The Kamsalas have territorial sub-divisions, such as Murikinadu,

Pakinadu, Dravida, etc. Like the Kammalans, they have five

occupational sections, called Kamsali (goldsmiths), Kanchari or

Musari (brass-smiths), Vadrangi (carpenters), and Kasi or Silpi

(stone-masons). In a note on the Kamsalas of the Godavari district,

Mr. F. R. Hemingway writes that "they recognise two main divisions,

called Desayi (indigenous) and Turpusakas (easterns) or immigrants

from Vizagapatam. They sometimes speak of their occupational

sub-divisions as gotras. Thus, Sanathana is the iron, Sanaga, the

wooden, Abhonasa, the brass, Prathanasa, the stone, and Suparnasa,

the gold gotra." Intermarriage takes place between members of the

different sections, but the goldsmiths affect a higher social status

than the blacksmiths, and do not care to interdine or intermarry

with them. They have taken to calling themselves Brahmans, have

adopted Brahmanical gotras, and the Brahmanical form of marriage

rites. They quote a number of well-known verses of the Telugu

poet Vemana, who satirised the Brahmans for their shortcomings,

and refer to the Sanskrit Mulastambam and Silpasastram, which are

treatises on architecture. They trace their descent from Visvakarma,

the architect of the gods. Visvakarma is said to have had five sons,

of whom the first was Kammaracharya. His wife was Surelavathi, the

daughter of Vasishta. The second was Vadlacharyudu. The third was Rudra

or Kamcharacharya of the Abhavansa gotra, whose wife was Jalavathi,

the daughter of Paulasthya Brahma. The fourth was Kasacharyudu of the

Prasnasa gotra. His wife was Gunavati, the daughter of Visvavasa. The

fifth was Agasalacharya or Chandra of the Suvarnasa gotra, whose

wife was Saunati, the daughter of Bhrigumahamuni. Visvakarma had

also five daughters, of whom Sarasvathi was married to Brahma, Sachi

Devi to Indra, Mando Dari to Ravana, and Ahalya to Gautama. Since

they were married to the devatas, their descendants acquired the

title of Acharya. The use of the umbrella, sacred thread, golden

staff, the insignia of Garuda, and the playing of the bheri were

also allowed to them. It is recorded by the Rev. J. Cain [83] that

"the so-called right-hand castes object most strongly to the Kamsalilu

being carried in a palki (palanquin), and three years ago some of them

threatened to get up a little riot on the occasion of a marriage in

the Kamsali caste. They were deprived of this opportunity, for the

palki was a borrowed one, and its owner, more anxious for the safety

of his property than the dignity of the Kamsali caste, recalled

the loan on the third day. A ringleader of the discontented was a

Madras Pariah. The Kamsalilu were formerly forbidden to whitewash

the outside of their houses, but municipal law has proved stronger

in this respect than Brahmanical prejudice." The Kamsalas of Ganjam

and Vizagapatam do not make such a vigorous claim to be Brahmans,

as do those further south. They rear poultry, partake of animal food,

do not prohibit the use of alcoholic liquor, and have no gotras. They

also have sub-divisions among them, which do not wear the sacred

thread, and work outside the village limits. Thus, the Karamalas are a

section of blacksmiths, who do not wear the sacred thread. Similarly,

the Baita Kammaras are another section of blacksmiths, who do not wear

the thread, and, as their name implies, work outside the village. In

Vizagapatam, almost the only castes which will consent to receive

food at the hands of Kamsalas are the humble Malas and Rellis. Even

the Tsakalas and Yatas will not do so. There is a popular saying

that the Kamsalas are of all castes seven visses (viss, a measure of

weight) less.

In 1885, a criminal revision case came before the High Court of Madras,

in which a goldsmith performed abishekam by pouring cocoanut-water

over a lingam. In his judgment, one of the Judges recorded that

"the facts found are that 1st accused, a goldsmith by caste, on the

night of the last Mahasivaratri, entered a Siva temple at Vizagapatam,

and performed abishekam, i.e., poured cocoanut-water over the lingam,

the 2nd and 3rd accused (Brahmans) reciting mantrams (sacred formulæ)

while he did so. Another Brahman who was there expostulated with 1st

accused, telling him that he, a goldsmith, had no right to perform

abishekam himself, upon which 1st accused said that it was he who

made the idol, and he was fit to perform abishekam. An outcry being

raised, some other Brahmans came up, and objected to 1st accused

performing abishekam, and he was turned out, and some ten rupees

spent in ceremonies for the purification of the idol. The 2nd-class

Magistrate convicted the 1st accused under sections 295 and 296,

Indian Penal Code, and the 2nd and 3rd accused of abetment. All these

convictions were reversed on appeal by the District Magistrate. There

was certainly no evidence that any of the accused voluntarily caused

disturbance to an assembly engaged in the performance of religious

worship or religious ceremonies, and therefore a conviction under

section 296 could not be supported. In order to support a conviction

under section 295, it would be necessary for the prosecution to prove

(1) that the accused 'defiled' the lingam, and (2) that he did so,

knowing that a class of persons, viz., the Brahmans, would consider

such defilement as an insult to their religion. It may be noted that

the 1st accused is a person of the same religion as the Brahmans,

and, therefore, if the act be an insult at all, it was an insult to

his own religion. The act of defilement alleged was the performance

of abishekam, or the pouring of cocoanut-water over the lingam. In

itself, the act is regarded as an act of worship and meritorious,

and I understand that the defilement is alleged to consist in the fact

that the 1st accused was not a proper person--not being a Brahman--to

perform such a ceremony, but that he ought to have got some Brahman

to perform it for him." The other Judge (Sir T. Muttusami Aiyar)

recorded that "in many temples in this Presidency, it is not usual

for worshippers generally to touch the idol or pour cocoanut-water

upon it, except through persons who are specially appointed to do so,

and enjoined to observe special rules of cleanliness. If the accused

knew that the temple, in the case before us, is one of those temples,

and if he did the act imputed to him to ridicule openly the established

rule in regard to the purity of the lingam as an object of worship,

it might then be reasonably inferred that he did the act wantonly,

and with the intention of insulting the religious notions of the

general body of worshippers. The Sub-Magistrate refers to no specific

evidence in regard to the accused's knowledge of the usage. I may

also observe that, in certain temples attended by the lower classes,

the slaughtering of sheep is an act of worship. But, if the same act

is done in other temples to which other classes resort as places

of public worship, it is generally regarded as a gross outrage or

defilement." The High Court upheld the decision of the District

Magistrate.

Each occupational sub-division of the Kamsalas has a headman styled

Kulampedda, and occasionally the five headmen assemble for the

settlement of some important question of general interest to the

community.

A Kamsala may, according to the custom called menarikam, claim his

maternal uncle's daughter in marriage. The following account of the

wedding rites is given in the Nellore Manual. "The relations of the

bridegroom first go to the bride's parents or guardians, and ask

their consent to the proposed union. If consent is given, a day is

fixed, on which relations of the bridegroom go to the bride's house,

where all her relations are present with cocoanuts, a cloth for the

bride, betel, turmeric, etc. On the same occasion, the amount of

the dower is settled. The bride bathes, and is adorned with flowers,

turmeric, etc., and puts on the new cloth brought for her, and she

receives the articles which the bridegroom's party have brought. On

the auspicious day appointed for the marriage, the relations of the

bride go to the bridegroom's house, and fetch him in a palanquin. A

Brahman is sent for, who performs the ceremonies near the dais on

which the bride and bridegroom are seated. After the recital of the

mantras (hymns) before the young couple, he sends for their uncles,

and blesses them. The bridegroom then ties a pilgrim's cloth upon him,

places a brass water-pot on his head, holds a torn umbrella in his

hands, and starts out from the pandal (booth), and says he is going

on a pilgrimage to Benares, when the bride's brother runs after him,

and promises that he will give his sister in marriage, swearing thrice

to this effect. The bridegroom, satisfied with this promise, abandons

his pretended journey, takes off his pilgrim cloths, and gives them,

with the umbrella, to the Brahman. The couple seat themselves on the

dais, and the Brahman, having repeated some mantras, gives a sacred

thread to the bridegroom to place over his shoulders. He then blesses

the mangalasutram (marriage badge corresponding to the Tamil tali),

and hands it to the bridegroom, who ties it round the bride's neck,

his sister or other elderly matron seeing that it is properly tied. The

bride's father comes forward, and, placing his daughter's right hand

in the bridegroom's right, pours water on them. The other ceremonies

are exactly similar to those practiced by the Brahmans." Girls are

invariably married before puberty. Widows are not allowed to remarry,

and divorce is not recognised.

The Kamsalas are either Madhvas, Saivites, or Lingayats. All revere the

caste goddess Kamakshi Amma, who is represented by each sub-division

in a special manner. Thus the Kanchara represents her by the stone on

which he beats his metal work, the goldsmith by one of his implements,

and the blacksmith by his bellows. On the eighteenth day of the Dasara

festival, an annual festival is celebrated in honour of the goddess.

The dead are buried in a seated posture, but, in recent years, some

Kamsalas have taken to cremation. The death rites closely follow the

Brahmanical form. Death pollution is observed for twelve days.

