Kallasari (stone-workers).--The occupational name of a sub-division

of Malayalam Kammalans.

Kallatakurup.--A sub-division of Ambalavasis, who sing in Bhagavati

temples. They play on a stringed instrument, called nandurini, with

two strings and a number of wooden stops glued on to the long handle,

and a wooden plectrum.

Kallu (stone).--A sub-division of Ganiga and Odde. Kallukoti

(stone-mason) is a sub-division of Malabar Kammalans, who work

in stone.

Kallukatti.--It is noted, in the Gazetteer of the South Canara

district, that "a grinding stone made of granite is an article

peculiar to South Canara. It is a semicircular, oval-shaped block with

a flat bottom, and a round hole in the middle of the surface. It has

another oval-shaped block, thin and long, with one end so shaped as

to fit into the hole in the larger block. These two together make

what is known as the grinding-stone of the district, which is used

for grinding curry-stuff, rice, wheat, etc. Mill-stones for pounding

grain are also made of granite. Formerly, a class of people called

Kallukattis used to make such articles, but the industry is now taken

up by other castes as well. Mile-stones, slabs for temple door-frames,

idols and other figures for temple purposes are also made of granite."

Kallur.--Recorded, in the Travancore Census Report, 1901, as a name

for the Pulikkappanikkan sub-division of Nayar.

Kalluri (stone village).--An exogamous sept of Medara.

Kal Tacchan (stone-mason).--A sub-division of Kammalan.

Kalti (expunged).--A degraded Paraiyan is known as a Kalti. Amongst

the Paraiyans of Madras, Chingleput and North Arcot, the rule

is that a man who does not abide by the customs of the caste is

formally excommunicated by a caste council. He then joins "those

at Vinnamangalam" near Vellore, i.e., those who have, like himself,

been driven out of the caste.

Kalugunadu (eagle's country).--An exogamous sept of Tamil goldsmiths

in the Madura district.

Kaluthai (possessors of donkeys).--A sub-division of Odde.

Kalyanakulam (marriage people).--A fanciful name returned by some

Mangalas at times of census, as they officiate as musicians at

marriages.

Kamadi (tortoise).--A gotra of Kurni.

Kamakshiamma.--Recorded, in the North Arcot Manual, as a sub-division

of Vaniyan. Kamakshiamma is the chief goddess worshipped at

Conjeeveram. She and Minakshi Amma of Madura are two well-known

goddesses worshipped by Saivites. Both names are synonyms of Parvati,

the wife of Siva.

Kamati (foolish).--A name sometimes applied to carpenters, and also

of a sub-division of Okkiliyans, who are said to have abandoned their

original occupation of cultivating land, and become bricklayers.

Kambalam.--The name Kambalam is applied to a group of nine castes

(Tottiyan, Annappan, Kappiliyan, Chakkiliyan, etc.), because at

their council meetings a blanket (kambli) is spread, on which is

placed a brass vessel (kalasam) filled with water, and decorated with

flowers. (See Tottiyan.)

Kambalattan.--A synonym of Tottiyan.

Kamban.--A title of the Occhans, to which caste the great Tamil epic

poet Kamban is reputed to have belonged.

Kambha.--Kambha or Kambhapu, meaning a pillar or post, has been

recorded as an exogamous sept of Madiga and Komati.

Kamma.--Writing collectively concerning the Kammas, Kapus or Reddis,

Velamas, and Telagas, Mr. W. Francis states [61] that "all four

of these large castes closely resemble one another in appearance

and customs, and seem to have branched off from one and the same

Dravidian stock. Originally soldiers by profession, they are now

mainly agriculturists and traders, and some of them in the north are

zamindars (land-owners). The Razus, who now claim to be Kshatriyas,

were probably descended from Kapus, Kammas, and Velamas. The Kammas

and Kapus of the Madura and Tinnevelly districts seem to have followed

the Vijayanagar army south, and settled in these districts when the

Nayak Governors were established there. Their women are less strict

in their deportment than those of the same castes further north,

the latter of whom are very careful of their reputations, and, in

the case of one section of the Kammas, are actually gosha (kept in

seclusion) like Musalmanis."

Various stories are current, which point to the common ancestry of

the Kammas, Kapus, and Velamas. The word Kamma in Telugu means the

ear-ornament, such as is worn by women. According to one legend

"the Rishis, being troubled by Rakshasas, applied to Vishnu for

protection, and he referred them to Lakshmi. The goddess gave them

a casket containing one of her ear ornaments (kamma), and enjoined

them to worship it for a hundred years. At the expiry of that period,

a band of five hundred armed warriors sprang up from the casket, who,

at the request of the Rishis, attacked and destroyed the giants. After

this they were directed to engage in agriculture, being promised

extensive estates, and the consideration paid to Kshatriyas. They

accordingly became possessed of large territories, such as Amravati

and others in the Kistna, Nellore and other districts, and have always

been most successful agriculturists." [62]

Some Kammas, when questioned by Mr. F. R. Hemingway in the Godavari

district, stated that they were originally Kshatriyas, but were long

ago persecuted by a king of the family of Parikshat, because one of

them called him a bastard. They sought refuge with the Kapus, who took

them in, and they adopted the customs of their protectors. According

to another legend, a valuable ear ornament, belonging to Raja Pratapa

Rudra, fell into the hands of an enemy, whom a section of the Kapus

boldly attacked, and recovered the jewel. This feat earned for

them and their descendants the title Kamma. Some of the Kapus ran

away, and they are reputed to be the ancestors of the Velamas (veli,

away). At the time when the Kammas and Velamas formed a single caste,

they observed the Muhammadan gosha system, whereby the women are kept

in seclusion. This was, however, found to be very inconvenient for

their agricultural pursuits. They accordingly determined to abandon

it, and an agreement was drawn up on a palm-leaf scroll. Those who

signed it are said to have become Kammas, and those who declined to

do so Velamas, or outsiders. One meaning of the word kamma is the

palm-leaf roll, such as is used to produce dilatation of the lobes

of the ears. According to another story, there once lived a king,

Belthi Reddi by name, who had a large number of wives, the favourite

among whom he appointed Rani. The other wives, being jealous, induced

their sons to steal all the jewels of the Rani, but they were caught

in the act by the king, who on the following day asked his wife for

her jewels, which she could not produce. Some of the sons ran away,

and gave origin to the Velamas; others restored the kamma, and became

Kammas. Yet one more story. Pratapa Rudra's wife lost her ear ornament,

and four of the king's captains were sent in search of it. Of these,

one restored the jewel, and his descendants became Kammas; the second

attacked the thieves, and gave origin to the Velamas; the third ran

away, and so his children became the ancestors of the Pakanatis;

and the fourth disappeared.

According to the Census Report, 1891, the main sub-divisions of the

Kammas are Gampa, Illuvellani, Godajati, Kavali, Vaduga, Pedda, and

Bangaru. It would seem that there are two main endogamous sections,

Gampa (basket) Chatu, and Goda (wall) Chatu. Chatu is said to mean a

screen or hiding place. Concerning the origin of these sections, the

following story is told. Two sisters were bathing in a tank (pond),

when a king happened to pass by. To hide themselves, one of the girls

hid behind a basket, and the other behind a wall. The descendants of

the two sisters became the Gampa and Goda Chatu Kammas, who may not

intermarry by reason of their original close relationship. According

to another legend, after a desperate battle, some members of the caste

escaped by hiding behind baskets, others behind a wall. The terms

Illuvellani and Pedda seem to be synonymous with Godachatu. The women

of this section were gosha, and not allowed to appear in public,

and even at the present day they do not go out and work freely

in the fields. The name Illuvellani indicates those who do not go

(vellani) out of the house (illu). The name Pedda (great) refers to

the superiority of the section. Vaduga simply means Telugu, and is

probably a name given by Tamilians to the Kammas who live amongst

them. The name Bangaru is said to refer to the custom of the women of

this sub-division wearing only gold nose ornaments (bangaramu). The

Godajati sub-division is said to be most numerously represented in

North Arcot and Chingleput, the Illuvellani in Kistna, Nellore and

Anantapur. The Kavali sub-division is practically confined to the

Godavari, and the Pedda to the Kistna district. The Vaduga Kammas

are found chiefly in Coimbatore.

In his note on the Kammas of the Godavari district, Mr. Hemingway

writes that "in this district they are divided into Kavitis, Eredis,

Gampas or Gudas, Uggams, and Rachas. These names are, according to

local accounts, derived from curious household customs, generally

from traditional methods of carrying water. Thus, the Kavitis will

not ordinarily carry water except in pots on a kavidi, the Eredis

except on a pack-bullock, the Uggams except in pots held in the hand,

and not on the hip or head, the Rachas except in a pot carried by

two persons. The Gampa women, when they first go to their husbands'

houses, take the customary presents in a basket. It is said that

these practices are generally observed at the present day."

Writing concerning the Iluvedalani (Illuvellani) Kammas, the editor

of the Kurnool Manual (1886) states that "a few families only exist

in the district. The women are kept in strict gosha. They consider

it beneath them to spin thread, or to do other work. A sub-division

of this caste lives in Pullalcheruvu, whose families, also gosha,

work at the spindles, like other women of the country. Another class

of indoor Kammas resides about Owk. They are apparently descendants

of the Kammas, who followed the Naiks from Guntur to Gandikota in the

sixteenth century. They are now reduced, and the females work, like

Kapus, in the field. The Gampas are distinguished from the indoor

Kammas by their women wearing the cloth over the right, instead of

the left shoulder."

