The Kapu protects all.
The Kapu's difficulties are known only to god.
The Kapu dies from even the want of food.
The Kapu knows not the distinction between daughter and
daughter-in-law (i.e., both must work for him).
The Karnam (village accountant) is the cause of the Kapu's death.
The Kapu goes not to the fort (i.e., into the presence of the
Raja). A modern variant is that the Kapu goes not to the court
(of law).
While the Kapu was sluggishly ploughing, thieves stole the rope
collars.
The year the Kapu came in, the famine came too.
The Reddis are those who will break open the soil to fill their
bellies.
When the unpracticed Reddi got into a palanquin, it swung from
side to side.
The Reddi who had never mounted a horse sat with his face to
the tail.
The Reddi fed his dog like a horse, and barked himself.
Karadhi.--A name sometimes given to Mari Holeyas.
Karadi (bear).--An exogamous sept of Tottiyan.
Karaikkat.--Karaikkat, Karaikkatar, or Karkatta, meaning those who
waited for rain, or, according to another version, those who saved
or protected the clouds, is an endogamous division of Vellala. Some
Tamil Malayalis, who claim to be Vellalas who emigrated to the hills
from Conjeeveram, have, at times of census, returned themselves as
Karaikkaat Vellalas.
Karaiturai (sea-coast) Vellala.--A name assumed by some Pattanavans.
Karaiyalan (ruler of the coast).--A title of Maravans, also taken by
some Idaiyans.
Karaiyan.--A name for Tamil sea-fishermen, who live on the coast
(karai). The fishing section of the Palles is known as Palle
Kariyalu. See Pattanavan.
Karalan.--In the Census Report, 1891, the Karalans (rulers of clouds)
are returned as a tribe of hunters and cultivators found in the hills
of Salem and South Arcot. In the Report, 1901, Karalan is given as a
synonym for Vellala in Malabar, and also as a name for Malayalis. At
the census, 1901, many of the Malayalis of the Shevaroy hills in the
Salem district returned themselves as Vellalas and Karalans. And the
divisions returned by the Karalans, e.g., Kolli, Pacchai, Periya,
and Perianan, connect them with these Malayalis (q.v.).
Karepaku.--Karepaku or Karuvepilai is a name for Koravas, who
hawk for sale leaves of the curry-leaf plant (Murraya Koenigii).
Karichcha.--Recorded, in the Travancore Census Report, 1901, as a
sub-division of Nayar.
Karimbarabannaya (sugar-cane sept).--An exogamous sept of Kelasi.
Karimpalan.--The Karimpalans are a small hunting and cultivating forest
tribe in Malabar. They are "punam (shifting) cultivators, hewers of
wood, and collectors of wild pepper, and are found in all the foot
hills north of the Camel's Hump. They wear the kudumi (hair knot),
and are said to follow the marumakkatayam system of inheritance in the
female line, but they do not perform the tali kettu ceremony. They
are supposed to have the power of exorcising the demon Karuvilli,
possession by whom takes the form of fever." [117]
Kariya.--A sub-division of Kudubi.
Karkadabannaya (scorpion sept).--An exogamous sept of Bant.
Karkatta.--A synonym of Karaikattu Vellala.
Karna.--A sub-division of Golla, and an exogamous sept of Mala.
Karnabattu.--The Karnabattus, or Karnabhatus, are a Telugu weaving
caste, found chiefly in the Godavari district. The story goes that
there once lived a king, who ruled over a portion of the country now
included in this district, and was worried by a couple of demons,
who carried off some of his subjects for their daily food. The king
prayed Siva for deliverance from them, and the god, being gratified at
his devotion to him, produced nine persons from his ears, and ordered
them to slay the demons. This they did, and their descendants are
the Karnabhatus, or ear soldiers. By religion, the Karnabattus are
either ordinary Saivites or Lingayats. When a girl reaches maturity,
she remains under a pollution for sixteen days. Early marriage is the
rule, and a Brahman officiates at weddings. The dead, as among other
Lingayats, are buried in a sitting posture. The caste is organised in
the same manner as the Sales, and, at each place, there is a headman
called Kulampedda or Jatipedda, corresponding to the Senapatbi of
the Sales. They weave coarse cloths, which are inferior in texture
to those manufactured by Patta Sales and Silevantas.
In a note on the Karnabattus, Mr. F. R. Hemingway writes that
"though a low caste, they forbid the remarriage of widows. But the
remark in the Census Report (1901) that they abstain from meat is
not true of the Karnabattus questioned, who admitted that they would
eat even pork. Their special deity is Somesvara, whom they unite to
worship on the new-moon day of Pushyam (January-February). The god is
represented by a mud idol made for the occasion. The pujari (priest)
throws flowers over it in token of adoration, and sits before it with
his hands outstretched and his mouth closed until one of the flowers
falls into his hands."
The Karnabattus have no regular caste titles, but sometimes the elders
add Ayya or Anna as a suffix to their name.
Karna Sale.--The Karna Sales are a caste of Telugu weavers,
who are called Seniyans in the Tamil country, e.g., at Madura and
Tanjore. They seem to have no tradition as to their origin, but the
name Karna would seem to have its origin in the legend relating
to the Karnabattus. These are, in the community, both Saivites
and Vaishnavites, and all members of the Illabaththini sept are
Vaishnavites. They are said to have only one gotra, Kasi (Benares),
and numerous exogamous septs, of which the following are examples:--
Vasthrala, cloth.
Rudrakshala, seeds of Elæocarpus Ganitrus.
Mandha, village common or herd.
Kodavili, sickle.
Thadla, rope.
Thatichettu, palmyra palm.
Dhoddi, court-yard.
Thippa, rubbish-heap.
In some places, the office of headman, who is called Setti,
is hereditary. He is assisted by a Pedda Kapu, and Nela Setti,
of whom the latter is selected monthly, and derives his name from
the Telugu nela (month). In their marriage ceremonial, the Karna
Sales closely follow the Padma Sales, but they have no upanayanam
(sacred thread rite), or Kasiyathre (mock pilgrimage to Benares),
have twelve pots brought for worship, and no pot-searching.
As among other Telugu castes, when a girl reaches puberty, twigs of
Strychnos Nux-vomica are placed in the special hut erected for the
occasion. On the third or fifth day, the girl's relations come to her
house under a cloth canopy (ulladam), carrying rice soaked in jaggery
(crude sugar) water. This rice is called dhadibiyam (wet rice), and is
placed in a heap, and, after the waving of coloured water, distributed,
with pan-supari (betel leaves and areca nuts), among those present.
The dead are carried to the burial-ground in a car, and buried, after
the manner of Lingayats, in a sitting posture. Jangams officiate
at funerals.
The caste deity is Somesvara. Some Karna Sales wear the lingam,
but are not particular about keeping it on their person, leaving
it in the house, and wearing it when at meals, and on important
occasions. Concerning the Lingayat section of the community,
Mr. H. A. Stuart writes, as follows. [118] "The Lingayats resemble
the Linga Balijas in all their customs, in all respects, except that
they recognise sutakam, or pollution, and bathe to remove it. They
freely eat in the houses of all Linga Balijas, but the latter will
not eat with them. They entirely disregard the spiritual authority of
the Brahmans, recognising priests among the Linga Balijas, Jangams,
or Pandarams. In the exercise of their trade, they are distinguished
from the Kaikolans in that they sometimes weave in silk, which the
Kaikolans never do." Like the Padma Sales, the Karna Sales usually
only weave coarse cotton cloths.
Karnam.--See Korono.
Karnam (accountant).--An exogamous sept of Kamma.
Karnataka.--The territorial name of a sub-division of Handichikka
and Uppara. It is also the name of a sub-division of Madhva and
Smarta Brahmans who speak the Kanarese language, as opposed to the
Desastha Brahmans, who are immigrants into Southern India from the
Maratha country.
Karo Panikkar.--A class of temple servants in Malabar. "The Karo
Panikkar is said to be descended from the union of Vettakorumagan
(the God of hunting) and a Kiriyattil Nayar woman. His occupation is
to act as Vellichapad or oracle in temples dedicated to his divine
ancestor." [119]
Karpura Chetti.--A synonym of Uppiliyans, who used to manufacture
camphor (karpura).
Karta.--Karta and Kartavu, meaning agent or doer, is an honorific
title of Nayars and Samantas. It is also the name for the chief mourner
at funerals of Nayars and other castes on the west coast. Kartakkal,
denoting, it is said, governors, has been returned, at times of census
by Balijas claiming to be descendants of the Nayak kings of Madura
and Tanjore.
Karukku-pattayar (those of the sharp sword).--A sub-division of
Shanan. In the Census Report, 1891, the division Karukku-mattai
(petiole of the palmyra leaf with serrated edges) was returned. Some
Shanans are said to have assumed the name of Karukku-mattai Vellalas.
Karumala (black mountain).--An exogamous sept of Kanikar.
Karuman.--A sub-division of Kammalans, who do blacksmith's work.
Karumpuraththal.--A synonym for the caste name adopted by some
Kappiliyans.
Karumpurattan.--It is recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, that
"the term Karumpurattan is said to be a corruption of Karu-aruttar,
which means the Annihilators, and to have been given to the caste
because they are the descendants of a garrison of Chola Vellalas,
who treacherously allowed an enemy to enter the Tanjore fort, and
annihilate the Raja and his family. Winslow, however, says [120] that
Karumpuram is a palmyra tree. [121] and Karumpurattan may thus mean
a palmyra man, that is, a toddy-drawer. In the enumeration schedules,
the name was often written Karumpuran. If this etymology is correct,
this caste must originally have been Shanans or Iluvans. It is said to
have come from the village of Tiruvadamarudur in Tanjore, and settled
in the north-eastern part of Madura. The caste has seven sub-castes,
called after seven nadus or villages in Madura, in which it originally
settled. In its ceremonies, etc., it closely follows the Ilamagams. Its
title is Pillai."
Karutta (dark-coloured).--Recorded, at the Madras census, 1891,
as a sub-division of Idaiyans, who have also returned Karuttakkadu,
meaning black cotton soil or regur.
Karuva Haddi.--A name for the scavenging section of Haddis.
Karuvan.--A corrupt form of Karuman.
Karuvelam.--Recorded in the Travancore Census Report, 1901, as a
sub-division of Nayar.
Kasayi (butcher).--A Muhammadan occupational name.
Kasi (Benares).--A gotra of Medara and Karna Sale.
Kasi.--A name for the stone-mason section of Kamsalas.
Kasturi (musk).--An exogamous sept of Badaga, Kamma, Okkiliyan,
and Vakkaliga. Indian musk is obtained from the musk glands of the
Himalayan musk-deer, Moschus moschiferus.
Kasuba (workmen).--A section of Irulas of the Nilgiris, who have
abandoned jungle life in favour of working on planters' estates
or elsewhere.
Kasukkar.--The name, derived from kas, cash, of a sub-division
of Chetti.
Kasula (copper coins).--An exogamous sept of Padma Sale.
Kasyapa.--A Brahmanical gotra adopted by Bhatrazus, Khatris, and
Tontis. Kasyapa was one of the seven important Rishis, and the priest
of Parasu Rama.
Katakam (crab).--An exogamous sept of Komati.
Katal Arayan.--See Valan.
