custody. The food is presented to him,

and some rice poured into his cloth. Receiving these things, he says

that he cannot find the dhornam and idol without a torch-light, and

demands gingelly oil. This is given to him, and the Kapus return with

the washerman carrying the dhornam and idol to the marriage house. When

they arrive at the entrance thereto, red coloured food, coloured water

(arathi) and incense are waved before the idol, which is taken into a

room, and placed on a settle of rice. The washerman is then asked to

tie the dhornam to the pandal (marriage booth) or roof of the house,

and he demands some paddy, which is heaped up on the ground. Standing

thereon, he ties the dhornam. The people next proceed to the houses

of the goldsmith and potter, and bring back the bottu (marriage badge)

and thirteen marriage pots, on which threads (kankanam) are tied before

they are removed. A Brahman purohit ties the thread round one pot, and

the Kapus round the rest. The pots are placed in the room along with

the Ganga idol. The bottu is tied round the neck of a married woman

who is closely related to the bridegroom. The contracting couple are

seated with the ends of their clothes tied together. A barber comes

with a cup of water, and a tray containing rice dyed with turmeric

is placed on the floor. A number of men and women then scatter rice

over the heads of the bride and bridegroom, and, after, waving a

silver or copper coin in front of them, throw it into the barber's

cup. The barber then pares the finger and toe nails of the bridegroom,

and touches the toe nails of the bride with his razor. They then go

through the nalagu ceremony, being smeared with oil and Phaseolus

Mungo paste, and bathe. After the bath the bridegroom, dressed in

his wedding finery, proceeds to the temple. As he leaves the house,

a Madiga hands him a pair of shoes, which he puts on. The Madiga is

given food placed in a basket on eleven leaves. At the temple worship

is performed, and a Bhatrazu (bard and panegyrist), who has accompanied

the bridegroom, ties a bashingham (chaplet) on his forehead. From

this moment the Bhatrazu must remain with the bridegroom, as his

personal attendant, painting the sectarian marks on his forehead, and

carrying out other functions. In like manner, a Bhogam woman (dedicated

prostitute) waits on the bride. "The tradition," Mr. Stuart writes,

"is that the Bhatrazus were a northern caste, which was first invited

south by king Pratapa Rudra of the Kshatriya dynasty of Warrangal

(1295-1323 A.D.). After the downfall of that kingdom they seem to

have become court bards and panegyrists under the Reddi and Velama

feudal chiefs." From the temple the bridegroom and his party come

to the marriage pandal, and, after food and other things have been

waved to avert the evil eye, he enters the house. On the threshold his

brother-in-law washes his feet, and sits thereon till he has extracted

some money or a cow as a present. The bridegroom then goes to the

marriage dais, whither the bride is conducted, and stands facing him,

with a screen interposed between them. Vigneswara is worshipped, and

the wrist threads (kankanam) are tied on, the bridegroom placing his

right foot on the left foot of the bride. The bottu is removed from

the neck of the married woman, passed round to be blessed, and tied

by the bridegroom on the bride's neck. The bride is lifted up by her

maternal uncle, and the couple sprinkle each other with rice. The

screen is removed, and they sit side by side with the ends of their

cloths tied together. Rice is thrown over them by those assembled,

and they are made to gaze at the pole star (Arundati). The proceedings

terminate by the pair searching for a finger-ring and pap-bowl in one

of the pots filled with water. On the second day there is feasting,

and the nalagu ceremony is again performed. On the following day,

the bridegroom and his party pretend to take offence at some thing

which is done by the bride's people, who follow them with presents,

and a reconciliation is speedily effected. Towards evening, a ceremony

called nagavali, or sacrifice to the Devatas, is performed. The bridal

pair, with the Bhatrazu and Bhogam woman, occupy the dais. The Brahman

purohit places on a tray a conical mass of turmeric representing

Vigneswara, to whom puja (worship) is done. He then places a brass

vessel (kalasam) filled with water, and with its mouth closed

by a cocoanut, on a settle of rice spread on a tray. The kalasam

is worshipped as representing the Devatas. The Brahman invokes the

blessing of all the Gods and Devatas, saying "Let Siva bless the pair,"