As with other Telugu castes, there are, among the Kammas, a number

of exogamous septs or intiperu, of which the following are examples:--

Anumollu, Dolichos Lablab.

Tsanda, tax or subscription.

Jasthi, too much.

Mallela, jasmine.

Lanka, island.

Thota kura, Amarantus gangetícus.

Komma, horn, or branch of a tree.

Cheni, dry field.

Palakala, planks.

Kasturi, musk.

Baththala, rice.

Karnam, accountant.

Irpina, combs.

Gali, wind.

Dhaniala, coriander.

The Kammas also have gotras such as Chittipoola, Kurunollu, Kulakala,

Uppala, Cheruku (sugar-cane), Vallotla, and Yenamalla.

When matters affecting the community have to be decided, a council

of the leading members thereof assembles. But, in some places, there

is a permanent headman, called Mannemantri or Chaudri.

The Kammas will work as coolies in the fields, but will, on no account,

engage themselves as domestic servants. "They are," the Rev. J. Cain

writes, [63] "as a rule a fine well-built class of cultivators, very

proud and exclusive, and have a great aversion to town life. Many

of them never allow their wives to leave their compounds, and it is

said that many never do field work on Sundays, but confine themselves

on that day to their house-work." "If," a correspondent writes from

the Kistna district, "you ask in a village whether so-and-so is a

Brahman, and they say 'No. He is an asami (ordinary man),' he will

be a Kamma or Kapu. If you ask how many pay income-tax in a village,

they may tell you two Baniyas (merchants), and two Samsari-vallu,

i.e., two prosperous Kamma ryots."

The Kammas are stated by Mr. H. A. Stuart [64] to be "most industrious

and intelligent cultivators, who, now that gosha has been generally

abandoned, beat all rivals out of the field--a fact which is recognised

by several proverbs, such as Kamma vani chetulu kattina nilavadu

(though you tie a Kamma's hands, he will not be quiet); Kamma vandlu

cherite kadama jatula vellunu (if Kammas come in, other castes go out);

Kamma variki bhumi bhayapadu tunnadi (the earth fears the Kammas),

and many others to the same effect. In addition to being industrious

and well-to-do they are very proud, an instance of which occurred in

the Kistna district, when the Revenue Settlement Officer offered them

pattas, in which they were simply called Naidu without the honorific

ending garu. They refused on this account to accept them, and finally

the desired alteration was made, as they proved that all of their

caste were considered entitled to the distinction. In North Arcot,

however, they are not so particular, though some refuse to have their

head shaved, because they scruple to bow down before a barber. Besides

Vishnu the Kammas worship Ganga, because they say that long ago they

fled from Northern India, to avoid the anger of a certain Raja,

who had been refused a bride from among them. They were pursued,

but their women, on reaching the Mahanadi, prayed for a passage to

Ganga, who opened a dry path for them through the river. Crossing,

they all hid themselves in a dholl (Cajanus indicus) field, and thus

escaped from their pursuers. For this reason, at their marriages,

they tie a bunch of dholl leaves to the north-eastern post of the

wedding booth, and worship Ganga before tying the tali."

Among the Kammas of the Tamil country, the bridegroom is said to be

sometimes much younger than the bride, and a case is on record of a

wife of twenty-two years of age, who used to carry her boy-husband

on her hip, as a mother carries her child. [65] A parallel is to be

found in Russia, where not very long ago grown-up women were to be

seen carrying about boys of six, to whom they were betrothed. [66]

Widow remarriage is not permitted. Widows of the Goda chatu section

wear white, and those of the Gampa chatu section coloured cloths.

Prior to the betrothal ceremony, female ancestors, Vigneswara, and

the Grama Devata (village deities) are worshipped. A near relation

of the future bridegroom proceeds, with a party, to the home of

the future bride. On their way thither, they look for omens, such

as the crossing of birds in an auspicious direction. Immediately on

the occurrence of a favourable omen, they burn camphor, and break a

cocoanut, which must split in two with clean edges. One half is sent to

the would-be bridegroom, and the other taken to the bride's house. If

the first cocoanut does not split properly, others are broken till the

wished-for result is obtained. When the girl's house is reached, she

demands the sagunam (omen) cocoanut. Her lap is filled with flowers,

cocoanuts, turmeric, plantains, betel leaves and areca nuts, combs,

sandal paste, and coloured powder (kunkumam). The wedding day is

then fixed. Marriage is generally celebrated at the house of the

bridegroom, but, if it is a case of kannikadhanam (presenting the girl

without claiming the bride's price), at the house of the bride. The

bride-price is highest in the Gampa section. On the first day of

the marriage rites, the petta mugada sangyam, or box-lid ceremony

is performed. The new cloths for the bridal couple, five plantains,

nuts, and pieces of turmeric, one or two combs, four rupees, and

the bride-price in money or jewels, are placed in a box, which is

placed near the parents of the contracting couple. The contents of

the box are then laid out on the lid, and examined by the sammandhis

(new relations by marriage). The bride's father gives betel leaves

and areca nuts to the father of the bridegroom, saying "The girl is

yours, and the money mine." The bridegroom's father hands them back,

saying "The girl is mine, and the money yours." This is repeated

three times. The officiating purohit (priest) then announces that

the man's daughter is to be given in marriage to so-and-so, and

the promise is made before the assembled Deva Brahmanas, and in the

presence of light, Agni, and the Devatas. This ceremony is binding,

and, should the bridegroom perchance die before the bottu (marriage

badge) is tied, she becomes, and remains a widow. The milk-post is

next set up, the marriage pots are arranged, and the nalagu ceremony

is performed. This consists of the anointing of the bridal couple with

oil, and smearing the shoulders with turmeric flour, or Acacia Concinna

paste. A barber pares the nails of the bridegroom, and simply touches

those of the bride with a mango leaf dipped in milk. In some places

this rite is omitted by the Gampa section. A small wooden framework,

called dhornam, with cotton threads wound round it, is generally tied

to the marriage pandal (booth) by a Tsakali (washerman) not only

at a marriage among the Kammas, but also among the Balijas, Kapus,

and Velamas. After the return of the bridal couple from bathing,

the bridegroom is decorated, and taken to a specially prepared place

within or outside the house, to perform Vira-gudimokkadam, or worship

of heroes in their temple. At the spot selected a pandal has been

erected, and beneath it three or five bricks, representing the heroes

(viralu), are set up. The bricks are smeared with turmeric paste,

and painted with red dots. In front of the bricks an equal number of

pots are placed, and they are worshipped by breaking a cocoanut, and

burning camphor and incense. The bridegroom then prostrates himself

before the bricks, and, taking up a sword, cuts some lime fruits,

and touches the pots three times. In former days, a goat or sheep

was sacrificed. The hero worship, as performed by the Goda section,

differs from the above rite as practiced by the Gampa section. Instead

of erecting a pandal, the Godas go to a pipal (Ficus religiosa) tree,

near which one or more daggers are placed. A yellow cotton thread is

wound three or five times round the tree, which is worshipped. As a

substitute for animal sacrifice, lime fruits are cut. The hero worship

concluded, the wrist-threads of cotton and wool (kankanam) are tied

on the bride and bridegroom, who is taken to the temple after he has

bathed and dressed himself in new clothes. On his return to the booth,

the purohit lights the sacred fire, and the contracting couple sit

side by side on a plank. They then stand, with a screen spread between

them, and the bridegroom, with his right big toe on that of the bride,

ties the bottu round her neck. They then go three times round the dais,

with the ends of their cloths knotted together. The bottu of the Gampas

is a concave disc of gold, that of the Godas a larger flat disc. On

the following day, the usual nagavali, or sacrifice to the Devas is

offered, and a nagavali bottu (small gold disc) tied. All the relations

make presents to the bridal pair, who indulge in a mock representation

of domestic life. On the third day, pongal (rice) is offered to the

pots, and the wrist-threads are removed. Like the Palli bridegroom,

the Kamma bridegroom performs a mimic ploughing ceremony, but at the

house instead of at a tank (pond). He goes to a basket filled with

earth, carrying the iron bar of a ploughshare, an ox-goad, and rope,

accompanied by the bride carrying in her lap seeds or seedlings. While

he pretends to be ploughing, his sister stops him, and will not let him

continue till he has promised to give his first-born daughter to her

son in marriage. The marriage pots are presented to the sisters of the

bridegroom. During the marriage celebration, meat must not be cooked.

Among the Kammas, consummation does not take place till three months

after the marriage ceremony, as it is considered unlucky to have three

heads of a family in a household during the first year of marriage. By

the delay, the birth of a child should take place only in the second

year, so that, during the first year, there will be only two heads,

husband and wife. In like manner, it is noted by Mr. Francis [67] that,

among the Gangimakkalu and Madigas, the marriage is not consummated

till three months after its celebration.

When a pregnant woman is delivered, twigs of Balanites Roxburghii

are placed round the house.