Katari (dagger: katar).--An exogamous sept of Golla, Mutracha, and
Yerukala. The dagger or poignard, called katar, has "a solid blade
of diamond section, the handle of which consists of two parallel
bars with a cross-piece joining them. The hand grips the crosspiece,
and the bars pass along each side of the wrist." [122]
Katasan.--Recorded [123] as "a small caste of basket-makers and
lime-burners in the Tinnevelly district. It has at least two endogamous
sub-divisions, namely, Pattankatti and Nittarasan. Widows are allowed
to remarry. The dead are buried. The social position of the caste is
above that of the Vettuvans, and they consider themselves polluted if
they eat food prepared by a Shanan. But they are not allowed to enter
Hindu temples, they worship devils, and they have separate washermen
and barbers of their own, all of which are signs of inferiority. Their
title is Pattamkatti, and Kottan is also used."
Kaththavaraya.--A synonym for Vannan, derived from Kaththavaraya,
the deified son of Kali, from whom the Vannans trace their descent.
Kaththe (donkey).--An exogamous sept of Madiga.
Kaththi (knife).--An exogamous sept of Devanga and Madiga.
Kaththiri (scissors).--An exogamous sept of Devanga, and sub-division
of Gadaba.
Kaththiravandlu (scissors people).--Concerning this section of the
criminal classes, Mr. F. S. Mullaly writes to me as follows. "This is
purely a Nellore name for this class of professional pick-pockets. The
appellation seems to have been given to them from the fact that they
frequent fairs and festivals, and busy railway platforms, offering
knives and scissors for sale. And, when an opportunity presents
itself, they are used for cutting strings of beads, ripping open bags,
etc. Several of these light-fingered gentry have been found with small
scissors in their mouths. Most of them wear shoes of a peculiar shape,
and these form a convenient receptacle for the scissors. Bits of broken
glass (to act as knives) are frequently found in their mouths. In
different districts they are known by different appellations, such as
Donga Dasaris in North Arcot and parts of Cuddapah; Golla Woddars,
Donga Woddars, and Muheri Kalas in Cuddapah, Bellary, and Kurnool;
Pachupus in Kistna and Godavari; Alagiris, Ena or Thogamalai Koravas
in the southern districts. Individuals belonging to this class of
thieves have been traced, since the opening of the East Coast Railway,
as far as Midnapore. An important way of identifying them is the fact
that everyone of them, male and female, is branded at the corners
of the eyebrows and between the eyes in childhood, as a safeguard
against convulsions."
For the following additional information I am indebted to an official
of the Police department. "I am not aware of these people using any
particular shoes. They use sandals such as are generally worn by
ryots and the lower classes. These they get by stealing. They pick
them up from houses during the daytime, when they go from house to
house on the pretence of begging, or they steal them at nights along
with other property. These sandals are made in different fashions
in different districts, and so those possessed by Kathiras are
generally of different kinds, being stolen from various parts of the
country. They have no shoes of any peculiar make, nor do they get any
made at all. Kathiras do not generally wear any shoes. They walk and
run faster with bare feet. They wear shoes when walking through the
jungle, and entrust them to one of their comrades when walking through
the open country. They sometimes throw them off when closely pursued,
and run away. In 1899, when we arrested one on the highroad, he had
with him five or six pairs of shoes of different kinds and sizes,
and he did not account satisfactorily for being in possession of so
many. I subsequently learnt that some supernumeraries were hiding in
the jungle close to the place where he was arrested.
"About marks of branding on the face, it is not only Kathiras, but
almost all nomadic tribes who have these marks. As the gangs move on
exposed to changes of weather, the children sometimes get a disease
called sandukatlu or palakurkura. They generally get this disease from
the latter part of the first year up to the fifth year. The symptoms
are similar to those which children sometimes have at the time of
teething. It is when children get this disease that they are branded
on the face between the eyebrows, on the outer corners of the eyes,
and sometimes on the belly. The brand-marks on the face and corners of
the eyes are circular, and those on the belly generally horizontal. The
circular brand-marks are made with a long piece of turmeric, one end
of which is burnt for the purpose, or with an indigo-coloured cloth
rolled like a pencil and burnt at one end. The horizontal marks are
made with a hot needle. Similar brand-marks are made by some caste
Hindus on their children."
To Mr. P. B. Thomas I am indebted for specimens of the chaplet,
made of strips of rolled pith, worn by Kaththira women when begging,
and of the cotton bags, full of false pockets, regularly carried by
both men and women, in which they secrete the little sharp knife and
other articles constituting their usual equipment.
In his "History of Railway thieves," Mr. M. Paupa Rao Naidu, writing
about the pick-pockets or Thetakars, says that "most of them wear shoes
called chadavs, and, if the articles stolen are very small, they put
them at once into their shoes, which form very convenient receptacles
from their peculiar shape; and, therefore, when a pick-pocket with
such a shoe on is suspected of having stolen a jewel, the shoes must
be searched first, then the mouth and the other parts of the body."
Kaththula (sword).--An exogamous sept of Yanadi.
Katige (collyrium).--A gotra of Kurni.
Katikala (collyrium).--An exogamous sept of Devanga.
Katike.--The Katike or Katikilu are butchers in the Telugu country,
concerning whom it is noted, in the Kurnool Manual, that "some are
called Sultani butchers, or Hindus forcibly circumcised by the late
Nabob of Kurnool. They observe both Mussalman and Hindu customs." A
correspondent in the Kurnool district informs me that the butchers
of Kurnool belong to three classes, one selling beef, and the others
mutton. Of these, the first are Muhammadans, and are called Gayi
Khasayi, as they deal in beef. The other two are called respectively
Sultanis and Surasus, i.e., the circumcised and uncircumcised. Both
claim to be the descendants of two brothers, and have the following
tradition concerning their origin. Tipu Sultan is said not to have
relished the idea of taking mutton at the hands of Hindus, as they
would not perform Bismallah at the time of slaughtering the sheep. He
accordingly ordered both the brothers to appear before him. Being the
manager of the family, the elder went, and was forcibly circumcised. On
hearing the news, the younger brother absconded. The descendants of
the former are Muhammadans, and of the latter Hindus. As he was made
a Muhammadan by force, the elder brother and his descendants did not
adopt all the Muhammadan manners and customs. Till recently they did
not even allow their beards to grow. At the present day, they go to
mosques, dress like Muhammadans, shave their heads, and grow beards,
but do not intermarry with the true Muhammadans. The descendants of
the younger brother still call themselves Ari-katikelu, or Maratha
butchers, profess the Hindu religion, and follow Hindu manners
and customs. Though they do not eat with Muhammadans or Sultanis,
their Hindu brethren shun them because of their profession, and
their intimacy with Sultanis. I am informed that, at Nandyal in
the Kurnool district, some Maratha butchers, who observe purely
Hindu customs, are called by Muhammadan names. The Tahsildar of the
Sirvel taluk in the same district states that, prior to the reign
of the father of Ghulam Rasul Khan, the dethroned Nawab of Kurnool,
the butcher's profession was solely in the hands of the Marathas,
some of whom were, as stated in the Manual, forcibly circumcised,
and became a separate butcher caste, called Sultani. There are two
sections among these Sultani butchers, viz., Bakra (mutton) and Gai
Kasai (beef butcher). Similar stories of forcible conversion to the
Muhammadan religion are prevalent in the Bellary district, where the
Kasayis are mostly converted Hindus, who dress in the Hindu style, but
possess Muhammadan names with Hindu terminations, e.g., Hussainappa.
In connection with butchers, I may quote the following extract from a
petition to the Governor of Madras on the subject of a strike among the
Madras butchers in 1907. "We, the residents of Madras, beg respectfully
to bring to your Excellency's notice the inconvenience and hardship
we are suffering owing to the strike of the butchers in the city. The
total failure of the supply of mutton, which is an important item
in the diet of non-Brahmin Hindus, Muhammadans, Indian Christians,
Parsis, Eurasians and Europeans, causes a deprivation not merely of
something to which people have become accustomed, but of an article of
food by which the health of many is sustained, and the want of which
is calculated to impair their health, and expose them to diseases,
against which they have hitherto successfully contended."
Katorauto.--A name for the offspring of maid servants in the harems
of Oriya Zamindars, who are said to claim to be Kshatriyas.
Katta.--Katta or Katte, meaning a bund, dam, or embankment, has been
recorded as an exogamous sept or gotra of Devanga and Kurni.
Kattelu (sticks or faggots).--An exogamous sept of Boya.
Kattira.--A sub-division of Gadaba.
Kattu.--See Kadu.
Kattukudugirajati.--The name, meaning the caste which allows living
together after marriage of an informal kind, recorded [124] as the
caste name of Turuvalars (Vedars) of Salem, derived from a custom
among them, which authorises temporary matrimonial arrangements.
Kattu Kapari (dweller in the forest).--Said to be a name for Irulas
or Villiyans. The equivalent Kattu Kapu is, in like manner, said to
be a name for Jogis.
Kattu Marathi.--A synonym of Kuruvikaran.
Kaudikiaru.--Kaudikiaru or Gaudikiaru is a title of Kurubas.
Kavadi.--In the Madras Census Report, 1901, Kabadi is returned as
the name of a class of Telugu wood-cutters. Kavadi is the name of a
division of Koravas, who carry offerings to Perumalswami at Tirupati
on a pole (kavadi). Kavadi or Kavadiga is further the name given
to Kannadiyan curd-sellers in Madras, who carry the curds in pots
as head-loads.
Kavalgar (watchman).--Recorded, at times of census, as a sub-division
of Ambalakaran, and title of Nattaman, Malaiman, and Sudarman. The
equivalent Kavali is recorded as a sub-division of the Kammas. The
Kavalis, or watchers, in the Telugu country, are said to be
generally Lingayat Boyas. [125] The Telugu Mutrachas are also called
Kavalgar. The village kaval system in the southern districts is
discussed in the note on Maravans.
Kavandan.--At the census, 1901, more than nine thousand people returned
themselves as Kavandan or Kaundan, which is a title of Konga Vellalas,
and many other castes, such as Anappan, Kappiliyan, Palli, Sembadavan,
Urali, and Vettuvan. The name corresponds to the Canarese Gauda
or Gaunda.
Kaundinya (a sage).--A Brahmanical gotra adopted by Razus and
Bhatrazus.
Kavane (sling).--An exogamous sept of Gangadikara Holeyas.
Kavarai.--Kavarai is the name for Balijas (Telugu trading caste),
who have settled in the Tamil country. The name is said to be a
corrupt form of Kauravar or Gauravar, descendants of Kuroo of the
Mahabaratha, or to be the equivalent of Gauravalu, sons of Gauri, the
wife of Siva. Other suggested derivatives are: (a) a corrupt form of
the Sanskrit Kvaryku, badness or reproach, and Arya, i.e., deteriorated
Aryans; (b) Sanskrit Kavara, mixed, or Kavaraha, a braid of hair, i.e.,
a mixed class, as many of the Telugu professional prostitutes belong
to this caste; (c) Kavarai or Gavaras, buyers or dealers in cattle.
The Kavarais call themselves Balijas, and derive the name from
bali, fire, jaha sprung, i.e., men sprung from fire. Like other
Telugu castes, they have exogamous septs, e.g., tupaki (gun), jetti
(wrestler), pagadala (coral), bandi (cart), simaneli, etc.