"Let Indra bless the pair," etc. A near relative of the bridegroom

sits by the side of the purohit with plenty of betel leaves and areca

nuts. After each God or Devata has been mentioned, he throws some of

the nuts and leaves into a tray, and, as these are the perquisites

of the purohit, he may repeat the same name three or four times. The

Kapu then makes playful remarks about the greed of the purohit, and,

amid much laughter, refuses to put any more leaves or nuts in the

tray. This ceremonial concluded, the near relations of the bridegroom

stand in front of him, and, with hands crossed, hold over his head two

brass plates, into which a small quantity of milk is poured. Fruit,

betel leaves and areca nuts (pan-supari) are next distributed in a

recognised order of precedence. The first presentation is made to

the house god, the second to the family priest, and the third to the

Brahman purohit. If a Pakanati Kapu is present, he must receive his

share immediately after the Brahman, and before other Kapus, Kammas,

and others. Before it is presented to each person, the leaves and nuts

are touched by the bridegroom, and the hand of the bride is placed

on them by the Bhogam woman. At a Panta Kapu wedding, the Ganga idol,

together with a goat and a kavadi (bamboo pole with baskets of rice,

cakes, betel leaves and areca nuts), is carried in procession to a pond

or temple. The washerman, dressed up as a woman, heads the procession,

and keeps on dancing and singing till the destination is reached. The

idol is placed inside a rude triangular hut made of three sheaves of

straw, and the articles brought in the baskets are spread before it. On

the heap of rice small lumps of flour paste are placed, and these are

made into lights by scooping out cavities, and feeding the wicks with

ghi (clarified butter). One of the ears of the goat is then cut, and

it is brought near the food. This done, the lights are extinguished,

and the assembly returns home without the least noise. The washerman

takes charge of the idol, and goes his way. If the wedding is spread

over five days, the Ganga idol is removed on the fourth day, and

the customary mock-ploughing ceremony performed on the fifth. The

marriage ceremonies close with the removal of the threads from the

wrists of the newly married couple. Among the Panta Reddis of the Tamil

country, the Ganga idol is taken in procession by the washerman two

or three days before the marriage, and he goes to every Reddi house,

and receives a present of money. The idol is then set up in the

verandah, and worshipped daily till the conclusion of the marriage

ceremonies. "Among the Reddis of Tinnevelly," Dr. J. Shortt writes,

"a young woman of sixteen or twenty years of age is frequently married

to a boy of five or six years, or even of a more tender age. After

marriage she, the wife, lives with some other man, a near relative

on the maternal side, frequently an uncle, and sometimes with the

boy-husband's own father. The progeny so begotten are affiliated

on the boy-husband. When he comes of age, he finds his wife an old

woman, and perhaps past child-bearing. So he, in his turn, contracts

a liaison with some other boy's wife, and procreates children." The

custom has doubtless been adopted in imitation of the Maravans,

Kallans, Agamudaiyans, and other castes, among whom the Reddis have

settled. In an account of the Ayodhya Reddis of Tinnevelly, Mr. Stuart

writes that it is stated that "the tali is peculiar, consisting of

a number of cotton threads besmeared with turmeric, without any gold

ornament. They have a proverb that he who went forth to procure a tali

and a cloth never returned." This proverb is based on the following

legend. In days of yore a Reddi chief was about to be married, and he

accordingly sent for a goldsmith, and, desiring him to make a splendid

tali, gave him the price of it in advance. The smith was a drunkard,

and neglected his work. The day for the celebration of the marriage

arrived, but there was no tali. Whereupon the old chief, plucking a

few threads from his garment, twisted them into a cord, and tied it

round the neck of the bride, and this became a custom. [110]

In the Census Report, 1891, Mr. Stuart states that he was informed

that polyandry of the fraternal type exists among the Panta Kapus,

but the statement requires verification. I am unable to discover any

trace of this custom, and it appears that Reddi Yanadis are employed

by Panta Reddis as domestic servants. If a Reddi Yanadi's husband

dies, abandons, or divorces his wife, she may marry his brother. And,

in the case of separation or divorce, the two brothers will live on

friendly terms with each other.