The dead are usually cremated. As the moment of death approaches,

a cocoanut is broken, and camphor burnt. The thumbs and great

toes of the corpse are tied together. A woman, who is left a widow,

exchanges betel with her dead husband, and the women put rice into his

mouth. The corpse is carried to the burning-ground on a bier, with the

head towards the house. When it approaches a spot called Arichandra's

temple, the bier is placed on the ground, and food is placed at the

four corners. Then a Paraiyan or Mala repeats the formula "I am the

first born (i.e., the representative of the oldest caste). I wore the

sacred thread at the outset. I am Sangu Paraiyan (or Reddi Mala). I

was the patron of Arichandra. Lift the corpse, and turn it round with

its head towards the smasanam (burning-ground), and feet towards the

house." When the corpse has been laid on the pyre, the relations throw

rice over it, and the chief mourner goes three times round the pyre,

carrying on his shoulder a pot of water, in which a barber makes

holes. During the third turn he lights the pyre, and throwing down

the pot, goes off to bathe. On the following day, a stone is placed

on the spot where the deceased breathed his last, and his clothes are

put close to it. The women pour milk over the stone, and offer milk,

cocoanuts, cooked rice, betel, etc., to it. These are taken by the

males to the burning-ground. When Arichandra's temple is reached, they

place there a small quantity of food on a leaf. At the burning-ground,

the fire is extinguished, and the charred bones are collected, and

placed on a plantain leaf. Out of the ashes they make an effigy on

the ground, to which food is offered on four leaves, one of which is

placed on the abdomen of the figure, and the other three are set by

the side of it. The first of these is taken by the Paraiyan, and the

others are given to a barber, washerman, and Panisavan (a mendicant

caste). The final death ceremonies (karmandhiram) are performed on

the sixteenth day. They commence with the punyaham, or purificatory

ceremony, and the giving of presents to Brahmans. Inside the house,

the dead person's clothes are worshipped by the women. The widow is

taken to a tank or well, where her nagavali bottu is removed. This

usually wears out in a very short time, so a new one is worn for the

purpose of the death ceremony. The males proceed to a tank, and make

an effigy on the ground, near which three small stones are set up. On

these libations of water are poured, and cooked rice, vegetables, etc.,

are offered. The chief mourner then goes into the water, carrying the

effigy, which is thrown in, and dives as many times as there have been

days between the funeral and the karmandhiram. The ceremony closes

with the making of presents to the Brahmans and agnates. Towards

evening, the widow sits on a small quantity of rice on the ground,

and her marriage bottu is removed. The Kammas perform a first annual

ceremony, but not a regular sradh afterwards. [68]

As regards their religion, some Kammas are Saivites, others

Vaishnavites. Most of the Saivites are disciples of Aradhya Brahmans,

and the Vaishnavites of Vaishnava Brahmans or Satanis. The Gampas

reverence Draupadi, Mannarsami, Gangamma, Ankamma, and Padavetiamma;

the Godas Poleramma, Veikandla Thalli (the thousand-eyed goddess)

and Padavetiamma.

Kamma (ear ornament).--An exogamous sept of Motati Kapu.

Kammalan (Tamil).--The original form of the name Kammalan appears to

have been Kannalan or Kannalar, both of which occur in Tamil poems,

e.g., Thondamandala Satakam and Er Ezhuvathu, attributed to the

celebrated poet Kamban. Kannalan denotes one who rules the eye, or

one who gives the eye. When an image is made, its consecration takes

place at the temple. Towards the close of the ceremonial, the Kammalan

who made it comes forward, and carves out the eyes of the image. The

name is said also to refer to those who make articles, and open the

eyes of the people, i.e., who make articles pleasing to the eyes.

A very interesting account of the netra mangalya, or ceremony of

painting the eyes of images, as performed by craftsmen in Ceylon, has

been published by Mr. A. K. Coomaraswamy. [69] Therein he writes that

"by far the most important ceremony connected with the building and

decoration of a vihara (temple), or with its renovation, was the actual

netra mangalya or eye ceremonial. The ceremony had to be performed

in the case of any image, whether set up in a vihara or not. Even in

the case of flat paintings it was necessary. D. S. Muhandiram, when

making for me a book of drawings of gods according to the Rupavaliya,

left the eyes to be subsequently inserted on a suitable auspicious

occasion, with some simpler form of the ceremony described.

"Knox has a reference to the subject as follows. 'Some, being

devoutly disposed, will make the image of this god (Buddha) at their

own charge. For the making whereof they must bountifully reward the

Founder. Before the eyes are made, it is not accounted a god, but a

lump of ordinary metal, and thrown about the shop with no more regard

than anything else. But, when the eyes are to be made, the artificer is

to have a good gratification, besides the first agreed upon reward. The

eyes being formed, it is thenceforward a god. And then, being brought

with honour from the workman's shop, it is dedicated by solemnities

and sacrifices, and carried with great state into its shrine or little

house, which is before built and prepared for it.'" The pupils of the

eyes of a series of clay votive offerings, which were specially made

for me, were not painted at the potter's house, but in the verandah

of the traveller's bungalow where I was staying.

The Tamil Kammalans are divided into three endogamous territorial

groups, Pandya, Sozia (or Chola), and Kongan. The Pandyas live

principally in the Madura and Tinnevelly districts, and the Sozias

in the Trichinopoly, Tanjore, Chingleput, North and South Arcot

districts, and Madras. The Kongas are found chiefly in the Salem

and Coimbatore districts. In some places, there are still further

sub-divisions of territorial origin. Thus, the Pandya Tattans are

divided into Karakattar, Vambanattar, Pennaikku-akkarayar (those on

the other side of the Pennaiyar river), Munnuru-vittukarar (those of

the three hundred families), and so forth. They are further divided

into exogamous septs, the names of which are derived from places,

e.g., Perugumani, Musiri, Oryanadu, Thiruchendurai, and Kalagunadu.

The Kammalans are made up of five occupational sections, viz., Tattan

(goldsmith), Kannan (brass-smith), Tac'chan (carpenter), Kal-Tac'chan

(stone-mason), and Kollan or Karuman (blacksmith). The name Panchala,

which is sometimes used by the Tamil as well as the Canarese artisan

classes, has reference to the fivefold occupations. The various

sections intermarry, but the goldsmiths have, especially in towns,

ceased to intermarry with the blacksmiths. The Kammalans, claiming,

as will be seen later on, to be Brahmans, have adopted Brahmanical

gotras, and the five sections have five gotras called Visvagu, Janagha,

Ahima, Janardana, and Ubhendra, after certain Rishis (sages). Each of

these gotras, it is said, has twenty-five subordinate gotras attached

to it. The names of these, however, are not forthcoming, and indeed,

except some individuals who act as priests for the Kammalans, few seem

to have any knowledge of them. In their marriages the Kammalans closely

imitate the Brahmanical ceremonial, and the ceremonies last for three

or five days according to the means of the parties. The parisam, or

bride's money, is paid, as among other non-Brahmanical castes. Widows

are allowed the use of ordinary jewelry and betel, which is not the

case among Brahmans, and they are not compelled to make the usual

fasts, or observe the feasts commonly observed by Brahmans.

The Kammalan caste is highly organised, and its organisation is

one of its most interesting features. Each of the five divisions

has at its head a Nattamaikkaran or headman, and a Karyasthan, or

chief executive officer, under him, who are elected by members of the

particular division. Over them is the Anjivittu Nattamaikkaran (also

known as Ainduvittu Periyathanakkaran or Anjijati Nattamaikkaran),

who is elected by lot by representatives chosen from among the five

sub-divisions. Each of these chooses ten persons to represent it at

the election. These ten again select one of their number, who is the

local Nattamaikkaran, or one who is likely to become so. The five men

thus selected meet on an appointed day, with the castemen, at the

temple of the caste goddess Kamakshi Amman. The names of the five

men are written on five slips of paper, which, together with some

blank slips, are thrown before the shrine of the goddess. A child,

taken at random from the assembled crowd, is made to pick up the

slips, and he whose name first turns up is proclaimed as Anjivittu

Nattamaikkaran, and a big turban is tied on his head by the caste

priest. This is called Uruma Kattaradu, and is symbolic of his having

been appointed the general head of the caste. Lots are then drawn, to

decide which of the remaining four shall be the Anjivittu Karyasthan

of the newly-elected chief. At the conclusion of the ceremony, betel

leaf and areca nut are given first to the new officers, then to the

local officers, and finally to the assembled spectators. With this,

the installation ceremony, which is called pattam-kattaradu, comes

to an end. The money for the expenses thereof is, if necessary,

taken from the funds of the temple, but a special collection is

generally made for the occasion, and is, it is said, responded to with

alacrity. The Anjivittu Nattamaikkaran is theoretically invested with

full powers over the caste, and all members thereof are expected to

obey his orders. He is the final adjudicator of civil and matrimonial

causes. The divisional heads have power to decide such causes, and

they report their decisions to the Anjivittu Nattamaikkaran, who

generally confirms them. If, for any reason, the parties concerned

do not agree to abide by the decision, they are advised to take their

cause to one of the established courts. The Anjivittu Nattamaikkaran

has at times to nominate, and always the right to confirm or not, the

selection of the divisional heads. In conjunction with the Karyasthan

and the local heads, he may appoint Nattamaikkarans and Karyasthans

to particular places, and delegate his powers to them. This is done

in places where the caste is represented in considerable numbers,

as at Sholavandan and Vattalagundu in the Madura district. In this

connection, a quaint custom may be noted. The Pallans, who are known

as "the sons of the caste" in villages of the Madura and Tinnevelly

districts, are called together, and informed that a particular

village is about to be converted into a local Anjivittu Nattanmai,

and that they must possess a Nattamaikkaran and Karyasthan for

themselves. These are nominated in practice by the Pallans, and the

nomination is confirmed by the Anjivittu Nattamaikkaran. From that day,

they have a right to get new ploughs from the Kallans free of charge,

and give them in return a portion of the produce of the land. The local

Nattamaikkarans are practically under the control of the Karyasthan

of the Anjivittu Nattamaikkaran, and, as the phrase goes, they are

"bound down to" the words of this official, who possesses great power

and influence with the community. The local officials may be removed

from office by the Anjivittu Nattamaikkaran or his Karyasthan, but this

is rarely done, and only when, for any valid reason, the sub-divisions

insist on it. The mode of resigning office is for the Nattamaikkaran

or Karyasthan to bring betel leaf and areca nut, lay them before the

Anjivittu Nattamaikkaran, or his Karyasthan, and prostrate himself in

front of him. There is a tendency for the various offices to become

hereditary, provided those succeeding to them are rich and respected

by the community. The Anjivittu Nattamaikkaran is entitled to the first

betel at caste weddings, even outside his own jurisdiction. His powers

are in striking contrast with those of the caste Guru, who resides in

Tinnevelly, and occasionally travels northwards. He purifies, it is

said, those who are charged with drinking intoxicating liquor, eating

flesh, or crossing the sea, if such persons subject themselves to his

jurisdiction. If they do not, he does not even exercise the power of

excommunication, which he nominally possesses. He is not a Sanyasi,

but a Grihastha or householder. He marries his daughters to castemen,

though he refrains from eating in their houses.