In the Vizagapatam district, some artisans are engaged in the

ivory-carving industry. They "manufacture for European clients fancy

articles, such as chess-boards, photograph frames, card-cases, trinket

boxes, and so on, from tortoise-shell, horn, porcupine quills, and

ivory. The industry is in a flourishing state, and has won many medals

at exhibitions. It is stated to have been introduced by Mr. Fane, who

was Collector of the district from 1859 to 1862, and to have then been

developed by the Kamsalis, and men of other castes who eventually took

it up. The foundation of the fancy articles is usually sandal-wood,

which is imported from Bombay. Over this are laid porcupine quills

split in half and placed side by side, or thin slices of 'bison,'

buffalo, or stag horn, tortoise-shell, or ivory. The ivory is sometimes

laid over the horn or shell, and is always either cut into geometrical

patterns with a small key-hole saw, or etched with designs representing

gods and flowers. The etching is done with a small V tool, and then

black wax is melted into the design with a tool like a soldering iron,

any excess being scraped off with a chisel, and the result is polished

with a leaf of Ficus asperrima (the leaves of which are very rough,

and used as a substitute for sand-paper). This gives a black design

(sgraffito) on a white ground. The horn and porcupine quills are

obtained from the Agency, and the tortoise-shell and ivory mainly

from Bombay through the local Marvaris. The designs employed both

in the etching and fret-work are stiff, and suited rather to work

in metal than in ivory; and the chief merit of this Vizagapatam work

perhaps lies in its careful finish--a rare quality in Indian objects

of art. The ivory is rarely carved now, but, in the Calcutta Museum

and elsewhere, may be seen samples of the older Vizagapatam work,

which often contained ivory panels covered with scenes from holy writ,

executed in considerable relief." [84]

The caste title of the Kamsalas is usually Ayya, but, in recent times,

a good many have taken the title Achari.

The two begging castes Panasa and Runja are stated by Mr. Hemingway

to be exclusively devoted to the Kamsalas. "The former," he writes,

"are said to be out-castes from the Komati sub-division of that

name. Formerly in the service of the Nizam, it is said they were

disgraced by him, and driven to accept food of a degrading nature

from a Kamsala. The Kamsalas accordingly took them under their

protection. The Runjas are said to have been specially created by

Siva. Siva had killed a giant named Ravundasura, and the giant's dying

request was that his limbs might be turned into musical instruments,

and a special caste created to play them at the celebration of

Siva's marriage. The Runjas were the caste created. The god ordered

Viswakarma, the ancestor of the Kamsalas, to support them, and the

Kamsalas say that they have inherited the obligation."

It is recorded, in the Kurnool Manual, that "the story goes that

in Golkonda a tribe of Komatis named Bacheluvaru were imprisoned

for non-payment of arrears of revenue. Finding certain men of the

artificer caste, who passed by in the street, spit chewed betel-nut,

they got it into their mouths, and begged the artificers to get them

released. The artificers pitied them, paid the arrears, and procured

their release. It was then that the Kamsalis fixed a vartana or annual

house fee for the maintenance of the Panasa class, on condition that

they should not beg alms from the other castes."

Kamukham (areca-nut: Areca Catechu).--A tree or kothu of

Kondaiyamkottai Maravan.

Kamunchia.--Recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as a very

small class of Oriya cultivators.

Kanagu (Pongamia glabra).--An exogamous sept of Koravas and Thumati

Gollas. The latter may not use the oil obtained from the seeds of

this tree. The equivalent Kanagala occurs as an exogamous sept of Kapu.

Kanaka.--An exogamous sept of Badagas of the Nilgiris.

Kanakkan.--Kanakkan is a Tamil accountant caste, corresponding to

the Oriya Korono. In an account thereof, in the North Arcot Manual,

Mr. H. A. Stuart writes that they are "found chiefly in the districts

of North Arcot, South Arcot, and Chingleput. The name is derived from

the Tamil word kanakku, which means an account. They were employed

as village accountants by the ancient kings. In the inscriptions

the word Karanam or Kanakkan occurs very often, and their title

is invariably given as Velan, which is possibly a contracted form

of Vellalan. These accountants of the Tamil districts seem to be

quite distinct from those of Ganjam and other Telugu provinces (see

Korono), some of whom claim to be Kshatriyas, or even Brahmans. It

is true that the Karnams themselves claim to be the sons of Brahma,

but others maintain that they are the offspring of a Sudra woman by a

Vaisya. The caste is said to have four divisions, Sir (Sri), Sarattu,

Kaikatti, and Solia. The Sir Karnams are considered of highest rank,

and are generally the most intelligent accountants, though they are

sadly deficient when compared with the Brahmans who perform the duty

of keeping the village accounts above the ghats. The Kai-katti Karnams

(or Karnams who show the hand) derive their name from a peculiar custom

existing among them, by which a daughter-in-law is never allowed to

speak to her mother-in-law except by signs. The reason may perhaps

be surmised. The members of the four divisions cannot intermarry. In

their customs the caste is somewhat peculiar. They wear the thread,

disallow liquor-drinking, flesh-eating, and widow remarriage. Most

of them worship Siva, but there are some who are Vaishnavites, and

a very few are Lingayats." Their title is Pillai. In the records

relating to the Tamil country, Conicopoly, Conicoply, Canacappel,

and other variants appear as a corrupt form of Kanakka Pillai. For

example, in the records of Fort St. George, 1680, it is noted that

"the Governour, accompanyed with the Councell and several persons of

the factory, attended by six files of soldyers, the Company's Peons,

300 of the Washers, the Pedda Naigue, the Cancoply of the Towne and of

the grounds, went the circuit of Madras ground, which was described

by the Cancoply of the grounds." It is recorded by Baldæus (1672)

that Xaverius set everywhere teachers called Canacappels. [85] The

title Conicopillay is still applied to the examiner of accounts by

the Corporation of Madras.

It is laid down in the Village Officers' Manual that "the Karnam,

who is entrusted with the keeping of village accounts, is subordinate

to the Head of the village. He should help and advise the Head of

the village in every way. He is the clerk of the Head of the village

in his capacity of village munsif and magistrate. He has to prepare

reports, accounts, statements, etc., which it is necessary to put in

writing." When sudden or unnatural death takes place within the limits

of a village, the Karnam takes down in writing the evidence of persons

who are examined, and frames a report of the whole proceedings. He

keeps the register of those who are confined, or placed in the stocks

by the Head of the village for offences of a trivial nature, such

as using abusive language, or petty assaults or affrays. It is the

Karnam who keeps the revenue accounts, and registers of the price

of all kinds of grain, strangers passing or re-passing through the

village, births and deaths, and cattle mortality when cattle disease,

e.g., anthrax or rinderpest, exists. Further, it is the duty of the

Karnam to take proper care of Government survey instruments, and,

when revenue survey is being carried out, to satisfy himself that

the village and field boundary marks are properly erected.

In their marriage and death ceremonies, the Kanakkans closely follow

the Tamil Puranic type as observed by Vellalas. The Kaikatti section,

however, has one peculiar custom. After the marriage ceremony, the

girl is kept inside the house, and not allowed to move about freely,

for at least two or three days. She is considered to be under some

kind of pollution. It is said that, in former times, she was confined

in the house for forty days, and, as occupation, had to separate dhal

(peas) and rice, which had been mixed together.

The following proverbs are not complimentary to the Kanakkan, who, as

an influential village official, is not always a popular individual:--

Though babies are sold for a pie each, we do not want a Kanakka baby.

Wherever you meet with a Kanakka child or with a crow's young one,

put out its eyes.

In Travancore, Kanakkan is a name by which Kammalans are addressed,

and a prefix to the name of Todupuzha Vellalas. It further occurs,

on the west coast, as a sub-division of Cheruman or Pulayan.

For the following note on the Kanakkans of the Cochin State, I am

indebted to Mr. L. K. Anantha Krishna Aiyar. [86]

The Kanakkans belong to the slave castes, and are even now attached to

some landlords. In the taluks of Trichur, Mukandapuram, and Cranganur,

where I obtained all my information about them, I learnt that they are

the Atiyars (slaves) of Chittur Manakkal Nambudiripad at Perumanom

near Trichur, and they owe him a kind of allegiance. The Nambudiri

landlord told me that the members of the caste, not only from almost

all parts of the State, but also from the British taluks of Ponnani,

Chowghat, and even from Calicut, come to him with a Thirumulkazhcha,

i.e., a few annas in token of their allegiance. This fact was also

confirmed by a Kanakkanar (headman) at Cranganur, who told me that

he and his castemen were the slaves of the same landlord, though,

in disputes connected with the caste, they abide by the decision of

the local Raja. In the event of illness or calamity in the family of

a Kanakkan, an astrologer (Kaniyan), who is consulted as to the cause

and remedy, sometimes reminds the members thereof of the negligence

in their allegiance to the landlord, and suggests the advisability

of paying respects to him (Nambikuru) with a few annas. On the Puyam

day in Makaram (January-February), these people from various parts

of the State present themselves in a body with a few annas each,

to own their allegiance to him. The following story is mentioned by

him. One of his ancestors chanced to pay his respects to one of the

rulers of the State, when the residence of the Royal Family was in

Cochin. On arriving near the town, the boat capsised in a storm, but

was luckily saved by the bravery of a few rowers of this caste. The

Raja, who witnessed the incident from a window of his palace, admired

their valour, and desired to enlist some Kanakkans into his service.

There are four endogamous sub-divisions among the Kanakkans, viz.,

Patunna, the members of which formerly worked in salt-pans, Vettuva,

Chavala, and Parattu. Each of these is further sub-divided into clans

(kiriyam), which are exogamous.

A young man may marry the daughter of his maternal uncle, but this is

not permissible in some places. Marriage is both infant and adult,

and may be celebrated by Patunna Kanakkans at any time between the

tenth and thirteenth years of a girl, while the Vettuva Kanakkans may

celebrate it only after girls attain puberty. They often choose the

bridegroom beforehand, with the intention of performing the ceremony

after puberty.

