The following proverbs are current about or among the Kaikolans:--

Narrate stories in villages where there are no Kaikolans.

Why should a weaver have a monkey?

This, it has been suggested, [25] implies that a monkey would

only damage the work.

On examining the various occupations, weaving will be found to

be the best.

A peep outside will cut out eight threads.

The person who was too lazy to weave went to the stars.

The Chetti (money-lender) decreases the money, and the weaver

the thread.

The titles of the Kaikolans are Mudali and Nayanar.

Among the Kaikolan musicians, I have seen every gradation of colour

and type, from leptorhine men with fair skin and chiselled features,

to men very dark and platyrhine, with nasal index exceeding 90.

The Kaikolans take part in the annual festival at Tirupati in honour of

the goddess Gangamma. "It is," Mr. Stuart writes, [26] "distinguished

from the majority of similar festivals by a custom, which requires

the people to appear in a different disguise (vesham) every morning

and evening. The Matangi vesham of Sunday morning deserves special

mention. The devotee who consents to undergo this ceremony dances in

front of an image or representation of the goddess, and, when he is

worked up to the proper pitch of frenzy, a metal wire is passed through

the middle of his tongue. It is believed that this operation causes no

pain, or even bleeding, and the only remedy adopted is the chewing of a

few margosa (Melia Azadirachta) leaves, and some kunkumam (red powder)

of the goddess. This vesham is undertaken only by a Kaikolan (weaver),

and is performed only in two places--the house of a certain Brahman

and the Mahant's math. The concluding disguise is that known as the

perantalu vesham. Perantalu signifies the deceased married women of

a family who have died before their husbands, or, more particularly,

the most distinguished of such women. This vesham is accordingly

represented by a Kaikolan disguised as a female, who rides round the

town on a horse, and distributes to the respectable inhabitants of

the place the kunkumam, saffron paste, and flowers of the goddess."

For the following account of a ceremony, which took

place at Conjeeveram in August, 1908, I am indebted to the

Rev. J. H. Maclean. "On a small and very lightly built car, about

eight feet high, and running on four little wheels, an image of Kali

was placed. It was then dragged by about thirty men, attached to it by

cords passed through the flesh of their backs. I saw one of the young

men two days later. Two cords had been drawn through his flesh, about

twelve inches apart. The wounds were covered over with white stuff,

said to be vibuthi (sacred ashes). The festival was organised by a

class of weavers calling themselves Sankunram (Sengundar) Mudaliars,

the inhabitants of seven streets in the part of Conjeeveram known as

Pillaipalyam. The total amount spent is said to have been Rs. 500. The

people were far from clear in their account of the meaning of the

ceremony. One said it was a preventive of small-pox, but this view did

not receive general support. Most said it was simply an old custom:

what good it did they could not say. Thirty years had elapsed since

the last festival. One man said that Kali had given no commands on the

subject, and that it was simply a device to make money circulate. The

festival is called Punter (flower car)."

In September, 1908, an official notification was issued in the Fort

St. George Gazette to the following effect. "Whereas it appears

that hook-swinging, dragging of cars by men harnessed to them by

hooks which pierce their sides, and similar acts are performed

during the Mariyamman festival at Samayapuram and other places in

the Trichinopoly division, Trichinopoly district, and whereas such

acts are dangerous to human life, the Governor in Council is pleased,

under section 144, sub-section (5), of the Code of Criminal Procedure,

1898, to direct that the order of the Sub-divisional Magistrate,

dated the 7th August, 1908, prohibiting such acts, shall remain in

force until further orders."

It is noted by Mr. F. R. Hemingway [27] that, at Ratnagiri, in

the Trichinopoly district, the Kaikolans, in performance of a vow,

thrust a spear through the muscles of the abdomen in honour of their

god Sahanayanar.

Kaila (measuring grain in the threshing-floor).--An exogamous sept

of Mala.

Kaimal.--A title of Nayars, derived from kai, hand, signifying power.

Kaipuda.--A sub-division of Holeya.

Kaivarta.--A sub-division of Kevuto.