The dead are, as a rule, buried in a sitting posture, but, at the

present day, cremation is sometimes resorted to. Death pollution, as

among some other non-Brahmanical castes, lasts for sixteen days. It is

usual for a Pandaram to officiate at the death ceremonies. On the first

day, the corpse is anointed with oil, and given a soap-nut bath. On

the third day, five lingams are made with mud, of which four are

placed in the four corners at the spot where the corpse was buried,

and the fifth is placed in the centre. Food is distributed on the

fifth day to Pandarams and the castemen. Sradh (annual death ceremony)

is not as a rule performed, except in some of the larger towns.

The Kammalans profess the Saiva form of the Brahman religion, and

reverence greatly Pillaiyar, the favourite son of Siva. A few have

come under the Lingayat influence. The caste, however, has its own

special goddess Kamakshi Amma, who is commonly spoken of as Vriththi

Daivam. She is worshipped by all the sub-divisions, and female

children are frequently named after her. She is represented by the

firepot and bellows-fire at which the castemen work, and presides

over them. On all auspicious occasions, the first betel and dakshina

(present of money) are set apart in her name, and sent to the pujari

(priest) of the local temple dedicated to her. Oaths are taken in

her name, and disputes affecting the caste are settled before her

temple. There also elections to caste offices are held. The exact

connection of the goddess Kamakshi with the caste is not known. There

is, however, a vague tradition that she was one of the virgins

who committed suicide by throwing herself into a fire, and was in

consequence deified. Various village goddesses (grama devata) are

also worshipped, and, though the Kammalans profess to be vegetarians,

animal sacrifices are offered to them. Among these deities are the

Saptha Kannimar or seven virgins, Kochade Periyandavan, and Periya

Nayanar. Those who worship the Saptha Kannimar are known by the name

of Madavaguppu, or the division that worships the mothers. Those who

revere the other two deities mentioned are called Nadika Vamsathal,

or those descended from men who, through the seven virgins, attained

eternal bliss. Kochade Periyandavan is said to be a corruption of

Or Jate Periya Pandyan, meaning the great Pandya with the single

lock. He is regarded as Vishnu, and Periya Nayanar is held to be a

manifestation of Siva. The former is said to have been the person who

invited the Tattans (who called themselves Pandya Tattans) to settle

in his kingdom. It is traditionally stated that they emigrated from

the north, and settled in the Madura and Tinnevelly districts. An

annual festival in honour of Kochade Periyandavan is held in these

districts, for the expenses in connection with which a subscription

is raised among the five sub-divisions. The festival lasts over three

days. On the first day, the image of the deified king is anointed

with water, and a mixture of the juices of the mango, jak (Artocarpus

integrifolia), and plantain, called muppala pujai. On the second

day, rice is boiled, and offered to the god, and, on the last day,

a healthy ram is sacrificed to him. This festival is said to be held,

in order to secure the caste as a whole against evils that might

overtake it. Tac'chans (carpenters) usually kill, or cut the ear of

a ram or sheep, whenever they commence the woodwork of a new house,

and smear the blood of the animal on a pillar or wall of the house.

The Kammalans claim to be descended from Visvakarma, the

architect of the gods, and, in some places, claim to be superior

to Brahmans, calling the latter Go-Brahmans, and themselves Visva

Brahmans. Visvakarma is said to have had five sons, named Manu,

Maya, Silpa, Tvashtra, and Daivagna. These five sons were the

originators of the five crafts, which their descendants severally

follow. Accordingly, some engage in smithy work, and are called Manus;

others, in their turn, devote their attention to carpentry. These

are named Mayas. Others again, who work at stone-carving,

are known as Silpis. Those who do metal work are Tvashtras, and

those who are engaged in making jewelry are known as Visvagnas or

Daivagnas. According to one story of the origin of the Kammalans,

they are the descendants of the issue of a Brahman and a Beri Chetti

woman. Hence the proverb that the Kammalans and the Beri Chettis are

one. Another story, recorded in the Mackenzie manuscripts, which is

current all over the Tamil country, is briefly as follows. In the

town of Mandapuri, the Kammalans of the five divisions formerly lived

closely united together. They were employed by all sorts of people,

as there were no other artificers in the country, and charged very

high rates for their wares. They feared and respected no king. This

offended the kings of the country, who combined against them. As the

fort in which the Kammalans concealed themselves, called Kantakkottai,

was entirely constructed of loadstone, all the weapons were drawn away

by it. The king then promised a big reward to anyone who would burn

down the fort, and at length the Deva-dasis (courtesans) of a temple

undertook to do this, and took betel and nut in signification of

their promise. The king built a fort for them opposite Kantakkottai,

and they attracted the Kammalans by their singing, and had children

by them. One of the Deva-dasis at length succeeded in extracting

from a young Kammalan the secret that, if the fort was surrounded

with varaghu straw and set on fire, it would be destroyed. The king

ordered that this should be done, and, in attempting to escape from the

sudden conflagration, some of the Kammalans lost their lives. Others

reached the ships, and escaped by sea, or were captured and put to

death. In consequence of this, artificers ceased to exist in the

country. One pregnant Kammalan woman, however, took refuge in the

house of a Beri Chetti, and escaped decapitation by being passed off

as his daughter. The country was sorely troubled owing to the want

of artificers, and agriculture, manufactures, and weaving suffered a

great deal. One of the kings wanted to know if any Kammalan escaped

the general destruction, and sent round his kingdom a piece of coral

possessing a tortuous aperture running through it, and a piece of

thread. A big reward was promised to anyone who should succeed in

passing the thread through the coral. At last, the boy born of the

Kammalan woman in the Chetti's house undertook to do it. He placed the

coral over the mouth of an ant-hole, and, having steeped the thread

in sugar, laid it down at some distance from the hole. The ants took

the thread, and drew it through the coral. The king, being pleased

with the boy, sent him presents, and gave him more work to do. This

he performed with the assistance of his mother, and satisfied the

king. The king, however, grew suspicious, and, having sent for the

Chetti, enquired concerning the boy's parentage. The Chetti thereon

detailed the story of his birth. The king provided him with the means

for making ploughshares on a large scale, and got him married to the

daughter of a Chetti, and made gifts of land for the maintenance of

the couple. The Chetti woman bore him five sons, who followed the

five branches of work now carried out by the Kammalan caste. The king

gave them the title of Panchayudhattar, or those of the five kinds of

weapons. They now intermarry with each other, and, as children of the

Chetti caste, wear the sacred thread. The members of the caste who

fled by sea are said to have gone to China, or, according to another

version, to Chingaladvipam, or Ceylon, where Kammalans are found at

the present day. In connection with the above story, it may be noted

that, though ordinarily two different castes do not live in the same

house, yet Beri Chettis and Kammalans so live together. There is a

close connection between the Kammalans and Acharapakam Chettis, who

are a section of the Beri Chetti caste. Kammalans and Acharapakam

Chettis interdine; both bury their dead in a sitting posture; and

the tali (marriage badge) used by both is alike in size and make,

and unlike that used by the generality of the Beri Chetti caste. The

Acharapakam Chettis are known as Malighe Chettis, and are considered

to be the descendants of those Beri Chettis who brought up the Kammalan

children, and intermarried with them. Even now, in the city of Madras,

when the Beri Chettis assemble for the transaction of caste business,

the notice summoning the meeting excludes the Malighe Chettis, who

can neither vote nor receive votes at elections, meetings, etc.,

of the Kandasami temple, which every other Beri Chetti has a right to.