When a girl attains maturity, she is kept apart in a part of the

house on the score of pollution, which lasts for seven days. She

bathes on the fourth day. On the morning of the seventh day seven

girls are invited, and they accompany the girl to a tank (pond) or a

river. They all have an oil bath, after which they return home. The

girl, dressed and adorned in her best, is seated on a plank in a

conspicuous part of the hut, or in a pandal (booth) put up for the

time in front of it. A small vessel full of paddy [87] (nerapara),

a cocoanut, and a lighted lamp, are placed in front of her. Her

Enangan begins his musical tunes, and continues for an hour or two,

after which he takes for himself the above things, while his wife,

who has purified the girl by sprinkling cow-dung water, gets a few

annas for her service. It is now, at the lucky moment, that the girl's

mother ties the tali round her neck. The seven girls are fed, and given

an anna each. The relations, and other castemen who are invited, are

treated to a sumptuous dinner. The guests as they depart give a few

annas each to the chief host, to meet the expenses of the ceremony

and the feast. This old custom of mutual help prevails largely among

the Pulayas also. The girl is now privileged to enter the kitchen,

and discharge her domestic duties. The parents of the bridegroom

contribute to the ceremony a small packet of jaggery (crude sugar),

a muri (piece of cloth), some oil and incha (Acacia Intsia), the soft

fibre of which is used as soap. This contribution is called bhendu

nyayam. If the girl is married before puberty, and she attains her

maturity during her stay with her husband, the ceremony is performed

in his hut, and the expenses are met by the parents of the bridegroom,

while those of the bride contribute a share.

When a Vettuva Kanakka girl comes of age, the headman (Vatikaran)

of the caste is informed. He comes, along with his wife, to help

the girl's parents in the performance of the ceremony. Seven girls

are invited. Each of them breaks a cocoanut, and pours the water on

the girl's head. Water is also poured over her. As soon as she is

thus bathed, she is allowed to remain in a room, or in a part of the

hut. Near her are placed a mirror made of metal, a vessel of paddy,

a pot full of water, and a lighted lamp. The young man who has been

chosen as her husband is invited. He has to climb a cocoanut tree to

pluck a tender cocoanut for the girl, and a cluster of flowers. He

then takes a meal in the girl's hut, and departs. The same proceedings

are repeated on the fourth day, and, on the seventh day, he takes

the cluster of flowers, and throws it on water.

As soon as a young man is sufficiently old, his parents look out for

a girl as his wife. When she is chosen, the negotiations leading to

marriage are opened by the father of the bridegroom, who, along with

his brother-in-law and Enangan (relations by marriage), goes to the

house of the bride-elect, where, in the midst of relations and friends

previously assembled, the formal arrangements are made, and a portion

of the bride's money is also paid. The auspicious day for the wedding

is settled, and the number of guests to be invited is fixed. There is

also an entertainment for those that are assembled. A similar one is

also held at the hut of the bridegroom-elect. These people are too

poor to consult the local Kaniyan (astrologer); but, if it is known

that the couple were born on the day of the same constellation, the

match is at once rejected. On the day chosen for the celebration of

the marriage, the bridegroom, neatly dressed, and with a knife and

stylus, sets out from his hut, accompanied by his parents, uncles,

other relatives, and men of his village, to the hut of the bride,

where they are welcomed, and seated on mats in a pandal (booth)

put up for the occasion. The bride, somewhat veiled, is taken to

the pandal and seated along with the bridegroom, and to both of them

a sweet preparation of milk, sugar and plantain fruits is given, to

establish the fact that they have become husband and wife. There is no

tali-tying then. The guests are treated to a sumptuous dinner. As they

take leave of the chief host, each of them pays a few annas to meet the

expenses of the ceremony. The bridegroom, with the bride and those who

have accompanied him, returns to his hut, where some ceremonies are

gone through, and the guests are well fed. The bridegroom and bride

are seated together, and a sweet preparation is given, after which

the parents and the maternal uncle of the former, touching the heads

of both, says "My son, my daughter, my nephew, my niece," meaning

that the bride has become a member of their family. They throw rice

on their heads as a token of their blessings on them. After this,

the couple live together as man and wife. In some places, marriage

is performed by proxy. A young Vettuva Kanakkan cannot marry by

proxy. Neither can the tali-tying ceremony be dispensed with.

If a woman has abandoned herself to a member of a lower caste, she is

put out of caste, and becomes a Christian or Muhammadan. Adultery is

regarded with abhorrence. All minor offences are dealt with by the

headman, whose privileges are embodied in a Thituram (royal order),

according to which he may preside at marriage, funeral, and other

ceremonies, and obtain a small fee as remuneration for his services. He

may use a stick, a stylus, and a knife lined with gold. He may wear

a white coat, turban and ear-rings, and use an umbrella. He may also

construct a shed with six posts for marriage ceremonies. He has to

pay a tax of ten annas to the Sirkar (Government). Chittur Manakkal

Nambudiripad in the taluk of Talapilly, the Cranganur Raja in the taluk

of Cranganur, and His Highness the Maharaja exercise absolute powers

in the settlement of disputes connected with this and other castes.

The Kanakkans believe in magic, sorcery, and witchcraft. Persons

who practice the art are very rare among them. They go to a Panan,

Velan, or Parayan, whenever they require his services. They profess

Hinduism, and worship Siva, Vishnu, Ganapathi, and Subramania,

Mukkan, Chathan, Kandakaranan, and the spirits of their ancestors are

also adored. Vettuva Kanakkans do homage to Kappiri and Virabhadran

also. Chathan cannot be worshipped at Cranganur, as he is opposed to

the local deity. Wooden or brass images of their ancestors are kept

in their huts, to whom regular sacrifices are offered on Karkadagom,

Thulam, and Makaram Sankranthis. In their compounds is often seen

a raised platform beneath a tree, on which are placed a few stones

representing the images of the demons whom they much fear and

respect. Sacrifices are offered to them on leaves.

Patunna Kanakkans invariably bury their dead. The funeral rites are

similar to those observed by other low castes. Death pollution lasts

for fifteen days. On the sixteenth morning, the hut and compound

are swept and cow-dunged. The relatives and castemen are invited,

and bring some rice and curry stuffs for a feast. Along with the

chief mourner (the son of the deceased) and his brothers, they go

to the nearest tank or river to bathe. The Enangan of the family

purifies them by the sprinkling of cow-dung water. They return home,

and those assembled are treated to a grand dinner. The son observes

the diksha (mourning) either for forty-one days, or for a whole year,

after which a grand feast called Masam is celebrated.

The Kanakkans are employed in fishing in the backwaters, cutting

timber and floating it on bamboo rafts down rivers flooded during

the monsoon, boating, pumping out water from rice fields by means

of water-wheels, and all kinds of agricultural labour. They were

at one time solely engaged in the manufacture of salt from the

backwaters. Women are engaged in making coir (cocoanut fibre) and

in agricultural labour. Vettuva Kanakkans are engaged in cocoanut

cultivating, and making lime out of shells. They are very skilful in

climbing cocoanut trees for plucking cocoanuts.

The Kanakkans take food prepared by members of the higher castes, and

by Kammalans, Izhuvas, and Mappillas. They have a strong objection

to eating at the hands of Veluthedans (washermen), Velakkathalavans

(barbers), Panans, Velans, and Kaniyans. Pulayas, Ulladans, and

Nayadis have to stand far away from them. They themselves have to

keep at a distance of 48 feet from high caste Hindus. They pollute

Izhuvas by touch, and Kammalans and Valans at a short distance. They

cannot approach the temples of the higher castes, but take part in

the festivals of temples in rural parts. At Cranganur, they can come

as far as the kozhikallu, which is a stone outside the temple at a

short distance from it, on which fowls are offered by low caste people.

Kanakku.--A prefix to the name of Nayars, e.g., Kanakku Raman Krishnan,

and also adopted as a prefix by the Todupuzha Vellalas of Travancore.

Kancharan.--A Malabar caste, the occupation of which is the manufacture

of brass vessels.

Kanchera.--Kanchera and Kanchari are names of the Telugu section

of metal-workers.

Kanchimandalam Vellala. --A name assumed by Malaiyalis of the Salem

hills, who claim to be Vellalas who emigrated from Conjeeveram

(Kanchipuram).

Kanchu (bell-metal).--An exogamous sept of Kuruba. Kansukejje (bronze

bell) occurs as a sub-division of Toreya.

Kanchugara.--In the Madras and Mysore Census Reports, Kanchugara

is recorded as a sub-division of Panchala, the members of which are

workers in brass, copper, and bell-metal. The Kanchugaras of South

Canara are described by Mr. H. A. Stuart [88] as "a Canarese caste of

brass-workers. They are Hindus of the Vaishnava sect, and pay special

reverence to Venkatramana of Tirupati. Their spiritual guru is the

head of the Ramachandrapuram math. A man cannot marry within his own

gotra or family. They have the ordinary system of inheritance through

males. Girls must be married before puberty, and the dhare form of

marriage (see Bant) is used. The marriage of widows is not permitted,

and divorce is allowed only in the case of women who have proved

unchaste. The dead are either cremated, or buried in a recumbent

posture. Brahmans officiate as their priests. The use of spirituous

liquors, and flesh and fish is permitted. Bell-metal is largely used

for making household utensils, such as lamps, goglets, basins, jugs,

etc. The process of manufacturing these articles is as follows. The

moulds are made of clay, dried and coated with wax to the thickness

of the articles required, and left to dry again, a hole being made in

them so as to allow the wax to flow out when heated. After this has

been done, the molten metal is poured in. The moulds are then broken,

and the articles taken out and polished."

Kandappan.--A sub-division of Occhan.

Kandulu (dal: Cajanus indicus).--An exogamous sept of

Yerukala. Kandikattu (dal soup) occurs as an exogamous sept of Medara.