Kaka (crow).--The legend relating to the Kaka people is narrated in

the article on Koyis. The equivalent Kaki occurs as a sept of Malas,

and Kako as a sept of Kondras.

Kakara or Kakarla (Momordica Charantia).--An exogamous sept of Kamma

and Muka Dora.

Kakirekka-vandlu (crows' feather people).--Mendicants who beg from

Mutrachas, and derive their name from the fact that, when begging,

they tie round their waists strings on which crows', paddy birds'

(heron) feathers, etc., are tied.

Kakka Kuravan.--A division of Kuravas of Travancore.

Kakkalan.--The Kakkalans or Kakkans are a vagrant tribe met with in

north and central Travancore, who are identical with the Kakka Kuravans

of south Travancore. There are among them four endogamous divisions

called Kavitiyan, Manipparayan, Meluttan, and Chattaparayan, of which

the two first are the most important. The Kavitiyans are further

sub-divided into Kollak Kavitiyan residing in central Travancore,

Malayalam Kavitiyan, and Pandi Kavitiyan or immigrants from the

Pandyan country.

The Kakkalans have a legend concerning their origin to the effect

that Siva was once going about begging as a Kapaladharin, and arrived

at a Brahman street, from which the inhabitants drove him away. The

offended god immediately reduced the village to ashes, and the guilty

villagers begged his pardon, but were reduced to the position of the

Kakkalans, and made to earn their livelihood by begging.

The women wear iron and silver bangles, and a palunka mala or

necklace of variously coloured beads. They are tattooed, and tattooing

members of other castes is one of their occupations, which include

the following:--

Katukuttu, or boring the lobes of the ears.

Katuvaippu, or plastic operations on the ear, which Nayar women and

others who wear heavy pendant ear ornaments often require.

Kainokku or palmistry, in which the women are more proficient than

the men.

Kompuvaippu, or placing the twig of a plant on any swelling of the

body, and dissipating it by blowing on it.

Taiyyal, or tailoring.

Pampatam or snake dance, in which the Kakkalans are unrivalled.

Fortune telling.

The chief object of worship by the Kakkalans is the rising sun, to

which boiled rice is offered on Sunday. They have no temples of their

own, but stand at some distance from Hindu temples, and worship the

gods thereof. Though leading a wandering life, they try to be at home

for the Malabar new year, on which occasion they wear new clothes,

and hold a feast. They do not observe the national Onam and Vishu

festivals.

The Kakkalans are conspicuously polygamous, and some have as many as

twelve wives, who are easily supported, as they earn money by their

professional engagements. A first marriage must be celebrated on

Sunday, and the festivities last from Saturday to Monday. Subsequent

marriages may also be celebrated on Thursday. On the night of the

day before the wedding, a brother, or other near relation of the

bridegroom, places the sambandham (alliance) by bringing a fanam

(coin), material for chewing, and cooked rice to the marriage pandal

(booth). Fruit and other things are flung at him by the bride's

people. On the following day the bridegroom arrives at the pandal,

and, after raising the tali (marriage badge) three times towards

heaven, and, invoking a blessing from on high, ties it round the

bride's neck. When a girl reaches puberty, a merry celebration is

kept up for a week. The dead are buried. Inheritance is from father

to son. A childless widow is a coparcener with the brothers of the

deceased, and forfeits this right if she remarries.

Though in the presence of other castes the Kakkalans speak Malayalam,

they have a peculiar language which is used among themselves, and is

not understood by others. [28]

Kakke (Indian laburnum: Cassia fistula).--A gotra of Kurni.

Kala.--Recorded, in the Travancore Census Report, 1901, as a

sub-division of Nayar.

Kalaikuttadi (pole-dancer).--A Tamil synonym of Dommara.

Kalal.--A Hindustani synonym of Gamalla.

Kalamkotti (potter).--An occupational title of Nayar.

Kalasi.--A name given to Vada fishermen by Oriya people.

Kalava (channel or ditch).--An exogamous sept of Padma Sale.