It may be noted that the Deva-dasis, whose treachery is said to

have led to the destruction of the Kammalan caste, were Kaikolans by

caste, and that their illegitimate children, like their progenitors,

became weavers. The weavers of South India, according to old Tamil

poems, were formerly included in the Kammiyan or Kammalan caste. [70]

Several inscriptions show that, as late as 1013 A.D., the Kammalans

were treated as an inferior caste, and, in consequence, were confined

to particular parts of villages. [71] A later inscription gives an

order of one of the Chola kings that they should be permitted to blow

conches, and beat drums at their weddings and funerals, wear sandals,

and plaster their houses. [72] "It is not difficult," Mr. H. A. Stuart

writes, [73] "to account for the low position held by the Kammalans,

for it must be remembered that, in those early times, the military

castes in India, as elsewhere, looked down upon all engaged in labour,

whether skilled or otherwise. With the decline of the military power,

however, it was natural that a useful caste like the Kammalans should

generally improve its position, and the reaction from their long

oppression has led them to make the exaggerated claims described

above, which are ridiculed by every other caste, high or low." The

claims here referred to are that they are descended from Visvakarma,

the architect of the gods, and are Brahmans.

From a note by Mr. F. R. Hemingway, I gather that the friendship

between the Muhammadans and Kammalans, who call each other mani

(paternal uncle) "originated in the fact that a holy Muhammadan,

named Ibrahim Nabi, was brought up in the house of a Kammalan, because

his father was afraid that he would be killed by a Hindu king named

Namaduta, who had been advised by his soothsayers that he would thus

avoid a disaster, which was about to befall his kingdom. The Kammalan

gave his daughter to the father of Ibrahim in exchange. Another

story (only told by Kammalans) is to the effect that the Kammalans

were once living in a magnetic castle, called Kanda Kottai, which

could only be destroyed by burning it with varagu straw; and that

the Musalmans captured it by sending Musalman prostitutes into the

town, to wheedle the secret out of the Kammalans. The friendship,

according to the story, sprang up because the Kammalans consorted

with the Musalman women."

The Kammalans belong to the left hand, as opposed to the right

hand faction. The origin of this distinction of castes is lost in

obscurity, but, according to one version, it arose out of a dispute

between the Kammalans and Vellalas. The latter claimed the former as

their Jatipillaigal or caste dependents, while the former claimed

the latter as their own dependents. The fight grew so fierce that

the Chola king of Conjeeveram ranged these two castes and their

followers on opposite sides, and enquired into their claims. The

Kammalans, and those who sided with them, stood on the left of

the king, and the Vellalas and their allies on the right. The king

is said to have decided the case against the Kammalans, who then

dispersed in different directions. According to another legend,

a Kammalan who had two sons, one by a Balija woman, and the other

by his Kammalan wife, was unjustly slain by a king of Conjeeveram,

and was avenged by his two sons, who killed the king and divided his

body. The Kammalan son took his head and used it as a weighing pan,

while the Balija son made a pedler's carpet out of the skin, and

threads out of the sinews for stringing bangles. A quarrel arose,

because each thought the other had got the best of the division,

and all the other castes joined in, and took the side of either the

Kammalan or the Balija. Right and left hand dancing-girls, temples,

and mandapams, are still in existence at Conjeeveram, and elsewhere in

the Tamil country. Thus, at Tanjore, there are the Kammala Tevadiyals,

or dancing-girls. As the Kammalans belong to the left-hand section,

dancing-girls of the right-hand section will not perform before them,

or at their houses. Similarly, musicians of the right-hand section

will not play in Kammalan houses. In olden days, Kammalans were

not allowed to ride in palanquins through the streets of the right

hands. If they did, a riot was the result. Such riots were common

during the eighteenth century. Thus, Fryer refers to one of these

which occurred at Masulipatam, when the contumacy of the Kamsalas

(Telugu artisans) led to their being put down by the other castes

with the aid of the Moors.

The Kammalans call themselves Achari and Paththar, which are

equivalent to the Brahman titles Acharya and Bhatta, and claim a

knowledge of the Vedas. Their own priests officiate at marriages,

funerals, and on other ceremonial occasions. They wear the sacred

thread, which they usually don on the Upakarmam day, though some

observe the regular thread investiture ceremony. Most of them claim

to be vegetarians. Non-Brahmans do not treat them as Brahmans, and do

not salute them with the namaskaram (obeisance). Their women, unlike

those of other castes, throw the end of their body-cloth over the right

shoulder, and are conspicuous by the nose ornament known as the nattu.

In connection with the professional calling of the Kammalans,

Surgeon-Major W. R. Cornish writes as follows. [74] "The artisans, who

are smiths or carpenters, usually bring up their children to the same

pursuits. It might have been supposed that the hereditary influence

in the course of generations would have tended to excellence in the

several pursuits, but it has not been so. Ordinary native work in

metal, stone, and wood, is coarse and rough, and the designs are of the

stereotyped form. The improvement in handicraft work of late years has

been entirely due to European influence. The constructors of railways

have been great educators of artisans. The quality of stone-masonry,

brick-work, carpentry, and smith-work has vastly improved within the

last twenty years, and especially in districts where railway works

have been in progress. The gold and silver smiths of Southern India

are a numerous body. Their chief employment consists in setting and

making native jewellery. Some of their designs are ingenious, but here

again the ordinary work for native customers is often noticeable for a

want of finish, and, with the exception of a few articles made for the

European markets, there is no evidence of progressive improvement in

design or execution. That the native artists are capable of improvement

as a class is evident from their skill and ingenuity in copying designs

set before them, and from the excellent finish of their work under

European supervision; but there must be a demand for highly finished

work before the goldsmiths will have generally improved. The wearers

of jewellery in India look more to the intrinsic value of an article,

than to the excellence of the design or workmanship. So that there

is very little encouragement for artistic display." The collection of

silver jewelry at the Madras Museum, which was made in connection with

the Colonial and Indian Exhibition, London, 1886, bears testimony to

the artistic skill of the silversmiths. Recently, Colonel Townshend,

Superintendent of the Madras Gun Carriage Factory, has expressed his

opinion [75] that "good as the Bombay smiths are, the blacksmiths of

Southern India are the best in Hindustan, and the pick of them run

English smiths very close, not only in skill, but in speed of outturn."

Anyone who has seen the celebrated temples of Southern India, for

example, the Madura and Tanjore temples, and the carving on temple

cars, can form some idea of the skill of South Indian stone-masons and

carpenters. The following note on idols and idol-makers is taken from

a recent article. [76] "The idol-maker's craft, like most of the other

callings in this country, is a hereditary one, and a workman who has

earned some reputation for himself, or has had an ancestor of renown,

is a made man. The Sthapathi, as he is called in Sanskrit, claims

high social rank among the representatives of the artisan castes. Of

course he wears a heavy sacred thread, and affects Brahman ways of

living. He does not touch flesh, and liquor rarely passes down his

throat, as he recognises that a clear eye and steady hand are the

first essentials of success in his calling. There are two sorts of

idols in every temple, mulavigrahas or stone idols which are fixed to

the ground, and utsavavigrahas or metal idols used in processions. In

the worst equipped pagoda there are at least a dozen idols of every

variety. They do duty for generations, for, though they become black

and begrimed with oil and ashes, they are rarely replaced, as age and

dirt but add to their sanctity. But now and then they get desecrated

for some reason, and fresh ones have to be installed in their stead; or

it may be that extensions are made in the temple, and godlings in the

Hindu Pantheon, not accommodated within its precincts till then, have

to be carved and consecrated. It is on such occasions that the hands

of the local Sthapathi are full of work, and his workshop is as busy

as a bee-hive. In the larger temples, such as the one at Madura, the

idols in which are to be counted by the score, there are Sthapathis on

the establishment receiving fixed emoluments. Despite the smallness of

the annual salary, the office of temple Sthapathi is an eagerly coveted

one, for, among other privileges, the fortunate individual enjoys that

of having his workshop located in the temple premises, and thereby

secures an advertisement that is not to be despised. Besides, he is

not debarred from adding to his pecuniary resources by doing outside

work when his hands are idle. Among stone images, the largest demand

is for representations of Ganapati or Vignesvara (the elephant god),

whose popularity extends throughout India. Every hamlet has at least

one little temple devoted to his exclusive worship, and his shrines are

found in the most unlikely places. Travellers who have had occasion to

pass along the sandy roads of the Tanjore district must be familiar

with the idols of the god of the protuberant paunch, which they pass

every half mile or so, reposing under the shade of avenue trees with an

air of self-satisfaction suffusing their elephantine features. Among

other idols called into being for the purpose of wayside installation

in Southern India, may be mentioned those of Viran, the Madura

godling, who requires offerings of liquor, Mariamma, the small-pox

goddess, and the evil spirit Sangili Karappan. Representations are

also carved of nagas or serpents, and installed by the dozen round

the village asvatha tree (Ficus religiosa). Almost every week, the

mail steamer to Rangoon takes a heavy consignment of stone and metal

idols commissioned by the South Indian settlers in Burma for purposes

of domestic and public worship. The usual posture of mulavigrahas

is a standing one, the figure of Vishnu in the Srirangam temple,

which represents the deity as lying down at full length, being an

exception to this rule. The normal height is less than four feet,

some idols, however, being of gigantic proportions. Considering the

very crude material on which he works, and the primitive methods of

stone-carving which he continues to favour, the expert craftsman

achieves quite a surprising degree of smoothness and polish. It

takes him several weeks of unremitting toil to produce a vigraha

that absolutely satisfies his critical eye. I have seen him engaged

for hours at a stretch on the trunk of Vignesvara or the matted tuft

of a Rishi. The casting of utsavavigrahas involves a greater variety

of process than the carving of stone figures. The substance usually

employed is a compound of brass, copper and lead, small quantities of

silver and gold being added, means permitting. The required figure

is first moulded in some plastic substance, such as wax or tallow,

and coated with a thin layer of soft wet clay, in which one or two

openings are left. When the clay is dry, the figure is placed in a

kiln, and the red-hot liquid metal is poured into the hollow created by

the running out of the melted wax. The furnace is then extinguished,

the metal left to cool and solidify, and the clay coating removed. A

crude approximation to the image required is thus obtained, which is

improved upon with file and chisel, till the finished product is a

far more artistic article than the figure that was enclosed within

the clay. It is thus seen that every idol is made in one piece, but

spare hands and feet are supplied, if desired. Whenever necessary, the

Archaka (temple priest) conceals the limbs with cloth and flowers, and,

inserting at the proper places little pieces of wood which are held

in position by numerous bits of string, screws on the spare parts,

so as to fit in with the posture that the idol is to assume during

any particular procession."