Kangara.--The word Kangara means servant, and the Kangaras (or

Khongars) were originally village watchmen in the Vizagapatam Agency

tracts, corresponding to the Kavalgars of the Tamil country. They

are described as follows by Lieutenant J. Macdonald Smith, who was

Assistant Agent to the Governor in Jeypore in the sixties of the last

century. "A Khongar, it seems, is nothing but a Kavilgar or village

watchman. That these people, in many parts of India, are little better

than a community of thieves, is pretty well known, and what was the

true nature of the system in Jeypore was very clearly brought to light

in a case which was committed to my Court. It was simply this. Before

we entered the country, the entire police and magisterial authority

of a taluk was lodged in the revenue ameen or renter. Whenever a theft

occurred, and the property was of sufficient importance to warrant the

trouble and expense, the traveller or householder, as the case might

be, resorted at once to the ameen, who (if sufficiently fed by the

complainant) forthwith sent for the Head Khongar of the quarter, and

desired him to recover the goods, whatever they might be. The Khongar

generally knows very well where to lay his hand on the property, and

would come back with such portion of it as the urgency of the ameen's

order seemed to require, while the zeal of that functionary of course

varied in each case, according to the extent of the gratification

the complainant seemed disposed to give. This is the Khongar system

of Jeypore in its length and breadth, as proved at the trial referred

to. Wherever a taluk is taken up by the Police, the system of course

falls down of itself. As for the Khongars, they willingly enlist in

our village constabulary, and are proving themselves both intelligent

and fearless." The Meriah Officers (1845-61) remarked that the former

Rajas of Jeypore, and their subordinate chiefs, retained in their

service great numbers of professional robbers, called Khongars,

whom they employed within the Jeypore country, and in the plains,

on expeditions of rapine and bloodshed.

The Khongars were generally Paidis by caste, and their descendants

are even now the most notorious among the dacoits of the Vizagapatam

district. Their methods are thus described in the Gazetteer of

the Vizagapatam district (1907). "Like the Konda Doras, they have

induced some of the people to employ watchmen of their caste as the

price of immunity from theft. They are connected with the Dombus of

the Rayagada and Gunupur taluks, who are even worse. These people

dacoit houses at night in armed gangs of fifty or more, with their

faces blackened to prevent recognition. Terrifying the villagers into

staying quiet in their huts, they force their way into the house of

some wealthy person (for choice the local Sondi, liquor-seller and

sowcar [89]--usually the only man worth looting in an Agency village,

and a shark who gets little pity from his neighbours when forced to

disgorge), tie up the men, rape the women, and go off with everything

of value. Their favourite method of extracting information regarding

concealed property is to sprinkle the house-owner with boiling oil."

Kangayan.--A division of Idaiyans settled in Travancore.

Kaniala (land-owners).--A sub-division of Vellala.

Kanigiri (a hill in the Nellore district).--An exogamous sept of

Medara.

Kanikar.--The Kanikars, who are commonly known as Kanis, are a jungle

tribe inhabiting the mountains of South Travancore. Till recently they

were in the habit of sending all their women into the seclusion of the

dense jungle on the arrival of a stranger near their settlements. But

this is now seldom done, and some Kanikars have in modern times settled

in the vicinity of towns, and become domesticated. The primitive

short, dark-skinned and platyrhine type, though surviving, has become

changed as the result of contact metamorphosis, and many leptorhine

or mesorhine individuals above middle height are to be met with.

==============+=======================+======================

| Stature. | Nasal index.

==============+=======+=======+=======+=======+=======+======

| AV. | MAX. | MIN. | AV. | MAX. | MIN.

| | | | | |

Jungle | 155.2 | 170.3 | 150.2 | 84.6 | 105 | 72.3

Domesticated | 158.7 | 170.4 | 148 | 81.2 | 90.5 | 70.8

==============+=======+=======+=======+=======+=======+======

The Kanikars are said to be characterised by a high standard of honour,

and to be straightforward, honest and truthful. They are good trackers

and fond of sport, and in clearing forest paths they have hardly any

equals. Their help and guidance are sought by, and willingly given

to any person who may have to travel through the forests.

The jungle Kanikars have no permanent abode, but shift about from

one part of the forest to another. Their settlements, composed of

lowly huts built of bamboo and reeds, are abandoned when they suffer

from fever, or are harassed by wild beasts, or when the soil ceases

to be productive. The settlements are generally situated, away from

the tracks of elephants, on steep hill slopes, which are terraced

and planted with useful trees. In their system of cultivation the

Kanikars first clear a patch of forest, and then set fire to it. The

ground is sown with hardly any previous tillage. When, after two or

three years, the land diminishes in productiveness, they move onto

another part of the forest, and follow the same rough and ready

method of cultivation. Thus one patch of ground after another is

used for agricultural purposes, until a whole tract of forest is

cleared. But the Kanikars have now to a large extent abandoned this

kind of migratory cultivation, because, according to the forest rules,

forests may not be set fire to or trees felled at the unrestricted

pleasure of individuals. They cultivate various kinds of cereals

and pulses, as well as tapioca (Manihot utilissima), sweet potatoes

(Ipomoea batatas), ganja (Indian hemp), and tobacco. Each settlement

now has a forest block assigned to it for cultivation, with which

other tribes are not allowed to interfere, and wherein the Kanikars

are allowed to fell, clear, and grow their crops. They do not pay

anything in the way of tax to the Government. Once a year they go in

a group to visit the Maharaja at Trivandrum, and he "always receives

them most kindly, accepting the nuzzur they offer in the shape of the

bamboo plantain with large though few fruits, a parcel of Muttucheri

hill rice, bamboo joints containing different varieties of honey,

and virukachattam or a parcel of civet. The customary modes of court

address, and the prescribed court etiquette are alike unknown to them,

and the Maharaja, pleased with their simplicity and unaffected homage,

rewards them with presents of cloth, money, salt, and tobacco, with

which they return satisfied to their jungle home." The Rev. S. Mateer

notes that he had difficulty in persuading the Kanikars to part with

a sucker of the bamboo plantain, as they fancied it must be reserved

for the use of the Maharaja alone.

Some Kanikars are engaged as coolies on planters' estates, or in

felling timber and cutting bamboos for contractors, others in the

manufacture of bows and arrows with blunt or barbed iron heads. Heated

arrows are used by them, for hitting elephants which invade their

sugar-cane or other crop, from the safe protection of a hut built on

a platform of sticks in tall trees of branches or bamboo covered with

leaves of Ochlandra Travancorica or other large leaves. In connection

with these huts, which are called anamadam (elephant huts), it has been

said that "the hills abound with game. 'Bison' (Bos gaurus), bears, and

sambar (Cervus unicolor) are frequently met with, while elephants and

tigers are so numerous that the Kanikars are in some parts compelled

to build their houses high up in trees. These primitive houses are

quickly and easily constructed. The walls are made of bamboo, and

the roof is thatched with jungle leaves. They are generally built

about fifty feet above the ground, and are securely fastened to the

branches of a substantial tree, and a crude ladder of bamboo connects

them with the ground. When all the inmates are safely housed for the

night, the ladder is removed aloft out of the reach of elephants, who,

mischievously inclined, might remove the obstruction, and leave the

Kanikars to regain terra firma the best way they could." Sometimes a

single bamboo, with the shoots on the sides cut short, does duty for

a ladder. It has been said that, when the crops are ripening, the

Kanikar watchmen are always at home in their arboreal houses, with

their bows and arrows, and chanting their wild songs. Sometimes the

blunt end of an arrow is used as a twirling stick in making fire by

friction, for which purpose sticks made of Grewia tilioefolia, etc.,

are also used. In making fire, the Kanikars "procure two pieces of

wood, one of which is soft, and contains a small hole or hollow about

half an inch deep to receive the end of the other, which is a hard

round stick about eighteen inches long, and as thick as an ordinary

ruler. The Kanikar takes this stick between the palms of his hands,

keeping it in a vertical position, with the end of it in the hollow

referred to, and produces a quick rotary and reverse motion, and with

slight pressure causes the friction necessary to produce a quantity

of fluff, which soon ignites."

The Kanikars are employed by the Government to collect honey, wax,

ginger, cardamoms, dammar, and elephant tusks, in return for a small

remuneration known as kutivaram. Other occupations are trapping,

capturing or killing elephants, tigers, and wild pigs, and making

wicker-work articles of bamboo or rattan. The Rev. S. Mateer mentions

having seen a wicker bridge, perhaps a hundred feet long, over which

a pony could pass. A tiger trap is said to be a huge affair made of

strong wooden bars, with a partition at one end for a live goat as

bait. The timbers thereof are supported by a spring, which, on a wild

beast entering, lets fall a crushing weight on it.

The Kanikars wander all over the hills in search of honey, and

a resident in Travancore writes that "I have seen a high rugged

rock, only accessible on one side, the other side being a sheer

precipice of several hundred feet, and in its deep crevices scores

of bees' nests. Some of them have been there for generations, and

the Kanikars perform periodically most daring feats in endeavouring

to secure at least a portion of the honey. On this precipice I have

seen overhanging and fluttering in the breeze a rattan rope, made in

rings and strongly linked together, the whole forming a rope ladder

several hundred feet long, and securely fastened to a tree at the

top of the precipice. Only a short time ago these people made one of

their usual raids on the 'honey rock.' One of the tribe descended the

rope ladder for a considerable distance, with a basket fastened to his

back to receive the honey, and carrying with him torch-wood with which

to smoke the bees out of the nests. Having arrived at his goal two

hundred feet from the top, and over three hundred feet from the ground

below, he ignited the torch, and, after the usual smoking process,

which took some little time to perform, the bees made a hurried exit

from the nests, and the Kanikar began the work of destruction, and

with every movement the man and the ladder swayed to and fro, as if

the whole thing would collapse at any moment. However, all was safe,

and, after securing as much honey as he could conveniently carry, he

began the return journey. Hand and foot he went up ring after ring

until he reached the top in safety, performing the ascent with an

air of nonchalant ease, which would have done credit to any steeple

jack." The honey is brought for sale in hollow bamboo joints.

Sometimes Kanikars come into Trivandrum, bringing with them live

animals for the zoological gardens.