In the Indian Law Reports [111] it is noted that the custom of illatom,

[112] or affiliation of a son-in-law, obtains among the Motati Kapus

in Bellary and Kurnool, and the Pedda Kapus in Nellore. He who has

at the time no son, although he may have more than one daughter, and

whether or not he is hopeless of having male issue, may exercise the

right of taking an illatom son-in-law. For the purposes of succession

this son-in-law stands in the place of a son, and, in competition

with natural-born sons, takes an equal share. [113]

According to the Kurnool Manual (1886), "the Pakanadus of Pattikonda

and Ramallakota taluks allow a widow to take a second husband

from among the caste-men. She can wear no signs of marriage, such

as the tali, glass bangles, and the like, but she as well as her

husband is allowed to associate with the other caste-men on equal

terms. Their progeny inherit their father's property equally with

children born in regular wedlock, but they generally intermarry

with persons similarly circumstanced. Their marriage with the issue

of a regularly married couple is, however, not prohibited. It is

matter for regret that this privilege of remarrying is much abused,

as among the Linga Balijas. Not unfrequently it extends to pregnant

widows also, and so widows live in adultery with a caste-man without

fear of excommunication, encouraged by the hope of getting herself

united to him or some other caste-man in the event of pregnancy. In

many cases, caste-men are hired for the purpose of going through the

forms of marriage simply to relieve such widows from the penalty of

excommunication from caste. The man so hired plays the part of husband

for a few days, and then goes away in accordance with his secret

contract." The abuse of widow marriage here referred to is said to

be uncommon, though it is sometimes practiced among Kapus and other

castes in out-of-the-way villages. It is further noted in the Kurnool

Manual that Pedakanti Kapu women do not wear the tali, or a bodice

(ravika) to cover their breasts. And the tight-fitting bodice is said

[114] to be "far less universal in Anantapur than Bellary, and, among

some castes (e.g., certain sub-divisions of the Kapus and Idigas),

it is not worn after the first confinement."

In the disposal of their dead, the rites among the Kapus of the Telugu

country are very similar to those of the Kammas and Balijas. The Panta

Reddis of the Tamil country, however, follow the ceremonial in vogue

among various Tamil castes. The news of a death in the community is

conveyed by a Paraiyan Toti (sweeper). The dead man's son receives a

measure containing a light from a barber, and goes three times round

the corpse. At the burning-ground the barber, instead of the son,

goes thrice round the corpse, carrying a pot containing water, and

followed by the son, who makes holes therein. The stream of water which

trickles out is sprinkled over the corpse. The barber then breaks the

pot into very small fragments. If the fragments were large, water might

collect in them, and be drunk by birds, which would bring sickness

(pakshidhosham) on children, over whose heads they might pass. On

the day after the funeral, a Panisavan or barber extinguishes the

fire, and collects the ashes together. A washerman brings a basket

containing various articles required for worship, and, after puja has

been performed, a plant of Leucas aspera is placed on the ashes. The

bones are collected in a new pot, and thrown into a river, or consigned

by parcel-post to an agent at Benares, and thrown into the Ganges.

By religion the Kapus are both Vaishnavites and Saivites, and

they worship a variety of deities, such as Thallamma, Nagarapamma,

Putlamma, Ankamma, Muneswara, Poleramma, Desamma. To Muneswara and

Desamma pongal (cooked rice) is offered, and buffaloes are sacrificed

to Poleramma. Even Matangi, the goddess of the Madigas, is worshipped

by some Kapus. At purificatory ceremonies a Madiga Basavi woman,

called Matangi, is sent for, and cleanses the house or its inmates

from pollution by sprinkling and spitting out toddy.