An association, called the Visvakarma Kulabhimana Sabha, was

established in the city of Madras by the Kammalans in 1903. The

objects thereof were the advancement of the community as a whole on

intellectual and industrial lines, the provision of practical measures

in guarding the interests, welfare and prospects of the community,

and the improvement of the arts and sciences peculiar to them by

opening industrial schools and workshops, etc.

Of proverbs relating to the artisan classes, the following may

be noted:--

The goldsmith who has a thousand persons to answer. This in

reference to the delay in finishing a job, owing to his taking

more orders than he can accomplish in a given time.

The goldsmith knows what ornaments are of fine gold, i.e., knows

who are the rich men of a place.

It must either be with the goldsmith, or in the pot in which he

melts gold, i.e., it will be found somewhere in the house. Said

to one who is in search of something that cannot be found.

Goldsmiths put inferior gold into the refining-pot.

If, successful, pour it into a mould; if not, pour it into the

melting pot. The Rev. H. Jensen explains [77] that the goldsmith

examines the gold after melting it. If it is free from dross,

he pours it into the mould; if it is still impure, it goes back

into the pot.

The goldsmith will steal a quarter of the gold of even his

own mother.

Stolen gold may be either with the goldsmith, or in his fire-pot.

If the ear of the cow of a Kammalan is cut and examined, some wax

will be found in it. It is said that the Kammalan is in the habit

of substituting sealing-wax for gold, and thus cheating people. The

proverb warns them not to accept even a cow from a Kammalan. Or,

according to another explanation, a Kammalan made a figure of a

cow, which was so lifelike that a Brahman purchased it as a live

animal with his hard-earned money, and, discovering his mistake,

went mad. Since that time, people were warned to examine an animal

offered for sale by Kammalans by cutting off its ears. A variant

of the proverb is that, though you buy a Kammalan's cow only after

cutting its ears, he will have put red wax in its ears (so that,

if they are cut into, they will look like red flesh).

What has a dog to do in a blacksmith's shop? Said of a man who

attempts to do work he is not fitted for.

When the blacksmith sees that the iron is soft, he will raise

himself to the stroke.

Will the blacksmith be alarmed at the sound of a hammer?

When a child is born in a blacksmith's family, sugar must be

dealt out in the street of the dancing-girls. This has reference

to the legendary relation of the Kammalans and Kaikolans.

A blacksmith's shop, and the place in which donkeys roll

themselves, are alike.

The carpenters and blacksmiths are to be relegated, i.e., to the

part of the village called the Kammalacheri.

What if the carpenter's wife has become a widow? This would seem

to refer to the former practice of widow remarriage.

The carpenter wants (his wood) too long, and the blacksmith wants

(his iron) too short, i.e., a carpenter can easily shorten a piece

of wood, and a blacksmith can easily hammer out a piece of iron.

When a Kammalan buys cloth, the stuff he buys is so thin that it

does not hide the hair on his legs.

Kammalan (Malayalam).--"The Kammalans of Malabar," Mr. Francis writes,

[78] "are artisans, like those referred to immediately above, but

they take a lower position than the Kammalans and Kamsalas of the

other coast, or the Panchalas of the Canarese country. They do not

claim to be Brahmans or wear the sacred thread, and they accept the

position of a polluting caste, not being allowed into the temples

or into Brahman houses. The highest sub-division is Asari, the men

of which are carpenters, and wear the thread at certain ceremonies

connected with house-building."

According to Mr. F. Fawcett "the orthodox number of classes of

Kammalans is five. But the artisans do not admit that the workers

in leather belong to the guild, and say that there are only

four classes. According to them, the fifth class was composed of

coppersmiths, who, after the exodus, remained in Izhuva land, and did

not return thence with them to Malabar. [79] Nevertheless, they always

speak of themselves as the Ayen Kudi or five-house Kammalans. The

carpenters say that eighteen families of their community remained

behind in Izhuva land. Some of these returned long afterwards, but they

were not allowed to rejoin the caste. They are known as Puzhi Tachan

or sand carpenters, and Pathinettanmar or the eighteen people. There

are four families of this class now living at or near Parpan gadi. They

are carpenters, but the Asaris treat them as outcastes."

For the following note on Malabar Kammalans I am indebted to

Mr. S. Appadorai Iyer. The five artisan classes, or Ayinkudi Kammalans,

are made up of the following:--

Asari, carpenters.

Musari, braziers.

Tattan, goldsmiths.

Karuman, blacksmiths.

Chembotti or Chempotti, coppersmiths.

The name Chembotti is derived from chembu, copper, and kotti, he who

beats. They are, according to Mr. Francis, "coppersmiths in Malabar,

who are distinct from the Malabar Kammalans. They are supposed to be

descendants of men who made copper idols for temples, and so rank

above the Kammalans in social position, and about equally with the

lower sections of the Nayars."

The Kammalans will not condescend to eat food at the hands of Kurups,

Tolkollans, Pulluvans, Mannans, or Tandans. But a Tandan thinks

it equally beneath his dignity to accept food from a Kammalan. The

Kammalans believe themselves to be indigenous in Malabar, and boast

that their system of polyandry is the result of the sojourn of the

exiled Pandavas, with their common wife Panchali, and their mother

Kunthi, in the forest of the Walluvanad division. They say that the

destruction of the Pandavas was attempted in the Arakkuparamba amsam

of this division, and that the Tac'chans (artisans) were given as

a reward by the Kurus the enjoyment of Tacchanattukara amsam. They

state further that the Pandus lived for some time at the village of

Bhimanad, and went to the Attapadi valley, where they deposited their

cooking utensils at the spot where the water falls from a height of

several hundred feet. This portion of the river is called Kuntipuzha,

and the noise of the water, said to be falling on the upset utensils,

is heard at a great distance.

The Kammalans, male and female, dress like Nayars, and their ornaments

are almost similar to those of the Nayars, with this difference, that

the female Tattan wears a single chittu or ring in the right ear only.

In the building of a house, the services of the Asari are required

throughout. He it is who draws the plan of the building. And, when

a door is fixed or beam raised, he receives his perquisite. The

completion of a house is signified as a rule by a kutti-poosa. For

this ceremony, the owner of the house has to supply the workmen with

at least four goats to be sacrificed at the four corners thereof,

a number of fowls to be killed so that the blood may be smeared

on the walls and ceiling, and an ample meal with liquor. The feast

concluded, the workmen receive presents of rings, gold ear-rings,

silk and other cloths, of which the Moothasari or chief carpenter

receives the lion's share. "The village carpenter," Mr. Gopal Panikkar

writes, [80] "has to do everything connected with our architecture,

such as fixing poles or wickets at the exact spot where buildings

are to be erected, and clearing newly erected buildings of all devils

and demons that may be haunting them. This he does by means of pujas

(worship) performed after the completion of the building. But people

have begun to break through the village traditions, and to entrust

architectural work to competent hands, when the village carpenter is

found incompetent for the same."

It is noted by Canter Visscher [81] that "in commencing the building of

a house, the first prop must be put up on the east side. The carpenters

open three or four cocoanuts, spilling the juice as little as possible,

and put some tips of betel leaves into them; and, from the way these

float in the liquid, they foretell whether the house will be lucky

or unlucky, whether it will stand for a long or short period, and

whether another will ever be erected on its site. I have been told

that the heathens say that the destruction of fort Paponetti by our

arms was foretold by the builders from these auguries."

The blacksmith is employed in the manufacture of locks and keys,

and ornamental iron and brasswork for the houses of the rich. The

smithy is near the dwelling hut, and the wife blows the bellows. The

smith makes tyres for wheels, spades, choppers, knives, sickles,

iron spoons, ploughshares, shoes for cattle and horses, etc. These

he takes to the nearest market, and sells there. In some places there

are clever smiths, who make excellent chellams (betel boxes) of brass,

and there is one man at Walluvanad who even makes stylographic pens.

The Musari works in bell-metal, and makes all kinds of household

utensils, and large vessels for cooking purposes. He is an adept

at making such articles with the proper proportions of copper, lead

and brass. In some of the houses of the wealthier classes there are

cooking utensils, which cost nearly a thousand rupees. Excellent

bell-metal articles are made at Cherpalcheri, and Kunhimangalam in

North Malabar is celebrated for its bell-metal lamps. The importation

of enamelled and aluminium vessels, and lamps made in Europe, has

made such inroads into the metal industry of the district that the

brazier and blacksmith find their occupation declining.

The goldsmith makes all kinds of gold ornaments worn by Malaialis. His

lot is better than that of the other artisan classes.