The word Kanikaran means a hereditary proprietor of land. There

is a tradition that there were once two hill kings, Sri Rangan and

Virappan, whose descendants emigrated from the Pandyan territories

beyond Agastyakutam under pressure from a superior force, and never

returned to the low country. The following legend is current among

the Kanikars. "The sea originally covered everything, but God caused

the water to roll back, and leave bare all the hills. Then Parameswara

and Parvati made a man and woman, whose descendants were divided into

fifty-six races, and multiplied exceedingly, so that a sore famine

invaded the land. In those days men were hunters, and lived by snaring

animals and plucking wild fruits off the trees. There was no corn,

for men did not know how to sow rice, and cultivate it. The cry of

the famine-stricken reached Parameswara and Parvati, and they visited

the earth in the form of a pair of hamsam (the bird which carries

Brahma), and alighted on a kanjiram tree. While seated there, the god

and goddess noticed a pair of dragon-flies, which paired together,

and they too, their hearts swelling with love, embraced each other,

and, taking pity on mankind, willed that a field of rice should sprout

on the low-lying land near the sea-shore. The Paraiyans and Pulayans,

who witnessed the rice growing, were the first to taste of the crop,

and became prosperous. This was in Malabar, or the far north of

Travancore. The Maharaja, hearing of the new grain, sent seven green

parrots to go On a journey of discovery, and they returned with seven

ears of rice. These the Maharaja placed in a granary, and gave some

to the Paraiyans to sow, and the grain miraculously increased. But

the Maharaja wanted to know how it was to be cooked. The parrots were

accordingly once more brought into requisition, and they flew away,

and brought back eighteen varieties of cooked rice which a Paraiyan's

wife had prepared. Then the Maharaja, having got some rice prepared

by his cooks, fell to and eat heartily. After eating, he went into the

yard to wash his hands, and, before drying them on a cloth, wrung his

right hand to get the last drops of water off. A valuable gold ring

with three stones fell therefrom, and, burying itself in the dust,

was never recovered. The Maharaja was sore distressed by his loss,

but, Parameswara, as some recompense, caused to grow from the ground

where the ring fell three trees which are very valuable in Travancore,

and which, by the sale of their produce, would make the Maharaja

wealthy and prosperous. The trees were the dammar tree, the resinous

gum of which is useful in religious ceremonies, the sandal-wood tree

so widely used for its perfume, and lastly the bamboo, which is so

useful and necessary to the well-being of the Kanikars."

The sub-divisions among the Kanikars are known as illams or families,

of which five are said to be endogamous, and five exogamous. The

former are called Machchampi or brother-in-law illams, and the latter

Annantampi or brother illams. They are named after mountains (e.g.,

Palamala, Talamala), places (e.g., Vellanat), etc. The Kanikars who

live south of the Kodayar river cannot marry those living north of it,

the river forming a marital boundary.

Among the names of Kanikars are Parapan (broad-faced), Chanthiran

(moon), Marthandan (sun), Muntan (dwarf), Kaliyan (little Kali),

Madan (a deity), Nili (blue) and Karumpi (black). The first name is

sometimes that of the settlement in which they live. For example,

the various Mullans are known as Kuzhumbi Mullan, Anaimalai Mullan,

Chembilakayam Mullan, etc.

The Kanikars live together in small communities under a Muttakani

or headman, who wields considerable influence over them, and enjoys

various perquisites. He presides over tribal council meetings, at

which all social questions are discussed and settled, and fixes the

time for clearing the jungle, sowing the seed, gathering the harvest,

worshipping the gods, etc. Fines which are inflicted are spent in

propitiating the gods.

The language of the Kanikars is a dialect of Malayalam, with a

large admixture of Tamil, which they call Malampashai or language of

the hills.

The system of inheritance among those who live in the hills is

makkathayam (from father to son). But a moiety of the personal

property goes to the nephews. With those who live in the plains, an

equal distribution of their self-acquired property is made between

the sons and nephews. If there are no sons, the nephews inherit the

property, the widow being entitled to maintenance.

The chief object of worship is said to be Sasthan, a forest

god. But the Kanikars also make offerings to a variety of deities,

including Amman, Poothathan, Vetikad Pootham, Vadamala Poothathan,

and Amcala. They have, it has been said, "certain spots, trees or

rocks, where their relations or friends have met with some unusual good

luck or calamity, where they generally offer their prayers. Here they

periodically assemble, and pray that the catastrophe that had befallen

a comrade may not fall on them, or that the blessings which another had

received may be showered on them." Generally in February a festival

called kodai is held, whereat the Kanikars assemble. Goats and fowls

are sacrificed, and the pujari (priest) offers boiled rice and meat to

the sylvan deities in a consecrated place. The festival, to which many

come from the low country, winds up with drinking and dancing. The

Kanikar musical instruments include a reed flute or clarionet, and

men dance to the music, while the women clap their hands in time with

it. The Kanikars worship their gods twice a year, in the months of

Minam and Kanni. On the morning of the celebration, every family takes

rice and plantains to the dwelling of the headman. With the exception

of a small quantity which is set aside, the rice is husked and ground

to flour by boys or men, after bathing and washing their hands and

feet. The rice is taken to a clearing in the fields, whither a Kanikar

who knows how to invoke the deity comes after bathing. He lays out

a row of plantain leaves, and spreads on each leaf a little rice, on

which plantains are laid. These are covered over with a plantain leaf,

on which rice is sprinkled. The officiating Kanikar then burns incense,

carries it round the trophy, and places it in front thereof. All do

obeisance by raising their hands to their foreheads, and pray for a

fruitful harvest. Sometimes the officiating Kanikar becomes inspired

like a Velichapad, and gives expression to oracular utterances. At the

close of the ceremony, a distribution of the rice and plantains takes

place. When the land is to be cleared for cultivation, the headman is

invited to attend, and some rice and cocoanuts are presented to him,

which he offers up, and clears a small portion with his own hand. On

the first appearance of the ears of grain, the Kanikars spend two

nights in drumming, singing, and repeating mantrams at the field,

and put up a tattu or platform on four sticks as a shrine for the

spirits, to whom they offer raw rice, tender cocoanuts, flowers,

etc. At harvest time rice, plantains, sweetmeats, and flowers are

offered to the various hill demons, Purcha Mallan Pey, the cat giant,

Athirakodi Pey, the boundary flag demon, and others.

For the following note on a Kanikar harvest festival I am indebted to

an article by Mr. A. P. Smith. [90] It was performed in propitiation

of the Baradevata, or household gods of a house in the neighbourhood,

the presiding deity being Madan. The ceremony is commonly called the

feeding ceremony, and should be carried out just before the harvesting

of the grain commences. "The officiating Kani is generally an elderly

and influential man, who professes inspiration and knowledge obtained

when asleep. The articles necessary to perform the ceremony are called

Paduka or sacrifice, and Ashtamangalyam. Paduka is for the adult gods

or manes, male or female, called Chava, and Ashtamangalyam is for

the virgins who have died, called Kanyakas. A temporary pavilion or

pandal had been erected in front of the house, and from the canopy

long streamers of tender cocoanut leaves, bunches of plantains,

and tender cocoanuts, with their husk on, were hung. Branches of

areca nuts and flowers adorned the posts and pillars. Small heaps,

consisting of boiled rice, paddy, a tender cocoanut, a sprig of areca

flowers, and betel were placed on plantain leaves in seven definite

spots. The officiating Kanikar, after formally getting the permission

of the assembled spectators, and especially of one who subsequently

appeared on the scene as the chief dancer, began a monotonous chant in

what appeared to be a mixed language. It was understood to be a history

of the beginning of earthly kings, a record of the life and doings of

departed souls, whose protection was prayed for, and a prayer for the

souls of those persons for whose benefit the ceremony of propitiation

was in progress. Now and again the feelings of the narrator or singer

would overcome him, and he would indulge in a shout or in emphatic

gesticulations. This went on for about three or four hours, punctuated

at intervals by the firing of petards or old smooth-bore guns, and the

shrill cries of the women. Before the chanting terminated, a large

heap of the red flowers of Ixora coccinea (thetti pu), about a yard

square at the base, had been raised in the centre of the pandal, and

it was prettily picked out with areca flowers in artistic designs. The

horrible sound of a human voice roaring like a wild beast aroused

every one to a sense of activity. From behind the hut came the man

already mentioned, very primitively clothed, his hair hanging loose,

his eyes staring, and what appeared like foam at his mouth. He would

stand, run short distances, leap, sit, agitate his body, and dance,

keeping step to the rhythmic and muffled beating of the drum. This

he did for ten minutes or so. Suddenly, with a shout, he dived into

the hut specially set apart as the feeding place of the god Madan,

and presently appeared with two long sticks adorned at their ends

with bells, which emitted a jingling sound. The frenzy of motion,

ecstatic, unregulated and ungovernable, was apparently infectious, for

a young man, hitherto a silent spectator of the scene, gave a shout,

and began to dance wildly, throwing up his arms, and stepping out

quite actively. This encouragement stimulated the original performer,

and he caught a man standing near by the neck, thrust the stick with

the bells into his hand, and he thereupon started dancing as well. In

about ten minutes there were some half a dozen wild dancing dervishes,

shouting, gesticulating, revolving, and most certainly in an abnormal

state of excitement. A dying but still glowing heap of fire and

ashes became the centre of attraction, for the chief dancer danced

over the fire, and sent the sparks flying, and scattered the wood,

and evoked the admiration and eulogies of the crowd. Streaming with

perspiration, spotted with ashes, wild, dishevelled and exhausted,

the chief dancing demoniac stepped under the pandal, and finally sat

himself before the heap of red flowers, and tossed the blossoms over

his head in a kind of shower bath. He was assisted in this by the old

Kanikar and other bystanders. A little boy was brought before him,

and he called the lad by a name. This was his christening ceremony,

for the lad assumed the name from that time. The chief dancer then

stood up, and appeared to be still in a possessed state. A fine old

rooster was brought, and its throat cut. It was then handed to the

dancer, who applied his lips to the gaping wound, and drained the

blood, swallowing the fluid audibly. Before relinquishing his hold

of the bird, he swayed and fell on the ground in what seemed to

be a swoon. This indicated that the sacrifice had been acceptable,

that the propitiation was perfected, and that all the wishes of the

persons interested in them would be granted. The crowd then set to

eating and drinking the sacrificial elements, and dispersed."