Kalavant.--The Kalavants are dancers and singers, who, like other

dancing-girls, are courtesans. The name occurs not only in South

Canara, but also in the Telugu country.

Kalinga.--A sub-division of Komatis, who "were formerly the inhabitants

of the ancient Kalinga country. They are considered inferior to the

other sub-divisions, on account of their eating flesh. Their titles

are Subaddhi, Patro, and Chaudari." [29] In the Ganjam Manual, they

are described as "traders and shopkeepers, principally prevalent

in the Chicacole division. The name Kling or Kaling is applied,

in the Malay countries, including the Straits Settlements, to the

people of peninsular India, who trade thither, or are settled in

those regions." It is recorded by Dr. N. Annandale that the phrase

Orang Kling Islam (i.e., a Muhammadan from the Madras coast) occurs

in Patani Malay.

Kalingi and Kalinji.--There has been some confusion, in recorded

accounts, between these two classes. In the Ganjam Manual, the

Kalinjis are described as agriculturists in that district, and,

in the Vizagapatam Manual, the Kalingas or Kalingulu are stated to

be cultivators in the Vizagapatam district, and a caste of Paiks or

fighting men in Jeypore. In the Census Report, 1891, the Kalingis are

said to be "most numerous in Ganjam, but there is a considerable number

of them in Vizagapatam also. The word means a native of Kalinga, the

name of the sea-board of the Telugu country; the word Telugu itself is

supposed by Dr. Caldwell to be a corruption of Tri-Kalinga. The three

large sub-divisions of the caste are Buragam, Kintala, and Odiya. In

the Kintala sub-division, a widow may remarry if she has no male issue,

but the remarriage of widows is not allowed in other sub-divisions. The

use of flesh and alcoholic liquor is permitted. Naidu and Chaudari

are their titles." Further, in the Census Report, 1901, the Kalingis

are described as follows: "A caste of temple priests and cultivators,

found mainly in Ganjam and Vizagapatam, whither they are supposed

to have been brought by the Kalinga kings to do service in the Hindu

temples, before the advent of the Brahmans. They speak either Oriya or

Telugu. They have two sub-divisions, the Kintali Kalingas, who live

south of the Langulya river, and the Buragam Kalingis, who reside to

the north of it, and the customs of the two differ a great deal. There

is also a third section, called Pandiri or Bevarani, which is composed

of outcastes from the other two. Except the Kalingis of Mokhalingam in

Vizagapatam, [30] they have headmen called Nayakabalis or Santos. They

also have priests called Kularazus, each of whom sees to the spiritual

needs of a definite group of villages. They are divided into several

exogamous gotras, each comprising a number of families or vamsas,

some of which, such as Arudra, a lady-bird, and Revi-chettu, the Ficus

religiosa tree, are of totemistic origin. Each section is said to

worship its totem. Marriage before puberty is the rule, and the caste

is remarkable for the proportion of its girls under twelve years of

age who are married or widowed. Widow marriage is not recognised by

the Buragam Kalingis, but the Kintalis freely allow it. As usual,

the ceremonies at the wedding of a widow differ from those at the

marriage of a maid. Some turmeric paste is placed on a new cloth,

which is then put over a pot of water, and the ceremony takes place

near this. The binding portion of it is the tying of a saffron-coloured

string to the woman's wrist. The Kalingis pay special reverence to Sri

Radha Krishna and Chaitanya. Some of the caste officiate in temples,

wear the sacred thread, and call themselves Brahmans, but they are

not received on terms of equality by other Brahmans. All Kalingis bury

their dead, but sraddhas (memorial services) are performed only by the

Kintali sub-division. The Buragam Kalingis do not shave their heads in

front. Kalingi women wear heavy bangles of brass, silver bell-metal

and glass, extending from the wrist to the elbow. The titles of the

castes are Naidu, Nayarlu, Chowdari, Bissoyi, Podhano, Jenna, Swayi,

and Naiko."