It is noted in the Malabar Marriage Commission's report that "among

carpenters and blacksmiths in the Calicut, Walluvanad and Ponnani

taluks, several brothers have one wife between them, although the son

succeeds the father amongst them." Polyandry of the fraternal type is

said to be most prevalent among the blacksmiths, who lead the most

precarious existence, and have to observe the strictest economy. As

with the Nayars, the tali-kettu kalyanam has to be celebrated. For

this the parents of the child have to find a suitable manavalan or

bridegroom by the consultation of horoscopes. An auspicious day is

fixed, and new cloths are presented to the manavalan. The girl bathes,

and puts on new clothes. She and the manavalan are conducted to a

pandal (booth), where the tali-tying ceremony takes place. This

concluded, the manavalan takes a thread from the new cloth, and

breaks it in two, saying that his union with the girl has ceased. He

then walks away without looking back. When a Kammalan contemplates

matrimony, his parents look out for a suitable bride. They are received

by the girl's parents, and enquiries are made concerning her. The

visit is twice repeated, and, when an arrangement has been arrived

at, the village astrologer is summoned, and the horoscopes of the

contracting parties are consulted. It is sufficient if the horoscope

of one of the sons agrees with that of the girl. The parents of the

sons deposit as earnest money, or achcharapanam, four, eight, twelve,

or twenty-one fanams according to their means, in the presence of

the artisans of the village; and a new cloth (kacha) is presented

to the bride, who thus becomes the wife of all the sons. There

are instances in which the girl, after the achcharam marriage, is

immediately taken to the husband's house. All the brother-husbands,

dressed in new clothes and decorated with ornaments, with a new palmyra

leaf umbrella in the hand, come in procession to the bride's house,

where they are received by her parents and friends, and escorted

to the marriage pandal. The bride and bridegrooms sit in a row,

and the girl's parents give them fruits and sugar. This ceremony is

called mathuram kotukkal. The party then adjourns to the house of the

bridegrooms where a feast is held, in the course of which a ceremony

called pal kotukkal is performed. The priest of the Kammalans takes

some milk in a vessel, and pours it into the mouths of the bride and

bridegrooms, who are seated, the eldest on the right, the others in

order of seniority, and lastly the bride. During the nuptials the

parents of the bride have to present a water-vessel, lamp, eating

dish, cooking vessel, spittoon, and a vessel for drawing water from

the well. The eldest brother cohabits with the bride on the wedding

day, and special days are set apart for each brother. There seems to

be a belief among the Kammalan women that, the more husbands they

have, the greater will be their happiness. If one of the brothers,

on the ground of incompatibility of temper, brings a new wife, she

is privileged to cohabit with the other brothers. In some cases, a

girl will have brothers ranging in age from twenty-five to five, whom

she has to regard as her husband, so that by the time the youngest

reaches puberty she may be well over thirty, and a young man has to

perform the duties of a husband with a woman who is twice his age.

If a woman becomes pregnant before the achchara kalyanam has been

performed, her parents are obliged to satisfy the community that her

condition was caused by a man of their own caste, and he has to marry

the girl. If the paternity cannot be traced, a council is held, and

the woman is turned out of the caste. In the sixth or eighth month

of pregnancy, the woman is taken to her mother's house, where the

first confinement takes place. During her stay there the pulikudi

ceremony is performed. The husbands come, and present their wife with

a new cloth. A branch of a tamarind tree is planted in the yard of

the house, and, in the presence of the relations, the brother of the

pregnant woman gives her conji (rice gruel) mixed with the juices of

the tamarind, Spondias mangifera and Hibiscus, to drink. The customary

feast then takes place. A barber woman (Mannathi) acts as midwife. On

the fourteenth day after childbirth, the Thali-kurup sprinkles water

over the woman, and the Mannathi gives her a newly-washed cloth to

wear. Purification concludes with a bath on the fifteenth day. On the

twenty-eighth day the child-naming ceremony takes place. The infant

is placed in its father's lap, and in front of it are set a measure

of rice and paddy (unhusked rice) on a plantain leaf. A brass lamp is

raised, and a cocoanut broken. The worship of Ganesa takes place, and

the child is named after its grandfather or grandmother. In the sixth

month the choronu or rice-giving ceremony takes place. In the first

year of the life of a boy the ears are pierced, and gold ear-rings

inserted. In the case of a girl, the ear-boring ceremony takes place

in the sixth or seventh year. The right nostril of girls is also bored,

and mukkuthi worn therein.

It is recorded, in the Gazetteer of Malabar, that, "amongst Kammalans,

the betrothal ceremony is similar to that of the Tiyans. If more

than one brother is to be married, to the same girl, her mother asks

how many bridegrooms there are, and replies that there are mats and

planks for so many. Cohabitation sometimes begins from the night of

the betrothal, the eldest brother having the priority, and the rest

in order of seniority on introduction by the bride's brother. If

the girl becomes pregnant, the formal marriage must be celebrated

before the pregnancy has advanced six months. At the formal marriage,

the bridegrooms are received by the bride's mother and brothers; two

planks are placed before a lighted lamp, before which the bridegrooms

and the bride's brothers prostrate themselves. The bride is dressed

in a new cloth, and brought down by the bridegroom's sister and fed

with sweetmeats.

"Next day all the bridegroom's party visit the Tandan of the bride's

desam (village), who has to give them arrack (liquor) and meat,

receiving in his turn a present of two fanams (money). The next day the

bride is again feasted in her house by the bridegrooms, and is given

her dowry consisting of four metal plates, one spittoon, one kindi

(metal vessel), and a bell-metal lamp. The whole party then goes to

the bridegroom's house, where the Tandan proclaims the titles of the

parties and their desam. All the brothers who are to share in the

marriage sit in a row on a mat with the bride on the extreme left,

and all drink cocoanut milk. The presence of all the bridegrooms is

essential at this final ceremony, though for the preceding formalities

it is sufficient if the eldest is present."

The Kammalans burn the corpses of adults, and bury the young. Fifteen

days' pollution is observed, and at the expiration thereof the

Thali-kurup pours water, and purification takes place. On the third

day the bones of the cremated corpse are collected, and placed

in a new earthen pot, which is buried in the grounds of the house

of the deceased. One of the sons performs beli (makes offerings),

and observes diksha (hair-growing) for a year. The bones are then

carried to Tirunavaya in Ponnani, Tiruvilamala in Cochin territory,

Perur in Coimbatore, or Tirunelli in the Wynad, and thrown into the

river. A final beli is performed, and the sradh memorial ceremony is

celebrated. If the deceased was skilled in sorcery, or his death was

due thereto, his ghost is believed to haunt the house, and trouble

the inmates. To appease it, the village washerman (Mannan) is brought

with his drums, and, by means of his songs, forces the devil into one

of the members of the household, who is made to say what murthi or

evil spirit possesses him, and how it should be satisfied. It is then

appeased with the sacrifice of a fowl, and drinking the juice of tender

cocoanuts. A further demand is that it must have a place consigned to

it in the house or grounds, and be worshipped once a year. Accordingly,

seven days later, a small stool representing the deceased is placed

in a corner of one of the rooms, and there worshipped annually with

offerings of cocoanuts, toddy, arrack, and fowls. In the grounds of

some houses small shrines, erected to the memory of the dead, may be

seen. These are opened once a year, and offerings made to them.

The Kammalans worship various minor deities, such as Thikutti,

Parakutti, Kala Bairavan, and others. Some only worship stone images

erected under trees annually. They have barbers of their own, of

whom the Mannan shaves the men, and the Mannathi the women. These

individuals are not admitted into the Mannan caste, which follows

the more honourable profession of washing clothes.

In the Madras Census Report, 1901, the following sub-castes of

Malabar Kammalans are recorded:--Kallan Muppan and Kallukkotti

(stone-workers), Kotton (brass-smith), Pon Chetti (gold merchant),

and Puliasari (masons). In the Cochin Census Report, 1901, it is

stated that "the Kammalans are divided into six sub-castes, viz.,

Marasari (carpenter), Kallasari (mason), Musari (brazier), Kollan

(blacksmith), Tattan (goldsmith), and Tolkollan (leather-worker). Of

these six, the first five interdine, and intermarry. The Tolkollan

is considered a degraded caste, probably on account of his working in

leather, which in its earlier stages is an unholy substance. The other

sub-castes do not allow the Tolkollans even to touch them. Among the

Marasaris are included the Marasaris proper and Tacchans. The Tacchans

are looked upon by other castes in the group as a separate caste, and

are not allowed to touch them. All the sub-castes generally follow

the makkathayam law of inheritance, but there are some vestiges

of marumakkathayam also among them. There is a sub-caste called

Kuruppu, who are their barbers and priests. They officiate as priest

at marriage and funeral ceremonies. When they enter the interior

shrine of temples for work in connection with the image of a god,

or with the temple flagstaff, the Asari and Musari temporarily wear

a sacred thread, which is a rare privilege. Their approach within a

radius of twenty-four feet pollutes Brahmans. On the completion of a

building, the Marasari, Kallasari and Kollan perform certain pujas,

and sacrifice a fowl or sheep to drive out the demons and devils

which are supposed to have haunted the house till then."