Both adult and infant marriage are practiced. Those who had married

'infants,' on being questioned, stated that this is the safest course,

as grown-up brides sometimes run away to their parents' house, whereas

younger girls get accustomed to their husbands' home. On a fixed day,

within a month of the marriage ceremony, four Kanikars, accompanied

by a boy carrying betel leaves and areca nuts, go to the home of the

future bride, and present them to the families of the settlement. On

the wedding morning, all assemble at a pandal (booth), and the

bridegroom distributes pan-supari (betel leaf and areca nuts). His

sister then brings forward the bride, and the bridegroom presents

her with a cloth, which she puts on. Bride, bridegroom, and a young

boy, then stand on a mat beneath the pandal, and the bridegroom ties

the minnu (marriage badge) round the neck of the bride if she is an

infant. If she is an adult, he places the minnu in front of her neck,

on which it is tied by his sister. A plantain leaf is then placed

in front of the bridal couple, and curry and rice served thereon by

their mothers. The two women then take hold of the bride's head, and

press it seven times towards her husband's shoulders. This ceremony

concluded, the young boy takes a small quantity of the curry and

rice, and puts it in the mouth of the bridegroom seven times. The

bridegroom's younger brother then gives a morsel to the bride. The

ceremonial terminates with a feast. The dowry includes billhooks,

brass vessels, choppers, grain, and pulses. The headman, according to

Mateer, offers some advice to the husband concerning the management of

his wife. The heads of his discourse are arranged under the following

heads:--teaching by words, pinching, and blows, and casting the woman

away at last, if she is not obedient. In the remarriage of widows,

the bridegroom simply gives the woman a pair of cloths, and, with

the consent of the male members of her family, takes her to his home.

During the seventh month of pregnancy, a woman has to perform a

ceremony called vaguthu pongal. Seven pots are placed on seven hearths,

and, when the rice placed therein has boiled, the woman salutes it,

and all present partake thereof. According to Mateer "the ceremony

practised on the occasion of pregnancy is called vayaru pongal,

when boiled rice is offered to the sun. First they mould an image of

Ganesha, and, setting it in a suitable place, boil the rice. To this

they add for an offering aval or flattened rice, parched rice, cakes,

plantain fruits, young cocoanuts, and tender leaves of the same palm,

with the flowers of the areca palm. The headman then commences dancing,

and repeating mantrams. He waves the offerings to the sun. On first

giving rice to a child, a feast is held, and an offering presented

to the jungle demons."

Concerning the death ceremonies, Mateer writes that "when any one is

taken ill, the headman is at once consulted. He visits the sick person,

and orders two drumming and singing ceremonies to be performed. A

whole night is spent in dancing, singing, drumming, and prayers for

the recovery of the patient. The offerings consist of tapioca, flour

and cocoanuts, and other articles. After some time the headman, with

manifestations of demoniac possession, reveals whether the sufferer

will die or not. If the former, he repeats a mantram (kudumi vettu

mantram, or formula on cutting off the top-knot), and cuts off the sick

man's kudumi. This being a sign of approaching death, the relatives

and others pay their last visits to the sick. After death, a mixture of

ganja (Indian hemp), raw rice, and cocoanut, is put into the mouth of

the corpse by the son and nephews, and it is buried at some distance

from their abode, mantrams being repeated over it. Occasionally the

corpse is cremated. The relatives bathe before returning home, and

cannot take any of the produce of their lands till the death pollution

is removed, fearing that wild beasts will attack them or destroy their

crops. To this end a small shed is built outside their clearing on the

third day. Three measures of rice are boiled, and placed in a cup or on

a plantain leaf inside the shed. Then all bathe, and return home. On

the seventh day all this is repeated, the old shed being pulled down,

and a new one put up. On returning to their dwelling, they sprinkle

cow-dung on their houses and in the yard, which finally removes the

defilement. People in better circumstances make a feast of curry and

rice for all present." The cow-dung is sprinkled with leafy twigs of

the mango or jak tree, or flower stalks of the areca palm. The ashes,

after cremation, are said to be collected in a pot or leaf, and thrown

into the nearest stream or river. An annual ceremony, in commemoration

of ancestors, is held, at which rice is boiled and offered up.

The Kanikars, like the Irulas and Yanadis of the Tamil and Telugu

countries, do not belong to the polluting classes. Pulayans, Kuruvans,

and Vedans are not allowed to approach them.

The dietary of the jungle Kanikars includes wild pigs, deer,

porcupines, hares, monkeys, fowls, sheep and goats, parakeets, doves,

tortoises, fish, crabs, peacocks, tigers (said to taste like black

monkey), owls, squirrels and field rats, in addition to many vegetable

products of the forest. They will not eat beef or the flesh of 'bison.'

Some Kanikars are tattooed on the forehead with a crescent and dot,

or a vertical stripe. The Kanikars say that their ancestors wore

a garment made of jungle fibre, which has been replaced by a cotton

loin-cloth. "Both men and women," Mr. M. Ratnaswami Aiyar writes, "wear

on the neck numerous strings of red beads and rings made of shells,

which hang down to the abdomen in the case of the women. The men wear

ear-rings of brass or silver. The women wear bangles of brass and iron,

and a number of brass rings on the fingers. The men bear suspended from

one of their shoulders a cloth bag containing two or more partitions,

in which they keep their vilangupetti or box containing betel,

tobacco, and chunam. They carry, too, suspended from the shoulder,

a cane basket wherein they place their day's crop of grain or roots,

or any other food obtained by them. They attach to their waist-string

or cloth a billhook and knife, and carry their bows and arrows slung

on their shoulders. Whenever the Kanikars from the different kanis

or settlements have to be gathered together for a common meeting,

or for going together elsewhere on a common purpose, a messenger

amongst them carries from one kani to another the message with a knot

of fibres of creepers, which serves as a symbol of call. The knotted

fibre is passed on from one kani to another till the required assembly

is secured. It is thus that I secured my Kanikars to present them to

their Excellencies Lord and Lady Curzon."

For most of the information contained in this article I am indebted

to Mateer's 'Native Life in Travancore,' an article by Mr. Ratnaswami

Aiyar, [91] and notes by Mr. N. Subrahmani Aiyar.

Kani Kuruppu.--Barbers of the Kaniyans.

Kani Razu.--A name, denoting fortune-telling Razus, sometimes used as

a synonym by Bhatrazus, in whose songs it occurs. The name Kani-vandlu,

or fortune-tellers, occurs as a synonym of Yerukala.

Kaniyan.--Kaniyan, spelt and pronounced Kanisan in Malabar, is a

Malayalam corruption of the Sanskrit Ganika, meaning an astrologer. The

word was originally Kani, in which form it invariably appears in

Malayalam works and Tamil documents. The honorific suffix 'an' has

been added subsequently.

The two titles, generally applied to Kaniyans, are Panikkar and

Asan. The former is said to be a common title in Malabar, but in

Travancore it seems to be restricted to the north. The word Panikkar

comes from pani, or work, viz., that of military training. The fact

that most of the families, who own this title at present, were once

teachers of bodily exercises, is evident not only from the name kalari,

literally a military school, by which their houses are usually known,

but also from the Keralolpatti, which assigns military training as

a duty of the caste. Asan, a corruption of the Sanskrit Acharya, is

a common title among Kaniyans in South Travancore. Special titles,

such as Anantapadmanabham, Sivasankaran, and Sankili, are said to be

possessed by certain families in the south, having been conferred on

them by kings in olden times. Some Kaniyans in the north enjoy the

surname of Nampikuruppu.

Kaniyans are divided into two endogamous sections, viz., Kaniyar and

Tinta (or polluting). The occupations of the latter are umbrella-making

and spirit-exorcising, while the others remain astrologers, pure

and simple. A few families, living at Alengad, are called Vattakan

Kaniyans, and are believed to have come there on the eve of Tipu

Sultan's invasion. The women of the Kaniyans proper do not eat

with them. According to tradition, eight sub-septs are said to have

existed among the Kaniyans, four of which were known as kiriyams,

and four as illams. The names of the former are Annavikkannam,

Karivattam, Kutappilla, and Nanna; of the latter Pampara, Tachchazham,

Netumkanam, and Ayyarkala. These divisions were once endogamous,

but this distinction has now disappeared.

In a note on the Kaniyans of the Cochin State, [92] Mr. L. K. Anantha

Krishna Iyer writes that "there is some difference in the social status

between the Kaniyans of the southern, and the Kalari Panikkans of the

northern parts of the State. The latter profess a kind of superiority

in status, on the ground that the former have no kalaris. It is

also said by the latter that the occupation of the former was once

that of umbrella-making, and that astrology as a profession has been

recently adopted by them. There is at present neither intermarriage,

nor interdining between them. The Kaniyans pollute the Kalari Panikkans

by touch." In connection with the old village organisation in Malabar,

Cochin, and Travancore, Mr. Anantha Krishna Iyer writes further

that "every tara or kara (village) consisted of all castemen below

Brahmans, especially the Nayars of all classes, more or less living

in a community, the Kammalans, Izhuvans, Panans, Mannans, and other

castemen living further apart. For every such village in the northern

part of the State, there was also a Kalari Panikkan, with a kalari

(gymnastic or military school), where the young men of the village,

chiefly the Nayars, were trained in all kinds of athletic feats,

and in arms. The institution of the kalaris has now disappeared,

though the building remains in some places, and the Panikkans are now

mainly astrologers and village schoolmasters. According to their own

statement, Parasurama, the great coloniser of Kerala, established

kalaris throughout the kingdom, and appointed them as the masters

to train Sudra young men in all kinds of feats (one thousand and

eight in number), for the protection of the country against foreign

invaders. The Nayars, who then formed the fighting race, were mostly

trained by the Panikkans. In memory of this, the Kalari Panikkans

of the northern portions of the State, and of South Malabar, profess

even now a preceptorship to the Nayars, and the Nayars show them some

respect, being present at their marriages and other ceremonies. The

Pannikkans say that the Nayars obtained their kalaris from them. There

are still a few among the Panikkans, here and there, fit to teach

young men various feats. The following are the names of some of them:--

(1) Pitichu Kali. Two persons play on their drums (chenda), while

a third person, well dressed in a kacha, and with a turban on his

head, and provided with a sword and shield, performs various feats

in harmony with the drum beating. It is a kind of sword-dance.