In the foregoing account, the Oriya-speaking Kalinjis, and

Telugu-speaking Kalingis, are both referred to. The confusion seems

to have arisen from the fact that the Kalinjis are sometimes called

Kalingis by other castes. The Kalingis are essentially Telugus, and

are found mainly on the borderland between the districts of Ganjam and

Vizagapatam. The Kalinjis are, on the other hand, Oriyas, and seem to

be closely allied to the agricultural castes, Doluva, Alia, Bosantiya,

etc., like which they are mainly agriculturists. The Kalinjis can be

easily distinguished from the Kalingis, as the latter wear the sacred

thread. The following story is told in connection with the origin of

the Kalinji caste. A band of robbers was once upon a time staying in a

fort near Bhattu Kunnarade, and molesting the people, who invited the

king of Puri to come and drive the robbers away. Among the warriors

who were recruited for this purpose, was a member of the Khondaito

caste, who, with the permission of the king, succeeded in expelling

the robbers. He was named by the people Bodo-Kalinja, or one having

a stout heart. He and his followers remained in the Ganjam country,

and the Kalinjis are their descendants. The caste is widespread in

the northern part thereof.

There do not seem to be any sub-divisions among the Kalinjis, but

there is a small endogamous group, called Mohiri Kalinji. Mohiri

is a well-known division in Ganjam, and Kalinjis who dwell therein

intermarry with others, and do not form a separate community. It

has been suggested that the Mohiri Kalinjis are Telugu Kalingis,

who have settled in the Oriya country. Like other Oriya castes,

the Kalinjis have gotras, e.g., bano (sun), sukro (star), sanko

(conch-shell), bhago (tiger) and nago (cobra). There is a good

deal of confusion regarding the gotras in their connection with

marriage. The same gotra, e.g., sukro, is exogamous in some places,

and not so in others. Many titles occur among the Kalinjis, e.g.,

Borado, Bissoyi, Bariko, Behara, Dolei, Gaudo, Jenna, Moliko, Naiko,

Patro, Podhano, Pulleyi, Ravuto, Santo, Savu, Swayi, Guru. In some

places, the titles are taken as representing bamsams (or vamsams),

and, as such, are exogamous. Families as a rule refrain from marrying

into families bearing the same title. For example, a Dolei man will

not marry a Dolei girl, especially if their gotras are the same. But

a Dolei may marry a Pullei, even if they have the same gotra.

The headman of the Kalinjis is styled Santo, and he is assisted by a

Patro. There is also a caste messenger, called Bhollobhaya. For the

whole community there are said to be four Santos and four Patros,

residing at Attagada, Chinna Kimedi, Pedda Kimedi, and Mohiri. A man

who is suffering from a wound or sore infested by maggots is said

to be excommunicated, and, when he has recovered, to submit himself

before the caste-council before he is received back into the community.

Girls are generally married before puberty, and, if a real husband

is not forthcoming, a maid goes through a mock marriage ceremony

with her elder sister's husband, or some elder of the community. A

bachelor must be married to the sado (Streblus asper) tree before he

can marry a widow. The remarriage of widows (thuvathuvvi) is freely

allowed. A widow, who has a brother-in-law, may not marry anyone

else, until she has obtained a deed of separation (tsado patro) from

him. The marriage ceremonies conform to the standard Oriya type. In

some places, the little fingers of the contracting couple are linked,

instead of their hands being tied together with thread. On the fourth

day, a Bhondari (barber) places on the marriage dais some beaten rice

and sugar-candy, which the bride and bridegroom sell to relations for

money and grain. The proceeds of the sale are the perquisite of the

Bhondari. On the seventh day, the bridegroom breaks a pot on the dais,

and, as he and the bride go away, the brother of the latter throws

brinjal (Solanum Melongena) fruits at him.

The dead are as a rule cremated. On the day after death, food,

made bitter by the addition of margosa (Melia Azadirachta) leaves,

is offered. A piece of bone is carried away from the burning-ground,

and buried under a pipal (Ficus religiosa) tree. Daily, until the

tenth day, water is poured seven times over the spot where the bone

is buried. On the tenth day, if the deceased was an elder of the

community, the jola-jola handi ceremony is performed with a pot

riddled with holes. (See Bhondari.)