The Kavarais of Srivilliputtur, in the Tinnevelly district, are
believed to be the descendants of a few families, which emigrated
thither from Manjakuppam (Cuddalore) along with one Dora Krishnamma
Nayudu. About the time of Tirumal Nayak, one Ramaswami Raju, who had
five sons, of whom the youngest was Dora Krishnamma, was reigning
near Manjakuppam. Dora Krishnamma, who was of wandering habits,
having received some money from his mother, went to Trichinopoly,
and, when he was seated in the main bazar, an elephant rushed into
the street. The beast was stopped in its career, and tamed by Dora
Krishnamma, to escort whom to his palace Vijayaranga Chokkappa sent
his retinue and ministers. While they were engaged in conversation,
news arrived that some chiefs in the Tinnevelly district refused to
pay their taxes, and Dora Krishnamma volunteered to go and subdue
them. Near Srivilliputtur he passed a ruined temple dedicated
to Krishna, which he thought of rebuilding if he should succeed
in subduing the chiefs. When he reached Tinnevelly, they, without
raising any objection, paid their dues, and Dora Krishnamma returned
to Srivilliputtur, and settled there.
Their marriage ceremonies are based on the type common to many
Telugu castes, but those who belong to the Simaneli sept, and believe
themselves to be direct descendants of Krishnamma, have two special
forms of ceremonial, viz., Krishnamma perantalu, and the carrying
of pots (gurigelu) on the heads of the bride and bridegroom when
they go to the temple before the Kasiyatra ceremony. The Krishnamma
perantalu is performed on the day prior to the muhurtam (tali-tying),
and consists in the worship of the soul of Krishnamma, a married
woman. A new cloth is purchased and presented to a married woman,
together with money, betel, etc., and she is fed before the rest. It
is practically a form of sradh ceremony, and all the formalities of
the sradh, except the homam (sacred fire) and repeating of mantras
from the Vedas, are gone through. This is very commonly observed by
Brahmans, and a few castes which engage a Brahman priest for their
ceremonies. The main idea is the propitiation of the soul of the dead
married woman. If such a woman dies in a family, every ceremony of an
auspicious nature must be preceded by sumangaliprarthana, or worship
of this married woman (sumangali). Orthodox females think that, if the
ceremony is not performed, she will do them some harm. Another custom,
now dying out, is the tying of a dagger to the waist of the bridegroom.
In the Madura district, the Kavarais are described [126] as being "most
commonly manufacturers and sellers of bangles made of a particular kind
of earth, found only in one or two parts of the district. Those engaged
in this traffic usually call themselves Chettis or merchants. When
otherwise employed as spinners, dyers, painters, and the like, they
take the title of Nayakkan. It is customary with these, as with
other Nayakkans, to wear the sacred thread: but the descendants of
the Nayakkan kings, who are now living at Vellei-kuricchi, do not
conform to this usage, on the ground that they are at present in a
state of impurity and degradation, and consequently ought not to wear
the sacred emblem."
The bulk of the Kavarais in Tanjore are said [127] "to bear the
title Nayak. Some that are engaged in trade, more especially those
who sell glass bangles, are called Settis, and those who originally
settled in agriculture are called Reddis. The title of Nayak, like
Pillai, Mudali, and Setti, is generally sought after. As a rule, men
of the Palli or cooly class, when they enter the Government service,
and shepherds, when they grow rich in trade or otherwise, assume this
title, wear the namam (the trident mark on the forehead emblematic of
the Vaishnava persuasion), and call themselves Kavarais or Vadugars,
though they cannot speak Telugu, much less point to any part of the
Telugu country as the seat of their forefathers."
One of the largest sub-divisions of the Kavarais is Valaiyal, the Tamil
equivalent of Gazula, both words meaning a glass or lac bangle. [128]
Kavuthiyan.--The Kavuthiyans are described as follows in the Gazetteer
of Malabar. "They are barbers who serve the Tiyans and lower castes;
they are also sometimes given the title Kurup. Their females act as
midwives. There seem to be several sections, distinguished by the
affix of the name of the castes which they serve, as for instance
Tacchakavuthiyan or Tacchakurup, and Kanisakavuthiyan, appropriated
to the service of the Asaris and Kanisans respectively; while the
barbers who serve the Izhuvans are known both as Aduttons, Vattis,
or Izhuva Kavuthiyans. But whether all these should be regarded as
offshoots of one main barber caste, or as degraded sections of the
castes which they serve, the Kavuthiyans proper being only barbers to
the Tiyans, it is difficult to determine. The fact that the Naviyan
or Kavuthiyan section of the Veluttedans, as well as the Kavuthiyan
section of the Mukkuvans, are admittedly but degraded sections of
these castes, makes the second the more probable view. It is also
to be noticed that the Kavuthiyans, in the north at least, follow
marumakkattayam (inheritance in the female line), while the Taccha
and Kanisa Kavuthiyans follow the other principle of descent."
Kayalan.--The Kayalans are Tamil-speaking Muhammadans, closely allied
to the Marakkayars and living at Kayalpatnam in Tinnevelly. Many of
them have settled as merchants in Madras, and sell glass beads, cowry
shells, dolls from Tirupati, toys, etc. Some are money-lenders to
the lower classes, and others travel about from village to village
selling, for cash or credit rates, cloths, brass vessels, and
other articles. They are sometimes called Arumasaththukadankarar,
or six months' debt people, as this is the time usually allowed
for payment. At Kayalpatnam, a Kayalan husband is expected to live
in his father-in-law's house, and, in connection with this custom,
the following legend is narrated. The chiefman of the town gave his
daughter in marriage to a man living in an adjacent village. One
evening, she went to fetch water from a tank, and, on her way back,
trod on a cobra. She could not move her foot, lest she should be
bitten, so she stood where she was, with her water-pot on her head,
till she was discovered by her father on the following morning. He
killed the snake with the kitti (tweezers) and knife which he had
with him, and told the girl to go with him to his house. She, however,
refused to do so, and went to her husband's house, from which she was
subsequently taken to that of her father. The kitti is an instrument
of torture, consisting of two sticks tied together at one end,
between which the fingers were placed as in a lemon squeezer. With
this instrument, the fingers were gradually bent backwards towards
the back of the hand, until the sufferer, no longer able to endure
the excruciating pain, yielded to the demands made on him to make
confession of guilt.
Kayasth.--Kayasth or Kayastha is the writer-caste of Bengal. See
Risley, Tribes and Castes of Bengal.
Kayerthannaya (Strychnos Nux-vomica sept).--An exogamous sept of the
Bants and Shivalli Brahmans in South Canara.
Kayila (unripe fruit).--An exogamous sept of Orugunta Kapu.
Keimal (kei, hand, as an emblem of power).--A sub-division of Nayar.
Kela.--A small class of Oriya jugglers and mountebanks, whose women,
like the Dommara females, are often prostitutes. The name is derived
from keli, dancing, or khel to play.
Kelasi.--For the following account of the Kelasi or barber caste
of South Canara, I am indebted to a note on the barbers of Tuluva
by Mr. M. Bapu Rao. [129] The caste name is derived from kelasa,
work. In like manner, the Canarese barbers of Bellary and Dharwar call
themselves Kashta Madovaru, or those who perform the difficult task.
The barbers of South Canara are of different castes or sub-castes
according to the language they speak, or the people for whom they
operate. Thus there are (1) the Tulu Kelsi (Kutchidaye, man of
the hair) or Bhandari; (2) the Konkani Kelsi or Mhallo, who must
have migrated from the north; (3) the Hindustani Kelsi or Hajams;
(4) the Lingayat Kelsi or Hadapavada (man of the wallet); (5) the
Mappilla (Moplah) barber Vasa; (6) the Malayali barber Kavudiyan; and
even Telugu and Tamil barbers imported by the sepoy regiments until
recently stationed at Mangalore. Naturally the Tulus form the bulk of
the class in Tuluva. There is among them a section known as Maddele,
employed by palm-tappers, and hence considered socially inferior to the
Bhandari, who is employed by the higher classes. [The Billava barbers
are called Parel Madiali or Parel Madivala.] If a high caste barber
operates for a man of lower caste, he loses his caste thereby, and
has to pay a fine, or in some other way expiate his offence before
he gains re-admission into his community. Pariahs in these parts
have no separate caste of barbers, but anyone among themselves may
try his skill on any head. Mappilla barbers are employed only by the
Muhammadans. Even in their own community, however, they do not live
in commensality with other Mappillas though gradations of caste are
not recognised by their religion.
The barber is not ambitious enough to claim equality of rank with
the Bant, the potter, the piper, the weaver, or the oilmonger; but he
shows a decided disposition to regard himself as above the level of
the fisherman or the palanquin-bearer. The latter often disclaim any
such inferiority, and refer to the circumstance that they discharge
the functions of carrying the huge umbrella in marriage processions,
and shouldering the gods in religious processions. They argue that
their rivals perform an operation, the defilement of which can only
be wiped off by bathing the head with a solution of sacred earth
taken from besides the roots of the tulsi plant (Ocimum sanctum). In
justice to the barber, however, it must be mentioned that he has
to perform certain priestly duties for most Sudras. His presence is
essential at two of the ceremonies observed by castes professing to
be superior to his. At the name-giving ceremony a Tulu barber has to
tie a thread round the waist of the child, and name it, among Sudras
of a higher caste than himself. [At the present day, the Bhandari
is said to receive his fee for tying the thread, though he does not
actually perform the act.] Again, on the death of a high caste Sudra,
the barber has to carry the fire to the cremation ground, though the
funeral pyre is lighted by the relations of the deceased. He also has
to assist at certain other rites connected with funeral obsequies,
such as purifying the house.
[The collection of fragments of bones from the ashes, heaping up
the ashes, and cleaning the spot where the corpse was burnt, are the
business of the Kelasi. These duties he performs for Morlis, Bants,
Gattis, and Vodaris. The Bhandari or Kelasi is an object of intense
hatred to Konkani women, who call them by abusive names, such as
fellow with a burnt face, miserable wretch, widow-maker, etc.]
The barber in South Canara has invented several stories concerning
the origin of his first progenitor. At a time when the barber had not
yet been created, Siva was a bachelor, spending his time in austere
devotions, and allowing his hair to grow into long matted locks. A time
came when he became bent on matrimony, and he thought that the hirsute
condition of his face would not be appreciated by his bride, the
young daughter of the king of the mountains. It was at this juncture
that the barber was created to make Siva a good-looking bridegroom,
and the Brahman to officiate at the marriage ceremony. According to
another legend, a Gandharva-born woman was on one occasion cast into
the sea by irate Brahma, and doomed to be turned into a rock. Moved
by her piteous entreaties, however, Brahma relented, and ordained that
she should be restored to human form when Parasurama should happen to
set his foot upon the rock. This came to pass when Parasurama thrust
back the waters of the western sea in order to create the western
coast. The re-humanised woman thereupon offered her thanksgivings
in such winning words that the great Brahman hero asked her to beg
any boon she wished. She begged a son, who should in some way remind
generations to come of the great Brahman who had reclaimed her from her
inanimate state. The boon was thereupon granted that she should give
birth to sons, who would not indeed be Brahmans, but who would perform
functions analogous to those performed by Brahmans. The barber thus
discharges certain priestly duties for Sudras, and cleanses the body
even as the Brahman cleanses the soul; and the defilement caused by
the razor can be removed only by the smearing of mud and water, because
the barber's female progenitor was a rock recovered out of water.