(2) Parishathalam Kali. A large pandal (booth) is erected in front

of the house where the performance is to take place, and the boys

below sixteen, who have been previously trained for it, are brought

there. The performance takes place at night. The chenda, maddhalam,

chengala, and elathalam (circular bell-metal plates slightly concave

in the middle) are the instruments used in the performance. After the

performance, the boys, whom the Asan has trained, present themselves

before him, and remunerate him with whatever they can afford. Parties

are organised to give this performance on all auspicious occasions

in rural districts.

(3) Kolati. Around a lighted lamp, a number of persons stand in a

circle, each with a stick a foot in length, and as thick as a thumb,

in each hand. They begin to sing, first in slow time, and gradually in

rapid measure. The time is marked by each one hitting his neighbours'

sticks with his own on both sides. Much dexterity and precision

are required, as also experience in combined action and movements,

lest the amateur should be hit by his neighbours as the measure is

accelerated. The songs are invariably in praise of God or man.

The Kaniyans, according to one tradition, are Brahman astrologers,

who gradually lost their position, as their predictions became less

and less accurate. Concerning their legendary history, Mr. Anantha

Krishna Iyer writes as follows. "Once, says one of these legends,

when the god Subrahmanya, son of Siva, and his friend were learning

astrology, they knew that the sound of a lizard close by foreboded some

evil to the mother of the former. The friend practiced some magical

rite, which averted the evil. His mother, who had been in a state of

unconsciousness, suddenly woke up as if from slumber, and asked the

son 'Kany-ar,' i.e., who it was that she looked at. To which the son

replied that she was looking at a Kaniyan (astrologer). The Kaniyans

still believe that the umbrella, the stick, the holy ashes, and the

purse of cowries, which form the paraphernalia of a Kaniyan nowadays,

were given by Subramanya. The following is another tradition regarding

the origin of the caste. In ancient times, it is said, Panans, Velans,

and Kaniyans were practicing magic, but astrology as a profession

was practiced exclusively by the Brahmans. There lived a famous

astrologer, Thalakkaleth Bhattathiripad, who was the most renowned

of the astrologers of the time. He had a son whose horoscope he cast,

and from it he concluded that his son would live long. Unfortunately

he proved to be mistaken, for his son died. Unable to find out the

error in his calculation and prediction, he took the horoscope to an

equally famous astrologer of the Chola kingdom, who, aware of the

cause of his advent, directed him to adore some deity that might

aid him in the working out of his predictions. Accordingly he came

to the Trichur temple, where, as directed, he spent some days in

devotion to the deity. Thereafter he worked wonders in astrology,

and became so well known in Malabar, Cochin, and Travancore, that he

commanded the respect and admiration of the rulers, who invited him to

cast horoscopes, and make predictions. For so doing he was liberally

rewarded. One day a Brahman, hearing that his guru at Benares was

seriously ill, consulted the Bhattathiripad whether and how he would

be able to see him before his death. The Brahman astrologer directed

him to go to the southern side of the Trichur temple, where he would

see two persons coming towards him, who might gratify his desire to

see his preceptor. These persons were really the servants of Yama

(the god of death). They asked him to touch them, and he at once

found himself at the side of his teacher. The Brahman was asked who

had directed him to them, and, when he told them that it was the

renowned Brahman astrologer, they cursed him, saying that he would

become an outcaste. This fate came as no surprise to the astrologer,

for he had already perceived from an evil conjunction of the planets

that disgrace and danger were impending. To try to avoid the sad

fate which he foresaw, he left his home and friends, and set out on

a boating excursion in a river close by Pazhur. The night was dark,

and it was midnight when he reached the middle of the stream. A

severe storm, accompanied by rain, had come on, and the river was in

flood. He was swept away to an unknown region, and scrambled ashore

in torrents of rain and in darkness, when he saw a light in a house

near where he landed, and he made for it in an exhausted condition. On

reaching it, he lay down in the verandah at the gate of the house,

musing on the untoward events of the night, and on his affectionate

family whom he had left. The hut belonged to the family of a Kaniyan,

[93] who, as it happened, had had a quarrel with his wife that day,

and had left his hut. Anxiously expecting her husband's return,

the wife opened the door about midnight, and, seeing a man lying

in the verandah, mistook him for her husband. The man was so wrapt

in his thoughts of his home that he in turn mistook her for his

wife. When the Brahman woke up from his slumber, he found her to be

a Kaniya woman. On looking at the star in the heavens to calculate

the precise time, he saw that the prediction that he would become an

outcaste had been fulfilled. He accepted the degradation, and lived

the rest of his days with the Kaniya woman. She bore him several

sons, whom in due course he educated in the lore of his profession,

and for whom, by his influence, he obtained an important place in

the Hindu social system as astrologers (Ganikans). It is said that,

according to his instruction, his body, after his death, was placed

in a coffin, and buried in the courtyard of the house. The spot is

still shown, and an elevated platform is constructed, with a thatched

roof over it. A lighted lamp is placed at all times on the platform,

and in front of it astrological calculations and predictions are made,

for it is believed that those who made such calculations there will

have the aid of the spirit of their dead Brahman ancestor, who was

so learned in the science that he could tell of events long past, and

predict even future birth. As an instance of the last, the following

incident may be given. Once the great Brahman ascetic Vilwamangalath

Swamiyar was suffering severely from pains in the stomach, when he

prayed to the divine Krishna for relief. Finding no remedy, he turned

to a Brahman friend, a Yogi, who gave him some holy ashes, which he

took, and which relieved him of the pains. He mentioned the fact to

his beloved god Krishna, who, by the pious adoration of the ascetic,

appeared before him, when he said that he would have three births in

the world instead of one which was destined for him. With an eager

desire to know what they would be, he consulted the Bhattathiripad,

who said that he would be born first as a rat-snake (Zamenis mucosus),

then as an ox, and thirdly as a tulsi plant (Ocimum sanctum), and that

he would be along with him in these births. With great pleasure he

returned home. It is also said that the astrologer himself was born as

an ox, and was in this form afterwards supported by the members of his

family. The incident is said to have taken place at Pazhur, eighteen

miles east of Ernakulam. The members of the family are called Pazhur

Kaniyans, and are well known throughout Malabar, Cochin and Travancore,

for their predictions in astrology, and all classes of people even

now resort to them for aid in predictions. The Kalari Panikkans in

the northern parts of the Cochin State have a different account of

the origin of the caste. Once, they say, a sage and astrologer,

named a Ganikan, was making prediction to a Sudra regarding his

future destiny. As this was done by him when in an uncleanly state,

he was cursed by the Saptharishis (seven sages). The Panikkans who

are reputed to be his descendants are ordained to be teachers and

astrologers of all castes below Brahmans."

According to another legendary account, there were Kaniyans before the

time of Bhattatiri, but their astrological attainments are connected

with him. Talakulattu Bhattatiri was one of the earliest astrologers

of renown, being the author of Muhurtapadavi, and lived in the fourth

century A.D. There is a tradition, believed by the Kaniyans south of

Neyyattenkara, that their ancestor was descended from the union of a

Gandharva woman with Kani, a Brahman saint, who lived in the western

ghats. Their grandson propitiated the god Subrahmanya presiding over

astronomy, and acquired the surname Nalika from his never-ceasing

truthfulness. Some of the southern Kaniyans even at the present day

call themselves Nali. According to another legend, Parameswara and his

wife Parvati were living happily together, when Agni fell desperately

in love with the latter. Eventually, Parameswara caught them together,

and, to save Agni, Parvati suggested that he should hide himself

inside her body. On Agni doing this, Parvati became very indisposed,

and Parameswara, distressed at seeing his wife rolling in agony,

shed tears, one of which fell on the ground, and became turned into

a man, who, being divinely born, detected the cause of Parvati's

indisposition, and, asking for some incense, sprinkled it over a

blazing torch. Agni, seeing his opportunity, escaped in the smoke,

and Parvati had instant relief. For this service, Parameswara blessed

the man, and appointed him and his descendants to cure diseases,

exorcise demons, and foretell events.

The Kaniyans of Malabar have been connected by tradition with the

Valluvans of the Tamil country, who are the priests, doctors, and

astrologers of the Pallans and Paraiyans. According to this tradition,

the modern Kaniyans are traced to the Valluvans brought from the

east by a Perumal who ruled over Kerala in 350 M.E. The latter are

believed to have become Kaniyans proper, while the old Kaniyans of

the west coast descended to the rank of Tinta Kaniyans. The chief of

the Valluvans so brought was a Yogi or ascetic, who, being asked by a

Nambutiri concerning a missing article at Pazhur, replied correctly

that the lost ring had been placed in a hole in the bank of the

Nambutiri's tank (pond), and was consequently invited to settle

there permanently.