For the following note on the Kammalans of Travancore, I am indebted

to Mr. N. Subramania Aiyar. "The titles of the Malayalam Kammalans

are Panikkan and Kanakkan. The word Panikkan means a worker, and

Kanakkan is the title given to a few old and respectable Kammalas in

every village, who superintend the work of others, and receive the

highest remuneration. It is their business to sketch the plan of a

building, and preside at the vastubali rite. Many Tamil Kammalans have

naturalised themselves on the west coast, and speak Malayalam. Between

them and the Malayalam Kammalans neither intermarriage nor interdining

obtains. The latter are divided into five classes, viz., Asari or

Marapanikkan (workers in wood), Kallan or Kallasari (workers in stone),

Musari (braziers and coppersmiths), Tattan (goldsmiths), and Kollan

(workers in iron). To these the Jatinirnaya and Keralaviseshamahatmya

add a sixth class, the Tacchan or Irchchakollan, whose occupation is

to fell trees and saw timber. The Tacchans are also known as Villasans

(bowmen), as they were formerly required to supply bows and arrows

for the Travancore army.

Epigraphic records point to the existence of the five classes of

Kammalans in Malabar at least as early as the beginning of the ninth

century A.D., as a Syrian Christian grant refers to them as Aimvazhi

Kammalas. There is a tradition that they were brought to Kerala by

Parasu Rama, but left in a body for Ceylon on being pressed by one of

the early Perumal satraps of Cranganur to marry into the washerman

caste, after they had by a special arrangement of the marriage shed

trapped to death a large number of that obnoxious community. The King

of Ceylon was requested, as an act of international courtesy, to send

back some of the Kammalans. As, however, they were loth to return to

their former persecutor, they were sent in charge of some Izhavas,

who formed the military caste of the island. The legend is given

in detail by Canter Visscher, who writes as follows. "In the time

of Cheramperoumal, a woman belonging to the caste of the washermen,

whose house adjoined that of an Ajari (the carpenter caste), being

occupied as usual in washing a cloth in water mixed with ashes (which

is here used for soap), and having no one at hand to hold the other

end of it, called to a young daughter of the Ajari, who was alone

in the house, to assist her. The child, not knowing that this was

an infringement of the laws of her caste, did as she was requested,

and then went home. The washerwoman was emboldened by this affair to

enter the Ajari's house a few days afterwards; and, upon the latter

demanding angrily how she dared to cross his threshold, the woman

answered scornfully that he belonged now to the same caste as she did,

since his daughter had helped to hold her cloth. The Ajari, learning

the disgrace that had befallen him, killed the washerwoman. Upon this,

her friends complained to Cheramperoumal, who espoused their cause, and

threatened the carpenters; whereupon the latter combined together to

take refuge in Ceylon, where they were favourably received by the King

of Candy, for whom the Malabars have great veneration. Cheramperoumal

was placed in great embarrassment by their departure, having no one in

his dominions who could build a house or make a spoon, and begged the

King of Candy to send them back, promising to do them no injury. The

Ajaris would not place entire confidence in these promises, but asked

the king to send them with two Chegos (Chogans) and their wives,

to witness Cheramperoumal's conduct towards them, and to protect

them. The king granted their request, with the stipulation that on all

high occasions, such as weddings and deaths and other ceremonies, the

Ajaris should bestow three measures of rice on each of these Chegos

and their descendants as a tribute for their protection; a custom

which still exists. If the Ajari is too poor to afford the outlay,

he is still obliged to present the requisite quantity of rice, which

is then given back to him again; the privilege of the Chegos being

thus maintained.

"The Kammalans are to some extent educated, and a few of them have

a certain knowledge of Sanskrit, in which language several works

on architecture are to be found. Their houses, generally known as

kottil, are only low thatched sheds. They eat fish and flesh, and

drink intoxicating liquors. Their jewelry is like that of the Nayars,

from whom, however, they are distinguished by not wearing the nose

ornaments mukkutti and gnattu. Some in Central Travancore wear silver

mukkuttis. Tattooing, once very common, is going out of fashion.

"In timber work the Asaris excel, but the Tamil Kammalans have

outstripped the Tattans in gold and silver work. The house-building

of the Asari has a quasi-religious aspect. When a temple is built,

there is a preliminary rite known as anujgna, when the temple priest

transfers spiritual force from the image, after which a cow and

calf are taken thrice round the temple, and the Kanakkan is invited

to enter within for the purposes of work. The cow and calf are let

loose in front of the carpenter, who advances, and commences the

work. On the completion of a building, an offering known as vastubali

is made. Vastu is believed to represent the deity who presides over

the house, and the spirits inhabiting the trees which were felled for

the purpose of building it. To appease these supernatural powers,

the figure of a demon is drawn with powders, and the Kanakkan,

after worshipping his tutelary deity Bhadrakali, offers animal

sacrifices to him in non-Brahmanical houses, and vegetable sacrifices

in Brahman shrines and homes. An old and decrepit carpenter enters

within the new building, and all the doors thereof are closed. The

Kanakkan from without asks whether he has inspected everything,

and is prepared to hold himself responsible for any architectural or

structural shortcomings, and he replies in the affirmative. A jubilant

cry is then raised by all the assembled Asaris. Few carpenters are

willing to undertake this dangerous errand, as it is supposed that

the dissatisfied demons are sure to make short work of the man who

accepts the responsibility. The figure is next effaced, and no one

enters the house until the auspicious hour of milk-boiling.

"Vilkuruppu or Vilkollakkuruppu, who used formerly to supply bows and

arrows for the Malabar army, are the recognised priests and barbers of

the Kammalans. They still make and present bows and arrows at the Onam

festival. In some places the Kammalans have trained members of their

own caste to perform the priestly offices. The Malayala Kammalans,

unlike the Tamils, are not a thread-wearing class, but sometimes put

on a thread when they work in temples or at images. They worship Kali,

Matan, and other divinities. Unlike the Tamil Kammalans, they are a

polluting class, but, when they have their working tools with them,

they are less objectionable. In some places, as in South Travancore,

they are generally regarded as higher in rank than the Izhavas,

though this is not universal.

"The tali-kettu ceremony is cancelled by a ceremony called vazhippu,

by which all connection between the tali-tier and the girl is

extinguished. The wedding ornament is exactly the same as that of

the Izhavas, and is known as the minnu (that which shines). The

system of inheritance is makkathayam. It is naturally curious that,

among a makkathayam community, paternal polyandry should have been

the rule till lately. 'The custom,' says Mateer, 'of one woman having

several husbands is sometimes practiced by carpenters, stone-masons,

and individuals of other castes. Several brothers living together

are unable to support a single wife for each, and take one, who

resides with them all. The children are reckoned to belong to each

brother in succession in the order of seniority.' But this, after

all, admits of explanation. If only the marumakkathayam system of

inheritance is taken, as it should be, as a necessary institution

in a society living in troublous times, and among a community whose

male members had duties and risks which would not ordinarily permit

of the family being perpetuated solely through the male line, and not

indicating any paternal uncertainty as some theorists would have it;

and if polyandry, which is much more recent than the marumakkathayam

system of inheritance, is recognised to be the deplorable result

of indigence, individual and national, and not of sexual bestiality,

there is no difficulty in understanding how a makkathayam community can

be polyandrous. Further, the manners of the Kammalars lend a negative

support to the origin just indicated by the marumakkathayam system of

inheritance even among the Nayars. The work of the Kammalars was within

doors and at home, not even in a large factory where power-appliances

may lend an element of risk, for which reason they found it quite

possible to keep up lineage in the paternal line, which the fighting

Nayars could not possibly do. And the fact that the marumakkathayam

system was ordained only for the Kshatriyas, and for the fighting

races, and not for the religious and industrial classes, deserves to

be specially noted in this connection."

Kammara.--The Kammaras are the blacksmith section of the Telugu

Kamsalas, whose services are in great demand by the cultivator, whose

agricultural implements have to be made, and constantly repaired. It is

noted, in the Bellary Gazetteer, that "until recently the manufacture

of the huge shallow iron pans, in which the sugar-cane is boiled,

was a considerable industry at Kamalapuram. The iron was brought

by pack bullocks from Jambunath Konda, the dome-shaped hill at the

Hospet end of the Sandur range, and was smelted and worked by men

of the Kammara caste. Of late years, the cheaper English iron has

completely ousted the country product, the smelting industry is dead,

and the Kammaras confine themselves to making and mending the boilers

with English material. They have a temple of their own, dedicated

to Kali, in the village, where the worship is conducted by one of

themselves." The name Baita Kammara, meaning outside blacksmiths,

is applied to Kamsala blacksmiths, who occupy a lowly position,

and work in the open air or outside a village. [82]

Kammiyan.--A Tamil name for blacksmiths.

Kampa (bush of thorns).--An exogamous sept of Yerukala.

Kampo.--In the Manual of the Ganjam district, the Kampos are described

as Oriya agriculturists. In the Madras Census Report, 1901, the name

is taken as an Oriya form of Kapu. Kampu is the name for Savaras,

who have adopted the customs of the Hindu Kampos.

Kamsala.--The Kamsalas, or, as they are sometimes called, Kamsaras,

are the Telugu equivalent of the Tamil Kammalans. They are found

northward as far as Berhampore in Ganjam. According to tradition,

as narrated in the note on Kammalans, they emigrated to the districts

in which they now live on the disruption of their caste by a certain

king. The Kamsalas of Vizagapatam, where they are numerically strong,

say that, during the reign of a Chola king, their ancestors claimed

equality with Brahmans. This offended the king, and he ordered their

destruction. The Kamsalas fled northward, and some escaped death by

taking shelter with people of the Ozu caste. As an acknowledgment of

their gratitude to their protectors, some of them have Ozu added to

their house-names, e.g., Lakkozu, Kattozu, Patozu, etc.