The primary occupation of the barber does not always bring
in a sufficient income, while it leaves him a large amount of
leisure. This he spends, if possible, in agricultural labour, in
which he is materially assisted by his female relations. Barbers
residing in towns hold no land to fall back upon, but their average
monthly earnings range from five to seven rupees. Their brethren in
the villages are not so busy plying the razor, so they cultivate land
as tenants. One of the blessings conferred by Parasurama is that the
barber shall never starve.
When a child is born, a male member of the family has to tie a thread
round its waist, and give it a name. The choice of a name often
depends upon the day of the week on which the child was born. If it
is born on a Sunday it is called, if a boy, Aitha (Auditya, sun),
or, if a girl, Aithe; if on a Monday, Some or Somu; if on a Tuesday,
Angara or Angare; if on a Wednesday, Budara or Budare, changed among
Pariahs into Mudara or Mudaru; if on a Thursday, Guruva or Guruvu; if
on a Friday, Tukra (Shukra) or Tukru; if on a Saturday, Taniya (Saniya)
or Taniyaru. Other names which are common are Lakkana (Lakshmana),
Krishna, Subba, and Korapulu (Koraga woman). Those who can afford to
do so often employ a Brahman priest to ascertain whether the child
is born lucky or unlucky; and, in the latter case, the barber is
advised to offer something to the tutelary deity or the nine planets,
or to propitiate the village deity, if it is found that the child is
born under its evil eye. No lullaby should be sung while the child
is being rocked for the first time in a cradle, perhaps because, if
the very first rocking is done with a show of rejoicing, some evil
spirit may be envious of the human joy, and mar the happiness.
The initiation of a boy into the mysteries of his hereditary
profession takes place between the tenth and the fourteenth year. In
very rare cases, nowadays, a boy is sent to school between the sixth
and eighth year. These occasions are marked by offerings of cocoanuts
and plantains to the village deity.
With boys marriage takes place between the sixteenth and twenty-fifth
year, with girls before or after puberty. Matches are made by selection
on the part of the parents. Lads are sometimes allowed to choose
their own brides, but their choice is subject to the approval of the
parents, as it must necessarily be in a joint family. Bridegrooms
have to pay for their brides a dowry varying from twenty to fifty
rupees, and sometimes as much as a hundred rupees. Deformed girls,
however, fetch no price; on the other hand, they have to pay some
pecuniary inducement to the bridegroom. Widows are allowed, and,
when young, encouraged to remarry. The most essential condition of
a valid marriage is that the contracting parties should belong to
different baris or balis (exogamous septs). As examples of the names
of these balis, the following may be cited: Bangaru (gold), Salia
(weaver), Uppa (salt), Kombara (cap made of areca palm leaf), Karimbara
(sugar-cane). Horoscopes are not consulted for the suitability or
future prosperity of a match, but the day and hour, or lagnam of a
marriage are always fixed by a Brahman priest with reference to the
conjunction of stars. The marriage lasts for three days, and takes
place in the house of the bridegroom. This is in accordance with
the primitive conception of marriage as a bringing away by force
or procuring a bride from her parents, rather than with the current
Brahman idea that the bridegroom should be invited, and the girl given
away as a present, and committed to his custody and protection. The
marriage ceremony takes place in a pandal (booth) on a raised or
conspicuous place adorned with various figures or mandala. The pair are
made to sit on a bench, and rice is sprinkled on their heads. A barber
then shaves the chin and forehead of the bridegroom, the hair border
being in the form of a broken pointed arch converging upwards. He also
touches the bride's cheeks with the razor, with the object of removing
what is called monetha kale, the stain on the face. The full import
of this ceremony is not clear, but the barbers look upon the act as
purificatory. If a girl has not come of age at the time of marriage,
it is done on the occasion of the nuptials. If she has, the barber,
in addition to touching the cheeks with the razor, goes to her house,
sprinkles some water over her with a betel leaf, and makes her touch
the pot in which rice is to be cooked in her husband's house. At the
bridegroom's house, before the assembled guests, elders, and headman
of the caste, the man and the girl are linked together in the marriage
bond by having water (dhare) poured on their joined hands. Next, the
right hands of the pair being joined (kaipattavane), the bridegroom
leads the bride to her future home.
Soon after a death occurs, a barber is summoned, who sprinkles water
on the corpse, and touches it with a razor if it be of a male. In every
ceremony performed by him, the barber must have recourse to his razor,
even as the Brahman priest cannot do without his kusa grass. The rich
burn their dead, and the poor bury them. Persons dying of infectious
diseases are always buried. Prior to the removal of the corpse to
the cremation or burial ground, all the clothes on and about it,
with the exception of one cloth to cover it from head to foot, are
removed and distributed to Pariahs, who have prepared the pyre or
dug the grave. Before the mourners return from the cemetery, they
light four lamps in halves of cocoanuts, and leave them burning on
the spot. Coming home, the chief mourner places in the hands of the
Gurukara or headman of the caste a jewel or other valuable article as
a security that he will duly perform all the funeral rites. This is
termed savuotti dipuna. The Gurukara, in the presence of the relations
and friends assembled, returns the same, enjoining its recipient to
be prepared to perform the requisite rites, even with the proceeds
of the sale of the pledged article if necessary. The eleventh day is
the savu or principal mourning day, on which the headman and elders
of the caste, as well as the friends and relations of the deceased
ought to be present. On the spot where the deceased expired, or as
near thereto as possible, an ornamental square scaffolding is erected,
and covered with cloth coloured with turmeric. The ground below the
scaffolding is covered with various figures, and flowers and green
leaves are strewn on it. Each mourner throws on this spot handfuls
of cooked rice, coloured yellow and red, and cries out "Oh! uncle,
I cry murrio," or "Oh! father, I cry murrio," and so on, according
to the relationship in which the deceased stood to the mourner. This
ceremony is called murrio korpuna, or crying alas. In well-to-do
families it is usual to accompany this with devil-dancing. On the
twelfth day, rice is offered to crows, the original belief apparently
being that the spirits of the deceased enter into birds or beasts, so
that food given to these may happen to reach and propitiate them. On
the night of the thirteenth day, the relations of the deceased set
apart a plantain leaf for the spirit of the departed, serve cooked rice
on it, and, joining their hands, pray that the soul may be gathered
unto its ancestors, and rest in peace. The anniversary of the death,
called agel, is celebrated by placing cooked rice on two plantain
leaves placed over sacrificial twigs, and burning incense and waving
lamps before it. This is called soma dipuna.
The family god of the barber is Krishna of Udipi, and the high-priest
to whom he pays homage is the Saniyasi (religious ascetic), who for
the time being worships that god. The same high-priest is also the
final court of appeal from the decisions of the village council of the
barbers in matters relating to caste and religion. The powers which
are ever present to the barber's mind, and which he always dreads and
tries to propitiate, are the village demons, and the departed spirits
of members of his own family. If a child falls ill, he hastens to the
Brahman seer, to learn who is offended, and how the spirit should be
appeased. If his cow does not eat hay, he anxiously enquires to which
demon he should carry a cock. If the rain fails or the crops are poor,
he hies to the nearest deity with cocoanuts, plantains, and the tender
spikes of areca. In case of serious illness, he undertakes a vow
to beg from door to door on certain days, and convey the money thus
accumulated to Tirupati. In his house, he keeps a small closed box
with a slit in the lid, through which he drops a coin at every pinch
of misfortune, and the contents are eventually sent to that holy place.
The affairs of the community are regulated by a council of
elders. In every village, or for every group of houses, there is an
hereditary Gurukara or headman of the barbers, who is assisted by four
Moktesars. If any of these five authorities receives a complaint, he
gives notice to the others, and a meeting is arranged to take place
in some house. When there is a difference of opinion, the opinion of
the majority decides the issue. When a decision cannot be arrived at,
the question is referred to the council of another village. If this
does not settle the point at issue, the final appeal lies to the Swami
of the the Udipi temple. The council inquires into alleged offences
against caste, and punishes them. It declares what marriages are
valid, and what not. It not only preserves discipline within the
community itself, but takes notice of external affairs affecting
the well-being of the community. Thus, if the pipers refuse to make
music at their marriage processions, the council resolves that no
barber shall shave a piper. Disputes concerning civil rights were
once submitted to these councils, but, as their decisions are not
now binding, aggrieved parties seek justice from courts of law.
Punishments consist of compensation for minor offences affecting
individuals, and of fine or excommunication if the offence affects
the whole community. If the accused does not attend the trial, he
may be excommunicated for contempt of authority. If the person seeks
re-admission into the caste, he has to pay a fine, which goes to the
treasury of the temple at Udipi. The presiding Swami at the shrine
accepts the fine, and issues a writ authorising the re-admission of the
penitent offender. The headman collects the fine to be forwarded to the
Swami, and, if he is guilty of any mal-practice, the whole community,
generally called the ten, may take cognisance of the offence. Offences
against marriage relations, shaving low caste people, and such like,
are all visited with fine, which is remitted to the Swami, from whom
purification is obtained. The power of the village councils, however,
has greatly declined in recent years, as the class of cases in which
their decision can be enforced is practically very small.
The Tulu barbers, like many other castes on the western coast, follow
the aliya santana system of inheritance (in the female line). The
tradition in South Canara is that this, and a number of other customs,
were imposed upon certain castes by Bhutala Pandya. The story relates
that Deva Pandya, a merchant of the Pandya kingdom, once had some new
ships built, but before they put to sea, the demon Kundodara demanded
a human sacrifice. The merchant asked his wife to spare one of her
seven sons for the purpose, but she refused to be a party to the
sacrifice, and went away with her sons to her father's house. The
merchant's sister thereupon offered her son. Kundodara, however,
was so very pleased with the appearance of this son that he spared
his life, and made him a king, whose sway extended over Tuluva. This
king was called Bhutala Pandya, and he, being directed by Kundodara,
imposed upon the people the system of nephew inheritance.
The barber is changing with the times. He now seldom uses the old
unfoldable wooden-handled razor forged by the village blacksmith,
but has gone in for what he calls Raja sri (royal fortune; corruption
of Rodgers) razors. He believes that he is polluted by the operation
which it is his lot to perform, and, on his return home from his
morning round, he must bathe and put on washed clothes.
Ken.--Ken (red) and Kenja (red ant) have both been recorded as gotras
of Kurni.
Kenna.--A division of Toda.
Kepumari.--It is noted, in the Gazetteer of South Arcot, that "the
Kepumaris are one of the several foreign communities from other
districts, who help to swell the total of the criminal classes in
South Arcot. Their head-quarters is at Tiruvallur in the Chingleput
district, but there is a settlement of them at Mariyankuppam (not
far from Porto Novo), and another large detachment at Kunisampet in
French territory. They commit much the same class of crime as the
Donga Dasaris, frequenting railway trains and crowded gatherings,
and they avert suspicion by their respectable appearance and pleasant
manners. Their house-language is Telugu. They call themselves Alagiri
Kepumaris. The etymology of the second of these two words is not free
from doubt, but the first of them is said to be derived from Alagar,
the god of the Kallans, whose temple at the foot of the hills about
twelve miles north of Madura town is a well-known place of pilgrimage,
and to whom these people, and other criminal fraternities annually
offer a share of their ill-gotten gains." Information concerning
the criminal methods of these people, under the name Capemari, will
be found in Mr. F. S. Mullaly's 'Notes on Criminal Classes of the
Madras Presidency.'