The Kaniyans are easily recognised by their punctilious cleanness of

person and clothing, the iron style and knife tucked into the waist,

the palm umbrella with its ribs holding numbers of horoscopes, their

low artistic bow, and their deliberate answers to questions put to

them. Most of them are intelligent, and well versed in Malayalam and

Sanskrit. They are, however, not a flourishing community, being averse

to manual labour, and depending for their living on their hereditary

profession. There are no more conservative people in Travancore,

and none of them have taken kindly to western education. In their

clothing they follow the orthodox Malabar fashion. The dress of the

males seldom hangs loose, being tucked in in token of humility. The

Kaniyan, when wanted in his professional capacity, presents himself

with triple ash marks of Siva on his chest, arms, and forehead. The

woman's ornaments resemble those of the Izhuvans. Fish and flesh

are not forbidden as food, but there are many families, as those

of Pazhur and Onakkuru, which strictly abstain from meat. Marriage

between families which eat and abstain from flesh is not absolutely

forbidden. But a wife must give up eating flesh immediately on entering

the house of her vegetarian husband. The profession of the Kaniyans

is astrology. Marco Polo, writing as early as the thirteenth century

about Travancore, says that it was even then pre-eminently the land

of astrologers. Barbosa, at the beginning of the sixteenth century,

has a detailed reference to the Kaniyans, of whom he writes that "they

learn letters and astronomy, and some of them are great astrologers,

and foretell many future things, and form judgments upon the births

of men. Kings and great persons send to call them, and come out of

their palaces to gardens and pleasure-grounds to see them, and ask

them what they desire to know; and these people form judgment upon

these things in a few days, and return to those that asked of them,

but they may not enter the palaces; nor may they approach the king's

person on account of being low people. And the king is then alone

with him. They are great diviners, and pay great attention to times

and places of good and bad luck, which they cause to be observed by

those kings and great men, and by the merchants also; and they take

care to do their business at the time which these astrologers advise

them, and they do the same in their voyages and marriages. And by

these means these men gain a great deal." Buchanan, three centuries

later, alludes in the same glowing terms to the prosperity of the

Kaniyans. He notes that they are of very low caste, a Nambutiri coming

within twenty-four feet of one being obliged to purify himself by

prayer and ablution. "The Kaniyans," he writes, "possess almanacks,

by which they inform people as to the proper time for performing

ceremonies or sowing their seeds, and the hours which are fortunate or

unfortunate for any undertaking. When persons are sick or in trouble,

the Cunishun, by performing certain ceremonies in a magical square

of 12 places, discovers what spirit is the cause of the evil, and

also how it may be appeased. Some Cunishuns possess mantrams, with

which they pretend to cast out devils." Captain Conner notes twenty

years later that "Kanneans derive the appellation from the science of

divination, which some of their sect profess. The Kannean fixes the

propitious moment for every undertaking, all hysterical affections

being supposed to be the visitation of some troublesome spirit. His

incantations are believed alone able to subdue it."

The Kaniyans are practically the guiding spirits in all the social and

domestic concerns of Travancoreans, and even Muhammadans and Christians

do not fail to profit by their wisdom. From the moment of the birth of

an infant, which is noted by the Kaniyan for the purpose of casting

its horoscope, to the moment of death, the services of the village

astrologer are constantly in requisition. He is invariably consulted

as to the cause of all calamities, and the cautious answers that he

gives satisfy the people. "Putro na putri," which may either mean no

son but a daughter, or no daughter but a son, is jocosely referred

to as the type of a Kaniyan's answer, when questioned about the sex

of a child in utero. "It would be difficult," Mr. Logan writes, [94]

"to describe a single important occasion in everyday life when the

Kanisan is not at hand as a guiding spirit, foretelling lucky days

and hours, casting horoscopes, explaining the cause of calamities,

prescribing remedies for untoward events, and physicians (not physic)

for sick persons. Seed cannot be sown, or trees planted, unless the

Kanisan has been consulted beforehand. He is even asked to consult his

shastras to find lucky days and moments for setting out on a journey,

commencing an enterprise, giving a loan, executing a deed, or shaving

the head. For such important occasions as births, marriages, tonsure,

investiture with the sacred thread, and beginning the A, B, C, the

Kanisan is of course indispensable. His work in short mixes him up

with the gravest as well as the most trivial of the domestic events

of the people, and his influence and position are correspondingly

great. The astrologer's finding, as one will solemnly assert with

all due reverence, is the oracle of God himself, with the justice of

which everyone ought to be satisfied, and the poorer classes follow

his dictates unhesitatingly. There is no prescribed scale of fees for

his services, and in this respect he is like the native physician and

teacher. Those who consult him, however, rarely come empty-handed, and

the gift is proportioned to the means of the party, and the time spent

in serving him. If no fee is given, the Kanisan does not exact it, as

it is one of his professional characteristics, and a matter of personal

etiquette, that the astrologer should be unselfish, and not greedy of

gain. On public occasions, however, and on important domestic events,

a fixed scale of fees is usually adhered to. The astrologer's most busy

time is from January to July, the period of harvest and of marriages,

but in the other six months of the year his is far from being an

idle life. His most lucrative business lies in casting horoscopes,

recording the events of a man's life from birth to death, pointing out

dangerous periods of life, and prescribing rules and ceremonies to be

observed by individuals for the purpose of propitiating the gods and

planets, and so averting the calamities of dangerous times. He also

shows favourable junctures for the commencement of undertakings,

and the grantham or book, written on palmyra leaf, sets forth in

considerable detail the person's disposition and mental qualities, as

affected by the position of the planets in the zodiac at the moment

of birth. All this is a work of labour, and of time. There are few

members of respectable families who are not thus provided, and nobody

grudges the five to twenty-five rupees usually paid for a horoscope

according to the position and reputation of the astrologer. Two

things are essential to the astrologer, namely, a bag of cowry shells

(Cypræa moneta), and an almanac. When any one comes to consult him, he

quietly sits down, facing the sun, on a plank seat or mat, murmuring

some mantrams or sacred verses, opens his bag of cowries, and pours

them on the floor. With his right hand he moves them slowly round

and round, solemnly reciting meanwhile a stanza or two in praise of

his guru or teacher, and of his deity, invoking their help. He then

stops, and explains what he has been doing, at the same time taking

a handful of cowries from the heap, and placing them on one side. In

front is a diagram drawn with chalk on the floor, and consisting of

twelve compartments (rasis) one for each month in the year. Before

commencing operations with the diagram, he selects three or five of

the cowries highest up in the heap, and places them in a line on the

right-hand side. [In an account before me, three cowries and two glass

bottle-stoppers are mentioned as being placed on this side.] These

represent Ganapati (the belly god, the remover of difficulties),

the sun, the planet Jupiter, Sarasvati (the goddess of speech),

and his own guru or preceptor. To all of these the astrologer gives

due obeisance, touching his ears and the ground three times with

both hands. The cowries are next arranged in the compartments of

the diagram, and are moved about from compartment to compartment

by the astrologer, who quotes meanwhile the authority on which he

makes the moves. Finally he explains the result, and ends with again

worshipping the deified cowries, who were witnessing the operation

as spectators." According to another account, [95] the astrologer

"pours his cowries on the ground, and, after rolling them in the palm

of his right hand, while repeating mantrams (consecrated formulæ),

he selects the largest, and places them in a row outside the diagram

at its right hand top corner. They represent the first seven planets,

and he does obeisance to them, touching his forehead and the ground

three times with both hands. The relative position of the nine planets

is then worked out, and illustrated with cowries in the diagram."

At the chal (furrow) ceremony in Malabar, on the eve of the new

agricultural year, "every Hindu house in the district is visited by the

Kanisans of the respective desams, who, for a modest present of rice,

vegetables and oils, makes a forecast of the season's prospects, which

is engrossed on a cadjan (palm leaf). This is called the Vishu phalam,

which is obtained by comparing the nativity with the equinox. Special

mention is made therein as to the probable rainfall from the position

of the planets--highly prized information in a district where there

are no irrigation works or large reservoirs for water." [96]

The science of astrology is studied and practiced by other castes, but

the Kani house of Pazhur is the most celebrated. Numerous stories are

related of the astrological skill of the Pazhur Kaniyans, of which one

relates to the planets Mercury and Venus, who, arriving at the house

of one of the Kaniyans, were asked by him to wait at the gate. He

then jumped into a neighbouring well, to conduct some prayers with a

view to keeping them there permanently. In this task he succeeded,

and even today a prophecy made at that out-house is believed to be

certain of turning out true.

In addition to astrology, the Kaniyans practice sorcery and exorcism,

which are strictly the occupation of the Tinta Kaniyans. The process

by which devils are driven out is known as kolamtullal (a peculiar

dance). A troupe of Kaniyans, on being invited to a house where a

person is suspected of being possessed by a devil, go there wearing

masques representing Gandharva, Yakshi, Bhairava, Raktesvari, and

other demons, and dressed up in tender cocoanut leaves. Accompanied by

music and songs, they rush towards the affected person, who is seated

in the midst of the assembly, and frighten away the evil spirit. For

the cure of disease, which is considered as incurable by ordinary

methods of treatment, a form of exorcism called kalapasamtikkuka, or

the removal of the rope or evil influence, is resorted to. In this,

two Kaniyans take the stage, and play the parts of Siva and Yama,

while a third recites in song the story of the immortal Markandeya.

"The Pannikar's astrology," Mr. F. Fawcett writes, [97] "he will tell

you, is divided into three parts:--

(1) Ganita, which treats of the constellations.

(2) Sankita, which explains the origin of the constellations, comets,

falling stars, and earthquakes.

(3) Hora, by which the fate of man is explained.

"The Panikkar, who follows in the footsteps of his forefathers,

should have a thorough knowledge of astrology and mathematics, and be

learned in the Vedas. He should be sound in mind and body, truthful,

and patient. He should look well after his family, and should worship

regularly the nine planets:--Suryan, the sun; Chandran, moon; Chovva,

Mars; Budhan, Mercury; Vyazham, Guru, or Brihaspati, Jupiter; Sukran,

Venus; Sani, Saturn; Rahu; and Ketu. The two last, though not visible,

are, oddly enough, classed as planets by the Panikkar. They are said

to be two parts of an Asura who was cut in two by Vishnu. The Panikkars

also dabble in magic, and I have in my possession a number of yantrams

presented to me by a Panikkar. They should be written on a thin gold,

silver, or copper plate, and worn on the person. A yantram written

on gold is the most effective. As a rule, the yantram is placed in

a little cylinder-case made of silver, fastened to a string tied

round the waist. Many of these are often worn by the same person. The

yantram is sometimes written on cadjan (palm leaf), or paper. I have

one of this kind in my collection, taken from the neck of a goat. It

is common to see them worn on the arm, around the neck."