From an interesting note [115] on agricultural ceremonies in the

Bellary district, the following extract is taken. "On the first

full-moon day in the month of Bhadrapada (September), the agricultural

population celebrate a feast called the Jokumara feast, to appease the

rain-god. The Barikas (women), who are a sub-division of the Kabbera

caste belonging to the Gaurimakkalu section, go round the town or

village in which they live, with a basket on their heads containing

margosa (Melia Azadirachta) leaves, flowers of various kinds, and

holy ashes. They beg alms, especially of the cultivating classes

(Kapus), and, in return for the alms bestowed (usually grain and

food), they give some of the margosa leaves, flowers, and ashes. The

Kapus take these to their fields, prepare cholam (millet: Sorghum)

gruel, mix them with it, and sprinkle the kanji or gruel all round

their fields. After this, the Kapu proceeds to the potter's kiln,

fetches ashes from it, and makes a figure of a human being. This

figure is placed prominently in some convenient spot in the field,

and is called Jokumara or rain-god. It is supposed to have the power of

bringing down the rain in proper time. The figure is sometimes small,

and sometimes big. A second kind of Jokumara worship is called muddam,

or outlining of rude representations of human figures with powdered

charcoal. These representations are made in the early morning, before

the bustle of the day commences, on the ground at crossroads and along

thoroughfares. The Barikas who draw these figures are paid a small

remuneration in money or in kind. The figure represents Jokumara, who

will bring down rain when insulted by people treading on him. Another

kind of Jokumara worship also prevails in this district. When rain

fails, the Kapu females model a figure of a naked human being of

small size. They place this figure in an open mock palanquin, and go

from door to door singing indecent songs, and collecting alms. They

continue this procession for three or four days, and then abandon

the figure in a field adjacent to the village. The Malas then take

possession of this abandoned Jokumara, and in their turn go about

singing indecent songs and collecting alms for three or four days,

and then throw it away in some jungle. This form of Jokumara worship

is also believed to bring down plenty of rain. There is another

simple superstition among these Kapu females. When rain fails,

the Kapu females catch hold of a frog, and tie it alive to a new

winnowing fan made of bamboo. On this fan, leaving the frog visible,

they spread a few margosa leaves, and go singing from door to door

'Lady frog must have her bath. Oh! rain-god, give a little water for

her at least.' This means that the drought has reached such a stage

that there is not even a drop of water for the frogs. When the Kapu

woman sings this song, the woman of the house brings a little water

in a vessel, pours it over the frog which is left on the fan outside

the door, and gives some alms. The woman of the house is satisfied

that such an action will soon bring down rain in torrents."

In the Kapu community, women play an important part, except in matters

connected with agriculture. This is accounted for by a story to the

effect that, when they came from Ayodhya, the Kapus brought no women

with them, and sought the assistance of the gods in providing them

with wives. They were told to marry women who were the illegitimate

issue of Pandavas, and the women consented on the understanding

that they were to be given the upper hand, and that menial service,

such as husking paddy (rice), cleaning vessels, and carrying water,

should be done for them. They accordingly employ Gollas and Gamallas,

and, in the Tamil country, Pallis as domestic servants. Malas and

Madigas freely enter Kapu houses for the purpose of husking paddy,

but are not allowed into the kitchen, or room in which the household

gods are worshipped.

In some Kapu houses, bundles of ears of paddy may be seen hung up as

food for sparrows, which are held in esteem. The hopping of sparrows is

said to resemble the gait of a person confined in fetters, and there

is a legend that the Kapus were once in chains, and the sparrows set

them at liberty, and took the bondage on themselves.

It has been noted [116] by Mr. C. K. Subbha Rao, of the Agricultural

Department, that the Reddis and others, who migrated southward from

the Telugu country, "occupy the major portion of the black cotton

soil of the Tamil country. There is a strange affinity between the

Telugu cultivators and black cotton soil; so much so that, if a

census was taken of the owners of such soil in the Tamil districts

of Coimbatore, Trichinopoly, Madura, and Tinnevelly, ninety per cent,

would no doubt prove to be Vadugars (northerners), or the descendants

of Telugu immigrants. So great is the attachment of the Vadugan to

the black cotton soil that the Tamilians mock him by saying that,

when god offered paradise to the Vadugan, the latter hesitated,

and enquired whether there was black cotton soil there."