Kerala.--Defined by Mr. Wigram [130] as "the western coast from
Gokarnam to Cape Comorin, comprising Travancore, Cochin, Malabar,
and part of South Canara."
Kere (tank).--A gotra of Kurni.
Kesari (lion).--A gotra of Kurni.
Kethaki (Pandanus fascicularis).--An exogamous sept of Stanika.
Kethri.--See Khatri.
Kevuto.--It is recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1891, that "the
Kevutas are the fisherman caste of Ganjam, and they are said to be
the descendants of the Kaibartas, a fishing caste of Bengal. Besides
fishing in rivers, canals and lakes, they ply boats and catamarans,
and some are also traders. Uriya Brahmans and Bairagis are their
priests. From the fifth day after child-birth till the twenty-first,
the Uriya Brahmans read the Bhagavata Purana in the house, and on the
last day they give a name to the child. The married girls and widows
put a veil over their faces whenever they go out of doors."
The Kevutos are low in the social scale, but not a polluting
caste. They apparently recognise the following endogamous
sub-divisions:--Bhettiya, Bilva, Jonka, Khottia, Koibarto or Dasa,
Liyari, Chuditiya, and Thossa. Of these the Thossas are cultivators,
the Liyaris make a preparation of fried rice (liya), and the Chudityas
are engaged in parching grain (chuda, parched rice). By reason of their
change of occupation, the Liyaris and Chudityas have practically become
distinct castes, and some deny that there is any connection between
them and the Kevutos. Telugu people sometimes call the Chuditiyas
Neyyalu, and I am told that there is a street in Parlakimedi almost
wholly inhabited by Kevutos, who say that they are of the Neyyalu
caste.
Of gotras which occur among the Kevutos, nago (cobra), bhago (tiger),
and kochipo (tortoise) are the most common. They also have exogamous
septs or bamsams, among which are gogudiya (bells) and nolini (bamboo
carrier). The titles which occur in the caste are Behara, Sitto,
Torei, Jalli, Bejjo, and Paiko.
The marriage rite is performed at night, and the bride's father
ties a gold bead (konti) on the neck of the bridegroom. The Kevutos
worship especially Dasaraj and Gangadevi. The latter is worshipped
at the Dasara festival, and, in some places, fowls and goats are
sacrificed in her honour. In the neighbourhood of the Chilka lake,
the goats are not sacrificed, but set at liberty, and allowed to
graze on the Kalikadevi hill. There is a belief that animals thus
devoted to Gangadevi do not putrify when they die, but dry up.
In the Vizagapatam Agency tracts, the Kevutos are said to be notorious
for their proficiency in magic and necromancy.
Khadi.--A sub-division of Telli.
Khadiya.--A name, said to be derived from ghatiyal, meaning a person
possessed, and used as a term of reproach for Kudumis of Travancore.
Khajjaya (cake).--An exogamous sept of Vakkaliga.
Kharvi.--The Kharvis are described, in the South Canara Manual, as
"Marathi fishermen, who migrated to this district from the Bombay
Presidency. The name Kharvi is said to be a corrupt form of the
Sanskrit kshar, salt. They are hardworking but thriftless, and much
given to drink, chiefly toddy. They are sea-fishermen and good sailors,
and also work as domestic servants and labourers. They employ Havik
Brahmans to perform their marriage and other ceremonies. The head of
the Sringeri Math is their spiritual teacher."
The Kharvis are Konkani-speaking fishermen and cultivators, found
in the Kundapur taluk of South Canara. Those who are not engaged in
fishing always wear the sacred thread, whereas the fishermen wear
it for seven days from the Sravana Hunnami, or full-moon day of the
month Sravana (August-September), and then remove it. All are Saivites,
and disciples of the Sringeri mutt. Ajai Masti and Nagu Masti are the
deities specially worshipped by them. They follow the makkala santana
law of inheritance (from father to son). Their headmen are called
Saranga or Patel, and these names are used as titles by members of
the families of the headmen. The assistant to the headman is styled
Naik or Naicker.
For the performance of the marriage ceremonial, Shivalli or
Kota Brahmans are engaged. The dhare form of marriage (see Bant)
is observed, but there are a few points of detail, which may be
noted. Five women decorate the bride inside her house just before she
comes to the marriage pandal (booth), and tie on her neck a gold bead
(dhare mani) and black beads. At the pandal she stands in front of
the bridegroom, separated from him by a screen, which is stretched
between them. Garlands of tulsi (Ocimum sanctum) are exchanged,
and the screen is removed. Bashingams (chaplets) are tied on the
foreheads of the bridal pair at the outset of the ceremonial, and
are worn for five days.
The dead are cremated, and, in most cases, the ashes are thrown into a
river. But, among the orthodox, they are taken to Gokarna, and thrown
into the river at that place. On the eleventh day, presents are made
to Brahmans after purification. On the following day, food is offered
on two leaves to the soul of the deceased.
One of the leaves is thrown into water, and the other given to a cow
or bull.
Khasa.--It is noted by the Rev. J. Cain [131] that "members of
this caste are found chiefly in attendance on zamindars and other
rich people, and report says that they are not unfrequently their
illegitimate children." Khasa is synonymous with Adapapa (q.v.).
Khasgi.--Marathas, of whom a few families constitute the aristocracy
in the Sandur State.
Khatri.--The Khatris are described by Mr. Lewis Rice [132] as "silk
weavers, who in manners, customs, and language are akin to Patvegars,
but they do not intermarry with them, although the two castes eat
together. The Katris claim to be Kshatriyas, and quote Renuka Purana
as their authority. The legend is that, during the general massacre of
the Kshatriyas by Parasu Rama, five women, each of whom was big with
child, escaped, and took refuge in a temple dedicated to Kali. When
the children came of age, their marriages were celebrated, and their
mothers prayed to Kali to point out some means of livelihood. In answer
to their supplications, the goddess gave them looms, and taught them
weaving and dyeing. The Katris claim descent from these refugees,
and follow the same trades."
The following note relates to the Khatris of Conjeeveram, where most
of them trade in silk thread, silk sashes, and dye-stuffs. Some deal
in human hair, which is used by native females as a chignon. By reason
of their connection with the silk industry, the Khatris are called
Patnulkaran by other castes. The true Patnulkarans are called Koshta by
the Khatris. The Khatris give Bhuja Raja Kshatriya as their caste name,
and some say that they are the descendants of one Karta Virya Arjuna of
the human race. Their tribal deity is Renukamba, the mother of Parasu
Rama, to whom pongal (boiled rice) is offered, and a goat sacrificed
in the month of Thai (January-February). They have exogamous septs,
such as Sulegar, Powar, Mudugal, Sonappa, Bojagiri, etc., and have
adopted the same Brahmanical gotras as the Bhats or Bhatrazus, e.g.,
Gautama, Kasyapa, Vasishta, and Bharadwaja. Attached to them is a
caste beggar, called Bhat, who comes round at long intervals. He
is said to keep the genealogies of the Khatri families. He ties a
flag to a post of the house at which he intends to claim a meal, and,
after partaking thereof, he receives information concerning the births
and marriages, which have taken place in the family since his last
visit. Girls are married both before and after puberty, and infant
marriage is fashionable at the present day. The remarriage of widows
is permitted, but a divorced woman may not marry again so long as
her husband is alive. A man may not marry the widow of his brother,
or of an agnate. The custom of menarikam, by which a man may marry
his maternal uncle's daughter, is prohibited. Families belonging to
one sept may give their daughters in marriage to men of another sept,
from which, however, they are not allowed to receive girls as wives
for their sons. For example, a man of a Sulegar sept may give his
daughters in marriage to men of the Powar sept, but may not take
Powar girls as wives for his sons. But a certain elasticity in the
rule is allowed, and the prohibition ceases after a certain number
of generations by arrangement with the Bhat. The marriage ceremonies
last over seven days. On the first day, the deity Bharkodev, who
is represented by seven quartz pebbles placed in a row on plantain
leaves, is worshipped with offerings of fruit, etc., and a goat is
sacrificed. The blood which flows from its cut neck is poured into
a vessel containing cooked rice, of which seven balls are made, and
offered to the pebbles. Towards evening some of the rice is thrown to
the four cardinal points of the compass, in order to conciliate evil
spirits. On the second day, the house is thoroughly cleansed with
cow-dung water, and the walls are whitewashed. The eating of meat is
forbidden until the marriage ceremonies are concluded. The third day is
devoted to the erection of the marriage pandal (booth) and milk-post,
and the worship of female ancestors (savasne). Seven married women
are selected, and presented with white ravikes (bodices) dyed with
turmeric. After bathing, they are sumptuously fed. Before the feast,
the bridegroom's and sometimes the bride's mother, goes to a well,
tank (pond) or river, carrying on a tray a new woman's cloth, on which
a silver plate with a female figure embossed on it is placed. Another
silver plate of the same kind, newly made, is brought by a goldsmith,
and the two are worshipped, and then taken to the house, where they
are kept in a box. The bridegroom and his party go in procession
through the streets in which their fellow castemen live. When they
reach the house of the bride, her mother comes out and waves coloured
water to avert the evil eye, washes the bridegroom's eyes with water,
and presents him with betel and a vessel filled with milk. The bride
is then conducted to the bridegroom's house, where she takes her
seat on a decorated plank, and a gold or silver ornament called sari
or kanti is placed on her neck. She is further presented with a new
cloth. A Brahman purohit then writes the names of the contracting
parties, and the date of their marriage, on two pieces of palm leaf
or paper, which he hands over to their fathers. The day closes with
the performance of gondala puja, for which a device (muggu) is made
on the ground with yellow, red, and white powders. A brass vessel
is set in the centre thereof, and four earthen pots are placed at
the corners. Puja (worship) is done, and certain stanzas are recited
amid the beating of a pair of large cymbals. On the fourth day, the
bridal couple bathe, and the bridegroom is invested with the sacred
thread. They then go to the place where the metal plates representing
the ancestors are kept, with a cloth thrown over the head like a hood,
and some milk and cooked rice are placed near the plates. On their
way back they, in order to avert the evil eye, place their right feet
on a pair of small earthen plates tied together, and placed near the
threshold. The bride's mother gives the bridegroom some cakes and milk,
after partaking of which he goes in procession through the streets,
and a further ceremony for averting the evil eye is performed in
front of the bride's house. This over, he goes to the pandal, where
his feet are washed by his father-in-law, who places in his hands
a piece of plantain fruit, over which his mother-in-law pours some
milk. The bride and bridegroom then go into the house, where the latter
ties the tali on the neck of the former. During the tying ceremony,
the couple are separated by a cloth screen, of which the lower end
is lifted up. The screen is removed, and they sit facing each other
with their bashingams (forehead chaplets) in contact, and rice
is thrown over their heads by their relations. The Brahman hands
the contracting couple the wrist-threads (kankanams), which they
tie on. These threads are, among most castes, tied at an earlier
stage in the marriage ceremonies. On the fifth day, seven betel
nuts are placed in a row on a plank within the pandal, round which
the bride and bridegroom go seven times. At the end of each round,
the latter lifts the right foot of the former, and sweeps off one
of the nuts. For every marriage, a fee of Rs. 12-5-0 must be paid to
the headman of the caste, and the money thus accumulated is spent on
matters such as the celebration of festivals, which affect the entire
community. If the fee is not paid, the bride and bridegroom are not
permitted to go round the plank the seventh time. On the sixth day,
the bride receives presents from her family, and there is a procession
at night. On the last day of the ceremonies, the bride is handed over
to her mother-in-law by her mother, who says "I am giving you a melon
and a knife. Deal with them as you please." The bride is taken inside
the house by the mother-in-law and shown some pots containing rice
into which she dips her right hand, saying that they are full. The
mother-in-law then presents her with a gold finger-ring, and the two
eat together as a sign of their new relationship.
The dead are cremated, and, when a married man dies, his corpse
is carried on a palanquin to the burning-ground, followed by the
widow. Near the pyre it is laid on the ground, and the widow places
her jewelry and glass bangles on the chest. The corpse should be
carried by the sons-in-law if possible, and the nomination of the
bearers is indicated by the eldest son of the deceased person making
a mark on their shoulders with ashes. On the third day after death,
the milk ceremony takes place. Three balls of wheat-flour, mixed with
honey and milk, are prepared, and placed respectively on the spot
where the deceased breathed his last, where the bier was laid on the
ground, and at the place where the corpse was burnt, over which milk is
poured. The final death ceremonies (karmandhiram) are observed on the
seventh or tenth day, till which time the eating of flesh is forbidden.
The headman of the Khatris, who is called Gramani, is elected once a
month, and he has an assistant called Vanja, who is appointed annually.
The Khatris are Saivites, and wear the sacred thread, but also worship
various grama devatas (village deities). They speak a dialect of
Marathi. The caste title is Sa, e.g., Dharma Sa.
Kethree is described, in the Vizagapatam Manual, as "the caste of the
Zamindar's family in Jeypore. It is divided into sixteen classes. They
wear the paieta (sacred thread), and the Zamindar used formerly to
sell the privilege of wearing it to any one who could afford to pay him
twelve rupees. Pariahs were excluded from purchasing the privilege."
The Khatri agriculturists of the Jeypore Agency tracts in Vizagapatam
are, Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao informs me, entirely distinct from the
weaving Khatris of the south. They are divided into four septs, viz.,
Surya (Sun), Bhag (tiger), Kochchimo (tortoise), and Nag (cobra). Girls
are married before puberty, and an Oriya Brahman officiates at their
marriages, instead of the customary Desari. They do not, like other
castes in the Agency tracts, give fermented liquor (madho) as part
of the jholla tonka or bride-price, which consists of rice, a goat,
cloths, etc. The marriage ceremonies are performed at the bride's
house. These Khatris put on the sacred thread for the first time
when they are married, and renew it from time to time throughout
life. They are fair skinned, and speak the Oriya language. Their
usual title is Patro.
Khinbudi (bear).--A sept of Rona.
Khodalo.--See Bavuri.
Khodikaro.--A name for Panditos, derived from the stone (khodi),
with which they write figures on the floor, when making astrological
calculations.
Khodura.--The name is derived from khodu, bangle. The Khoduras,
Mr. Francis writes, [133] are "manufacturers of the brass and
bell-metal bangles and rings ordinarily worn by the lower class
Odiyas. Their headman is called Nahako Sahu, and under him there
are deputies called Dhoyi Nahako and Behara. There is a fourth
functionary styled Aghopotina, whose peculiar duty is said to be to
join in the first meal taken by those who have been excommunicated,
and subsequently readmitted into the caste by the caste panchayat
(council). A quaint custom exists, by which honorific titles like
Senapati, Mahapatro, Subuddhi, etc., are sold by the panchayat to
any man of the caste who covets them, and the proceeds sent to Puri
and Pratabpur for the benefit of the temples there. It is said that
the original home of the caste was Orissa, and that it came to Ganjam
with Purushottam Deva, the Maharaja of Puri. In its general customs
it resembles the Badhoyis." I am informed that the name of the fourth
functionary should be Aghopotiria, or first leaf man, i.e., the man
who is served first at a public dinner.
Khoira.--Recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as a low caste
of Oriya cultivators.
Khoja.--In the Madras Census Report, 1901, eleven Khojas are recorded
as belonging to a Mussalman tribe of traders from Bombay.
For the following note on the Khojas of Southern India, I am indebted
to an article by Dr. J. Shortt. [134] "The true Kojahs, or eunuchs,
are not numerous in Southern India. They are chiefly to be seen in
the houses of wealthy Mussalman nobles, by whom they are placed at
the head of their zenanas or harems. The Kojahs are properly divided
into two classes: (1) Kojahs; (2) Hijras. Sometimes Hindus, Sudras,
and Brahmans subject themselves to the operation (of castration),
of their own accord from a religious impression. Others, finding
themselves naturally impotent, consider it necessary to undergo the
operation, to avoid being born again at a future birth in the same
helpless state. The operation of castration is generally performed
by a class of barbers, sometimes by some of the more intelligent
of the eunuchs themselves, in the following manner. The patient is
made to sit on an upturned new earthen pot, being previously well
drugged with opium or bhang. The entire genitals being seized by the
left hand, an assistant, who has a bamboo lath slit in the centre,
runs it down quite close to the pubis, the slit firmly embracing the
whole of the genitals at the root, when the operator, with a sharp
razor, runs it down along the face of the lath, and removes penis,
testicles and scrotum in one swoop, leaving a large clean open wound
behind, in which boiling gingelly (Sesamum indicum) oil is poured
to staunch the bleeding, and the wound covered over with a soft rag
steeped in warm oil. This is the only dressing applied to the wound,
which is renewed daily, while the patient is confined in a supine
position to his bed, and lightly fed with conjee (rice gruel), milk,
etc. During the operation, the patient is urged to cry out 'Din'
(the faith in Mahomet) three times.
"Of the two classes, the Kojahs are the artificially created eunuchs,
in contradistinction to the Hijras (impotents) or natural eunuchs. Some
years ago there were three Kojahs at the head of the State prison or
Royal Mahal at Vellore, in charge of some of the wives, descendants,
and other female connections of Tippoo Sultan. These men were highly
respected, held charges of considerable trust, and were Muhammadans
by birth. Tales were often repeated that the zenana women (slaves and
adopted girls) were in the habit of stripping them naked, and poking
fun at their helplessness. There were two Kojahs in the employ of the
late Nabob of the Carnatic. They were both Africans. On the death of
the Nabob, the Government allowed one of them a pension of fifteen
rupees a month.
"The second class, Hijras or natural eunuchs as they are termed,
are not so, strictly speaking, but are said to be impotent. While
some are naturally so from birth, others are impressed with a belief
in childhood, and are dressed up in women's clothes, taught to ape
their speech and manners, whilst a few adopt it as a profession
in after-life. They are chiefly Mussalmans. The hair of the head is
put up as in women, well oiled, combed, and thrown back, tied into a
knot, and shelved to the left side, sometimes plaited, ornamented, and
allowed to hang down the back. They wear the cholee or short jacket,
the saree or petticoat, and put on abundance of nose, ear, finger,
and toe rings. They cultivate singing, play the dhol (a drum), and
attitudinise. They go about the bazaars in groups of half a dozen or
more, singing songs with the hope of receiving a trifle. [Such a group
I saw at Sandur, who, on hearing that I wished to photograph them,
made tracks for another place.--E.T.] They are not only persistent,
but impudent beggars, singing filthy, obscene, and abusive songs,
to compel the bazaarmen to give them something. Should they not
succeed, they would create a fire and throw in a lot of chillies, the
suffocating and irritative smoke producing violent coughing, etc.,
so that the bazaarmen are compelled to yield to their importunity,
and give them a trifle to get rid of their annoyance. While such were
the pursuits in the day, at nightfall they resorted to debauchery and
low practices by hiring themselves out to a dissipated set of Moslems,
who are in the habit of resorting to these people for the purpose,
whilst they intoxicate themselves with a preparation termed majoon,
being a confection of opium, and a drink termed boja, a species
of country beer manufactured from ragi (Eleusine Coracana), which
also contains bhang (Indian hemp). In addition to this, they smoke
bhang. The Hijras are met with in most of the towns of Southern India,
more especially where a large proportion of Mussalmans is found."
In Hyderabad, castration used to be performed at about the age of
sixteen. A pit, 3 1/2 feet deep, was dug in the ground, and filled
with ashes. After the operation, the patient had to sit on the ashes,
with crossed legs, for three days. The operation was performed, under
the influence of narcotics, by a Pir--the head of the Khoja community.
I am informed by Mr. G. T. Paddison that, at the annual festival of
the Gadabas of Vizagapatam, thorns are set on a swing outside the
shrine of the goddess. On these the priest or priestess sits without
harm. If the priest is masculine, he has been made neuter. But,
if the village is not fortunate enough to possess a eunuch, a woman
performs the ceremony.
The following notes were recorded by me on the occasion of an interview
with some eunuchs living in the city of Madras:--
Hindu, aged about 30. Generative organs feebly developed. Is a natural
eunuch. Speaks and behaves like a female. Keeps a stall, at which he
sells cakes. Goes out singing and dancing with four other eunuchs,
and earns from ten annas to a rupee in a night. There are, in Madras,
about thirty eunuchs, who go about dancing. Others keep shops, or
are employed as domestic servants.
One well acquainted with the Hindu eunuchs of Madras stated that, when
a boy is born with ill-developed genitalia, his unnatural condition
is a source of anxiety to his parents. As he grows up he feels shy,
and is made fun of by his companions. Such boys run away from home,
and join the eunuchs. They are taught to sing and dance, and carry
on abominable practices. They are employed by dancing-girls, to decoy
paramours to them. For this purpose, they dress up as dancing-girls,
and go about the streets. At times of census, they return themselves
as males engaged in singing and dancing.
Khond.--See Kondh.
Khongar.--See Kangara.
Kichagara.--A small class of Canarese basket-makers and beggars. The
name is said to be derived from kichaku, meaning an imitative sound,
in reference to the incessant noise which the Kichagaras make when
begging.
Kidaran (copper boiler).--A synonym for Malayalam artisans.
Kilakku Teru (east street).--A section of Kallan.
Killavar.--A sub-division of Tottiyan.
Killekyata.--The Killekyatas are a Marathi-speaking people, who amuse
villagers with their marionette shows in the Telugu and Canarese
countries. "They travel round the villages, and give a performance
wherever they can secure sufficient patronage. Contributions take the
form of money, or oil for the foot-lights." [135] "Their profession,"
Mr. S. M. Natesa Sastri writes, [136] "is enacting religious dramas
before the village public (whence their name, meaning buffoon). The
black kambli (blanket) is their screen, and any mandapa or village
chavadi, or open house is their stage. Night is the time for giving
the performance. They carry with them pictures painted in colours on
deer skins, which are well tanned, and made fine like parchment. The
several parts of the picture representing the human or animal body
are attached to each other by thin iron wires, and the parts are
made to move by the assistance of thin bamboo splits, and thus the
several actions and emotions are represented to the public, to the
accompaniment of songs. Their pictures are in most cases very fairly
painted, with variety and choice of colours. The stories chosen for
representation are generally from the Ramayana and the Mahabharata,
which they however call Ravanyakatha and Pandavakatha--the stories
of Ravana and the Pandavas." The dead are buried in a seated posture.
Some of the women are engaged as professional tattooers.