In a note on the Pongala or Pokanati and Panta Reddis of the

Trichinopoly district, Mr. F. R. Hemingway writes as follows. "Both

speak Telugu, but they differ from each other in their customs,

live in separate parts of the country, and will neither intermarry

nor interdine. The Reddis will not eat on equal terms with any other

Sudra caste, and will accept separate meals only from the vegetarian

section of the Vellalas. They are generally cultivators, but they had

formerly rather a bad reputation for crime, and it is said that some

of them are receivers of stolen property. Like various other castes,

they have beggars, called Bavani Nayakkans, attached to them, who

beg from no other caste, and whose presence is necessary when they

worship their caste goddess. The Chakkiliyans are also attached

to them, and play a prominent part in the marriages of the Panta

sub-division. Formerly, a Chakkiliyan was deputed to ascertain the

status of the other party before the match was arranged, and his dreams

were considered as omens of its desirability. He was also honoured

at the marriage by being given the first betel and nuts. Nowadays he

precedes the bridegroom's party with a basket of fruit, to announce

its coming. A Chakkiliyan is also often deputed to accompany a

woman on a journey. The caste goddess of the Reddis is Yellamma,

whose temple is at Esanai in Perambalur, and she is reverenced by

both Pantas and Pongalas. The latter observe rather gruesome rites,

including the drinking of a kid's blood. The Pantas also worship

Rengayiamman and Polayamman with peculiar ceremonies. The women are

the principal worshippers, and, on one of the nights after Pongal,

they unite to do reverence to these goddesses, a part of the ritual

consisting in exposing their persons. With this may be compared the

Sevvaipillayar rite celebrated in honour of Ganesa by Vellala woman

(see Vellala). Both divisions of Reddis wear the sacred thread

at funerals. Neither of them allow divorcées or widows to marry

again. The women of the two divisions can be easily distinguished

by their appearance. The Panta Reddis wear a characteristic gold

ear-ornament called kammal, a flat nose-ring studded with inferior

rubies, and a golden wire round the neck, on which both the tali and

the pottu are tied. They are of fairer complexion than the Pongala

women. The Panta women are allowed a great deal of freedom, which

is usually ascribed to their dancing-girl origin, and are said to

rule their husbands in a manner rare in other castes. They are often

called devadiya (dancing-girl) Reddis, and it is said that, though

the men of the caste receive hospitality from the Reddis of the

north country, their women are not invited. Their chastity is said

to be frail, and their lapses easily condoned by their husbands. The

Pongalas are equally lax about their wives, but are said to rigorously

expel girls or widows who misconduct themselves, and their seducers

as well. However, the Panta men and women treat each other with a

courtesy that is probably to be found in no other caste, rising and

saluting each other, whatever their respective ages, whenever they

meet. The purification ceremony for a house defiled by the unchastity

of a maid or widow is rather an elaborate affair. Formerly a Kolakkaran

(huntsman), a Tottiyan, a priest of the village goddess, a Chakkiliyan,

and a Bavani Nayakkan had to be present. The Tottiyan is now sometimes

dispensed with. The Kolakkaran and the Bavani Nayakkan burn some

kamacchi grass (Andropogon Schoenanthus), and put the ashes in three

pots of water. The Tottiyan then worships Pillayar (Ganesa) in the

form of some turmeric, and pours the turmeric into the water. The

members of the polluted household then sit in a circle, while the

Chakkiliyan carries a black kid round the circle. He is pursued by

the Bavani Nayakkan, and both together cut off the animal's head,

and bury it. The guilty parties have then to tread on the place

where the head is buried, and the turmeric and ash water is poured

over them. This ceremony rather resembles the one performed by the

Uralis. The Pantas are said to have no caste panchayats (council),

whereas the Pongalas recognise the authority of officers called

Kambalakkarans and Kottukkarans who uphold the discipline."