Kimedi.--A local name for Koronos who live at Parlakimedi.
Kindal (basket-maker).--A sub-division of Savara.
Kinkila (the koel or cuckoo).--A gotra of Kurni. The cuckoo, named
Eudynamis honorata, is the bird, whose crescendo cry, ku-il, ku-il,
is trying to the nerves during the hot season.
Kinthali.--A sub-division of the Telugu Kalingis.
Kira (parrot).--A sept of Gadaba. Kira also occurs as a sub-division
of Sondi.
Kiraikkaran.--Kiraikkaran is an occupational name, denoting those who
cultivate kirai (Amarantus). The Kiraikkarans are stated, in the Census
Report, 1901, to be usually Agamudaiyans in Coimbatore. I gathered,
however, that the name is given by Tamil-speaking people to the Kempati
Okkiliyans of Coimbatore, a Canarese people who migrated thither from
Kempati in Mysore. The majority of them cultivate kirai and other
edible vegetables, but some are petty traders or fishermen. Some of
their marriage divisions are named after deities, e.g., Masani and
Viramashti, and one division is called Jogi.
Kirata (hunter).--A name assumed by Bedars, Ekaris, and other classes.
Kirganiga.--Kirganiga or Kiruganiga is the name of a sub-division of
Ganigas, who express oils in wooden mills.
Kiriyam.--A sub-division of Nayar. Also the Malayalam word for house
name or sept.
Kiriyattil.--A sub-division of Nayar.
Kizhakathi.--Recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1891, as a
sub-division of Paraiyan. The word means easterner, and a Paraiyan
of North or South Arcot would call a Paraiyan of Madras by this name.
Koalaka (arrow).--An exogamous sept of Jatapu.
Kobbiriya.--A sub-division of Domb.
Kochattabannaya.--Kochattabannaya or Kojjarannaya (jak tree, Artocarpus
integrifolia, sept) is an exogamous sept of Bant.
Kochimo (tortoise).--A sept of Oriya Gaudo, Bosantiya, Bottada,
Konda Dora, Mattiya, and Omanaito.
Kochuvalan.--Recorded, in the Travancore Census Report, 1901, as a
name for Ulladans.
Kodaketti (umbrella tying).--A sub-division of Panan.
Kodavili (sickle).--An exogamous sept of Karna Sale.
Kodekal Hata-kararu (cloth-weavers).--A sub-division of Devanga.
Kodi (cock).--An exogamous sept of Kapu. Thorika occurs as a sept of
Jatapus, who are said to revere a species of fowl called thorika kodi,
and Kodi Kandla (fowl's eyes) as a sept of Boya.
Kodikkal.--Kodikkal, Kodikkar, or Kodikkalkaran, meaning betel vine
man, is the occupational name of a sub-division of Vellalas, and
of Labbai Muhammadans who cultivate the betel vine. In the Census
Report, 1901, it is noted that those who gave this as the name of
their caste returned their parent tongue as Tamil, and their title as
Nayakkan, and were therefore clubbed with Pallis. Kodikkal is further
a sub-division of the Shanans, who derive the name from kodi, a flag,
and give flag-bearer as its significance. Other castes, however,
make it to mean a betel garden, in reference to Shanans who were betel
vine growers. Kodikkal Pillaimar is a synonym of the Senaikkudaiyans,
indicating Pillaimars who cultivate the betel vine.
Kodiyal.--A sub-division of Kudubi.
Kodla.--Kodla (fowl) has been recorded as an exogamous sept of Tsakala,
and Kodla bochchu (fowl's feathers) as an exogamous sept of Kapu.
Kodu.--A form of Kondh. Also a sub-division of Konda Razu.
Kohoro.--A form of Kahar.
Koi.--See Koya.
Koibarto.--A sub-division of Kevuto.
Koil Pandala (keeper of the royal treasury).--One of the divisions
of Kshatriyas in Travancore.
Koil Tampuran.--The following note is extracted from the Travancore
Census Report, 1901. The Koil Tampurans form a small community,
made up of the descendants of the immigrant Kshatriya families
from certain parts of Malabar lying to the north of Travancore and
Cochin. They are also known as Koil Pantalas. In early records, the
term Koviladhikarikal appears to have been used. Immemorial tradition
connects the Koil Tampurans with Cheraman Perumal, and goes to say
that their original settlement was Beypore. About 300 M.E. a few
male members were invited to settle in Travancore, and form marital
alliances with the ladies of the Travancore Royal House, known then
as the Venat Svarupam. Houses were built for them at Kilimanur, six
miles from Attingal, where all the female members of the Royal Family
resided. In M.E. 963, eight persons--three males and five females--from
the family of Aliakkotu, oppressed by the invasion of Tipu Sultan,
sought shelter in Travancore. Maharaja Rama Varma received them kindly,
and gave them the palace of the Tekkumkur Raja, who had been subjugated
by Rama Iyen Dalawah. This site in Changanachery is still recognised
as Nirazhikkottaram. In 975 M.E. one of the five ladies removed to
Kirtipuram near Kantiyur (Mavelikara taluk), and thence to a village
called Gramam in the same taluk. Another shifted to Pallam in the
Kottayam taluk, a third to Paliyakkara in Tiruvalla, and a fourth,
having no issue, continued to live at Changanachery with the fifth lady
who was the youngest in the family. Raja Raaja Varma Koil Tampuran,
who married Rani Lakshmi Bai, sovereign of Travancore from 985 to 990
M.E. was the eldest son of the lady that stayed at Changanachery. Their
present house at that place, known as Lakshmipuram Kottaram, was named
after the Koil Tampuran's royal consort. Raja Raja Varma's sister gave
birth to three daughters and two sons. The eldest daughter and sons
removed to Kartikapalli in 1040, and thence, in 1046, to Anantapuram
in Haripad. In 1041, the second daughter and issue removed to Chemprol
in Tiruvalla, while the third continued to live at Changanachery. Thus
there came into existence seven families of Koil Tampurans, namely
those of Kilimanur, Changanachery, Anantapuram, Pallam, Chemprol,
Gramam, and Paliyakkare. Some time after 1040 M.E. (A.D. 1856), three
more families, viz., those of Cherukol, Karamma, and Vatakkematham,
immigrated from North Malabar.
The Koil Tampurans are all regarded as blood relations, and observe
birth and death pollutions like Dayadis among Brahmans. They follow
the matriarchal system of inheritance. Nambutiri Brahmans marry
their ladies. Their religious ceremonies are the same as those of
Nambutiris, whom they resemble in the matter of food and drink. Their
caste government is in the hands of the Nambutiri Vaidikans.
Their ceremonies are the usual Brahmanical Samskaras--Gatakarma,
Namakarana, Annaprasana, etc. Regarding the Namakarana, or naming,
the only noteworthy fact is that the first-born male always goes by
the name of Raja Raja Varma. The Upanayana, or investiture with the
sacred thread, takes place in the sixteenth year of age. On the morning
of the Upanayana, Chaula or the tonsure ceremony is performed. It
is formally done by the Nambutiri priest in the capacity of Guru,
just as the father does to his son among Brahmans, and afterwards
left to be completed by the Maran. The priest invests the boy with
the thread, and, with the sacrificial fire as lord and witness,
initiates him in the Gayatri prayer. The Koil Tampurans are to repeat
this prayer morning, noon and evening, like the Brahmans, but are
to do so only ten times on each occasion. On the fourth day, the boy
listens to a few Vedic hymns recited by the priest. There is not the
prolonged course of severe discipline of the Brahmanical Brahmachari,
which the Nambutiris so religiously observe. The Samavartana, or
pupilage stage, is performed on the fifteenth day. The ceremony of
proceeding to Benares is then gone through. Just as in the case of
the Brahmans, a would-be father-in-law intercedes, and requests the
Snataka (past Brahmachari) to bless his daughter, and settle in life
as a Grihastha. The Nambutiri priest then steps in to remind the boy
of his dharma (duty) as a Kshatriya, and gives him a sword symbolic
of his pre-ordained function in society.
The marriage of a Koil Tampuran does not present many peculiar
features. One item in the programme, called Dikshavirippu, may be
referred to. During all the four days of the marriage, the bride
is confined to a special room, where a white cloth with a carpet
over it is spread on the floor, and a lamp burns day and night. The
ceremonial bridegroom is either an Aryappattar or a Nambutiri, now
generally a Nambutiri. Of course, the marriage is a mere ceremonial,
and the bridegroom at the ceremony is not necessarily the spouse of
actual life. His death deprives her of the right to wear the tali, and
makes her an Amangali (an inauspicious person) for all socio-religious
purposes. At sraddhas (memorial service for the dead), the Tampuratti
with her married husband alive faces the east, and one that has lost
him has to look in the direction of Yamaloka (south).
Mr. Ravi Varma, the celebrated artist, who died recently, was a Koil
Tampuran of Kilimanur, an extensive village assigned to his ancestors
rent-free for the military services they had rendered to the State
in times of trouble. [137]
Kokala (woman's cloth).--An exogamous sept of Golla.
Kokkara.--Recorded, in the Travancore Census Report, as a sub-division
of Nayar.
Kokkundia.--See Kukkundi.
Kola (ear of corn).--An exogamous sept of Medara.
Kolari.--See Kolayan.
Kolalo (arrack-seller).--A name of Sondis.
Kolata Gudiya.--A name for Gudiyas engaged in agriculture.
Kolayan.--It is recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, that
"the caste is found chiefly in the Kasaragod taluk of South Canara,
and in the northern part of Malabar. In South Malabar, it is called
Urali. Its traditional occupation is herding cows, and it claims the
privilege of supplying milk and ghee to certain Hindu temples, but at
present most of its members are masons. It has two endogamous sections,
Ayan or Kol-Ayan, and Mariyan or Eruman" (Eruma, a cow-buffalo). It
is further noted, in the same report under the heading Eruman, that
"the people of the caste were originally buffalo drivers and keepers,
and still follow their traditional occupation in the Kasaragod taluk of
South Canara. In North Malabar, they are masons and bricklayers." The
masonry work of temples is done by Kolayans.
The name Kolayan has been said to be derived from Golla and Ayan,
meaning cowherd. Golla is, however, a Telugu word not used in the
Malayalam country.
Members of the two sections, Kolayan and Eruman (or Eruvan), are
said not to intermarry. Women of both sections may affect sambandham
(alliance) with Nayars. Children born of such unions are regarded
as somewhat inferior to those born of Kolayan parents, and are not
allowed to worship at the temples. The priests of the Kolayans are
called Muthavan or Poduvan, and are usually elected by Rajas.
Kolayan girls go through the mangalam or tali-kettu ceremony
before they reach puberty. On an auspicious day fixed by the Kanisan
(astrologer), the girl sits on a plank in the middle room of the house,
and four lamps are placed near her. Her father throws rice and flowers
over her head, and ties the tali (marriage emblem) on her neck. The
girl, four women, and four girls, are fed in the middle room. On the
following day, a priest (Vathiyan) places rice, paddy (unhusked rice),
tender cocoanut, betel leaves and areca nuts, before the girl. Men
and women of the priest's family wave rice, cocoanuts, etc., in front
of her both in the morning and afternoon. Finally, towards evening,
a Vathiyan woman waves the rice and other articles thrice, calling out
"Kolachi, Kolachi, Kolachi." The girl may then leave the middle room.
At the first menstrual period, a girl is under pollution for
three days. On the first day, a cloth (mattu) is given to her by a
washerwoman, and on the fourth day she receives one from a Malayan
woman.
The dead are usually cremated. Daily, until the twelfth day of the
death ceremonies, food is offered to the spirit of the deceased, on
a dais set up outside the house, by the relatives. On the fifth day,
all the agnates are purified by the Vathiyan sprinkling water over
them. On the twelfth day, the Vathiyan draws the image of a man with
vibuthi (sacred ashes) on the spot where the deceased breathed his
last. Near the figure, cooked rice, vegetables, etc., are placed. The
chief mourner offers these to the dead person, and makes a bundle of
them in his cloth. Going outside the house, he kicks the dais already
referred to with his foot, while the Vathiyan holds one hand, and
his relations the other hand or arm. He then bathes in a tank (pond)
or river, while his hands are held in like manner.
Koli.--In the Madras Census Report, 1901, the Kolis are described
as being "a Bombay caste of fishermen and boatmen in South Canara;
also a low class of Bengal weavers found in Ganjam." The Kolis
who were investigated in Ganjam are an Oriya-speaking class, who
are apparently Telugu people who have settled in the Oriya country
as weavers of coarse cloths, traders, and agriculturists. They have
Oriya titles such as Behara. They worship village deities (Takuranis),
are Saivites, and none of them have been converted to the Paramartho
form of Vishnavism. The caste council, puberty and death ceremonies,
are based on the common Oriya type, but the marriage rites are an
interesting blend of the Oriya and Telugu types of ceremonial. Thus the
usual Telugu marriage post, but made of Streblus asper wood, is set up,
and nine kinds of grain are placed near it. A bottu (marriage badge)
is tied on the neck of the bride by the bridegroom, and the hands of
the contracting couple are united (hasthagonthi) as among the Oriyas.
Koliyan.--The Koliyans are summed up, in the Madras Census Report,
1901, as "a weaver caste, the members of which were originally
Paraiyans, but now do not eat or intermarry with that caste." They
are largely found in the Tanjore and Madura districts, and are divided
into various nadus (territories) and kuppams (settlements). Those at
Pattukottai, for example, belong to Ambu Nadu, and are sub-divided
into five kuppams. Many of the Koliyans are engaged in weaving coarse
white cloths, while some work as field labourers. As some Paraiyans
have Samban (Siva) as their title, so the title of the Koliyans is
Isan (god). At times of marriage, the names of persons must not be
mentioned without this title, e.g., one who is, in everyday life,
called Ponnan is addressed as Isa Ponnan.
An interesting point in connection with the first puberty ceremonial
of a girl is that, on the sixteenth day, when she bathes, a withe of
a creeper (Dalbergia, sp.) made into a loop, is passed round her body
by a barber from head to foot thrice, without touching her. If this
is not done, it is believed that the girl is not free from pollution.
There are two forms of marriage ceremony, called chinna (little) and
periya (big) kalyanam. The former is resorted to by those who cannot
afford the more elaborate ceremonial. The sister of the bridegroom is
sent to the house of the bride on an auspicious day. She there ties
the tali (marriage badge) on the bride's neck, and conducts her to
the house of the bridegroom. Women who are thus married may not take
part in the marriage of their children. More especially, they may not
decorate them with garlands and flowers, unless they have themselves
performed the sadangu rite. In this, which is usually carried out
a day or two before the child's marriage, the husband and wife sit
on planks, and, after being decorated, and the performance of wave
offerings (arathi), the former ties the tali on his wife's neck.
In the periya kalyanam, the bridegroom goes on a horse to the bride's
house, where he is met by her brother, who is also on horseback. They
exchange garlands, and proceed to the marriage pandal (booth). The
bridegroom receives from the bride's father a cocoanut, and the bride
seats herself on a bench. The bridegroom gives her the cocoanut,
and ties the tali on her neck. They then exchange garlands, and
their fingers are linked together. All these items must be performed
as quickly as possible, in accordance with a saying that the tali
should be tied without dismounting from the horse, which one is
riding. Before the tali is tied, the contracting couple go through
the sadangu ceremony, in which a loop of cotton thread is passed over
them from head to foot, without touching them. Then the kankanams, or
wrist threads, are tied on their wrists. The milk-post and marriage
pots are set up within the pandal, and the bride and bridegroom
prostrate themselves before them, and salute their maternal uncles,
parents and relations, and lastly the musicians. The day's proceedings
terminate with a feast, at the conclusion of which hands are washed
within the house. For six days the bride and bridegroom pay visits to
each other alternately, and, on the seventh day, the wrist-threads,
marriage pots, and milk-post are removed. During marriage and other
auspicious ceremonies, coloured water, into which leaves of Bauhinia
variegata are thrown, are waved (arathi).
On ceremonial occasions, and at times of worship, the Koliyans put
on Saivite sect marks. Among other deities, they worship Aiyanar,
Pattavanswami, and Pothiamman.
The dead are burnt, and the body is placed in a seated posture with
fingers and toes tied together. On the way to the burning-ground, a
widow goes round the corpse, and breaks a pot containing water. On the
day after the funeral, the calcined bones are collected, and arranged
so as to represent a human figure, to which food is offered. The
final death ceremonies (karmandhiram) are performed on the sixteenth
day. A mass of cooked rice, vegetables, and meat, is placed within
an enclosure, round which the relations go in tears.
Kollakar.--There are about seven hundred members of this community at
Cochin, to which place the Kollakars, or people of Kollam, are said
to have come from Quilon (Kollam) in Travancore one or two centuries
ago. The majority of the men work as coolies on board steamers, and a
few as fishermen. The women of the poorer classes twist rope and sell
fish, while the others make lace. A few hold appointments under the
Government, and, in 1907, two had passed the Matriculation examination
of the Madras University. They are Roman Catholics, and are said to
have been converted to Christianity by the Portuguese. They marry among
themselves. The Kollakars are also found at Calicut, Cannanore, Mahe,
and Tellicherry, and are mainly occupied in fishing, rope-making, and
making fishing-nets. A few at Tellicherry are employed as carpenters,
tailors, and petty shopkeepers.
Kolla Kurup.--The Kolla Kurups of Malabar are described, in the
Gazetteer of Malabar, as a sub-caste of, or a caste allied to, the
Kammalans. "They combine two professions, which at first sight seem
strangely incongruous, shampooing or massage, and the construction of
the characteristic leather shields of Malabar. But the two arts are
intimately connected with the system of combined physical training,
as we should now call it, and exercise in arms, which formed the
curriculum of the kalari (gymnasium), and the title Kurup is proper
to castes connected with that institution." Among Kolla Kurups,
the following symbolical ceremony is necessary to constitute a
valid divorce. "The husband and the wife's brother stand east
and west respectively of a lighted lamp placed in the yard of the
woman's original home. The husband pulls a thread from his cloth,
and approaches the lamp, and breaks the thread saying 'Here is your
sister's accharam.'"
Kollan.--The blacksmiths are iron-workers among the Malayalam
Kammalans. "These Malabar Kollans," Mr. H. A. Stuart writes, [138]
"are said to practice fraternal polyandry to a greater extent even
than the rest of the Malabar artizan castes. Kollans are divided into
(1) Ti (fire) Kollan, (2) Perum (big) Kollan, (3) Tiperum Kollan, (4)
Irumbu (iron) Kollan. There are also Kadacchil Kollan (knife-grinders)
and Tol Kollan (leather-workers). These are of inferior status,
on account of the nature of their professions."
Kollar.--A section of Tottiyan, the full name of which is
Yerrakollavaru or Yerrakolla Tottiyar. Kollar is a corrupt Tamil form
of Golla, to which caste the Tottiyans trace their descent.
Kolli (fire-brand).--A sub-division of Kadu Kurumba.
Kolli (a hill-range, the Kollimalais).--A sub-division of Malayalis.
Komali (buffoon).--An exogamous sept of Odde.
Komanandi.--A sub-division of Andis, who go about naked, except for
a small loin cloth (komanam).
Komaro.--Oriya blacksmiths. See Badhoyi.
Komati.--The Komatis form the great trading caste of the Madras
Presidency, and are found in almost all the districts thereof. They are
further found in the Mysore State, Bombay Presidency, Berar, Central
Provinces, and as far north-west as Baroda. Their wide distribution
accounts for the great variety which prevails in the minor details
of the religious and social ceremonials.
The name Komati has been derived in many different ways. By some it
is said to be from ko-mati, meaning fox-minded. This has reference to
the cunning of the Komatis in business, and is undoubtedly the outcome
of their unpopularity with their customers. The phrase Komatiguttu
(the secrecy of a Komati) is said to be a common one. Others say
that it is from go-mati, meaning the possessor of cows, one of the
ordained duties of Vaisyas being the protecting of cows. Others,
again, say that it is from go-mati, meaning cow-minded. A modern
redaction of the Kanyaka Purana, the sacred book of the Komatis,
gives this derivation. According to this work, the Komatis did severe
penance, and were consequently invited to live in heaven. Their
continued absence from this world gave rise to serious trouble,
and Vishnu accordingly asked them to return thither for the good
of mankind. They, however, refused to do so. Vishnu then called for
Siva, and asked him to induce them to return. Siva brought a cow, and
directed all the Komatis to get into its right ear. From there they
saw gloriously decorated towns, with magnificent temples, pleasure
gardens, etc., and begged permission to live in them. Siva assented,
and they speedily began to march off to their new abodes. But, almost
immediately, a huge conflagration came in view, and began to overwhelm
them. Terror-stricken, they cried out to Siva to help them in their
trouble. He consented on condition that they would return to the
mortal world. This they accordingly did. Siva gave them the name of
Gomati, because they exhibited as much fear at the conflagration as
a cow would when anything untoward happened. Yet another derivation
of Komati is go-mati, meaning sprung from the cow in accordance with
the above legend, or cow-gored in reference to the story that the
ancestors of the Komatis commingled in a cow-shed, where a pregnant
woman was gored by a cow. The derivation ku-mati, meaning evil-minded,
is grammatically impossible. The Komatis are said to have originally
lived, and still live in large numbers on the banks of the Godavari
river. One of the local names thereof is Gomati or Gomti, and the
Sanskrit Gomati would, in Telugu, become corrupted into Komati.
The Komatis everywhere speak Telugu, and are devoted to their
mother-tongue. There is a common proverb among them, "Telugu theta,
Aravam adhvanam," meaning that Telugu is easy (has an easy flow),
and Tamil is wretched. "Of all Dravidian languages," Mr. Henry Morris
writes, "Telugu is the sweetest and most musical. It is exceedingly
mellifluous, and sounds harmonious even in the mouth of the most
vulgar and illiterate. It has justly been called the Italian of
the East." Komatis are clever at learning languages other than their
own. In the Tamil and Canarese districts, they are conversant with the
languages thereof, and in Bombay they speak Marathi. In the Ganjam
and Vizagapatam Agencies, they speak the Kondh and Savara languages
very fluently.
As a commercial caste, the Komatis have a secret trade language of
their own, which is substantially the same all over the country. It
will be seen from the tables given how complete their numerical tables
are, ranging, as they do, from one pie to a thousand rupees. It will
be observed that the rupee is represented by the word thelupu, which
means white. Some Tamil trading castes in like manner call the rupee
velle (white):--