Kalkatta.--An occupation name for stone-masons in South Canara.

Kalkatti.--Kalkatti, denoting, it has been suggested, those who wear

glass beads, is a sub-division of Idaiyan. The Lingayats among Badagas

of the Nilgiri hills are called Kalkatti, because they hang a stone

(the lingam) from their necks in a casket. Some Irulas of the same

hills are also said to go by the name Kalkatti.

Kalla.--Recorded as a sub-division of Shanan, and of Idaiyans in

localities where Kallans are most numerous.

Kalladi.--The title of a Cheruman who performs important duties, and

becomes possessed by the spirit of the deceased, at a Cheruman funeral.

Kalladi Mangan.--A synonym of Mondi.

Kalladi Siddhan.--The name, meaning a beggar who beats himself with

a stone, of a class of Telugu mendicants, who are very clamorous and

persistent in their demands for alms. The name is applied as a term of

contempt for any obstinate and troublesome individual. These beggars

carry with them a gourd, have tortoise and cowry shells tied on their

elbows, and carry an iron rod, with which they beat an iron ring worn

on the hand. They present a very revolting spectacle, as they smear

their bodies with rice done up so as to resemble vomit, and with the

juice of the prickly-pear (Opuntia Dillenii), to make people believe

that it is blood oozing from cuts made with a knife. They are said to

be very fond of eating crows, which they catch with nets. (See Mondi.)

Kallamu (threshing-floor).--An exogamous sept of Panta Reddi.

Kallan.--Of the Kallans of the Madura district in the early part of

the last century, an excellent account was written by Mr. T. Turnbull

(1817), from which the following extract has been taken. "The Cullaries

are said to be in general a brave people, expert in the use of the

lance and in throwing the curved stick called vullaree taddee. This

weapon is invariably in use among the generality of this tribe; it

is about 30 inches in curvature. The word Cullar is used to express

a thief of any caste, sect or country, but it will be necessary to

trace their progress to that characteristic distinction by which

this race is designated both a thief, and an inhabitant of a certain

Naud, which was not altogether exempted from paying tribute to the

sovereign of Madura. This race appears to have become hereditary

occupiers, and appropriated to themselves various Nauds in different

parts of the southern countries; in each of these territories they

have a chief among them, whose orders and directions they all must

obey. They still possess one common character, and in general are such

thieves that the name is very justly applied to them, for they seldom

allow any merchandize to pass through their hands without extorting

something from the owners, if they do not rob them altogether, and in

fact travellers, pilgrims, and Brahmans are attacked and stript of

everything they possess, and they even make no scruple to kill any

caste of people, save only the latter. In case a Brahman happens to

be killed in their attempt to plunder, when the fact is made known to

the chief, severe corporal punishment is inflicted on the criminals

and fines levied, besides exclusion from society for a period of six

months. The Maloor Vellaloor and Serrugoody Nauds are denominated the

Keelnaud, whose inhabitants of the Cullar race are designated by the

appellation of Amblacaurs.

"The women are inflexibly vindictive and furious on the least injury,

even on suspicion, which prompts them to the most violent revenge

without any regard to consequences. A horrible custom exists among

the females of the Colleries when a quarrel or dissension arises

between them. The insulted woman brings her child to the house of the

aggressor, and kills it at her door to avenge herself. Although her

vengeance is attended with the most cruel barbarity, she immediately

thereafter proceeds to a neighbouring village with all her goods,

etc. In this attempt she is opposed by her neighbours, which gives

rise to clamour and outrage. The complaint is then carried to the head

Amblacaur, who lays it before the elders of the village, and solicits

their interference to terminate the quarrel. In the course of this

investigation, if the husband finds that sufficient evidence has been

brought against his wife, that she had given cause for provocation and

aggression, then he proceeds unobserved by the assembly to his house,

and brings one of his children, and, in the presence of witness,

kills his child at the door of the woman who had first killed her

child at his. By this mode of proceeding he considers that he has

saved himself much trouble and expense, which would otherwise have

devolved on him. This circumstance is soon brought to the notice of

the tribunal, who proclaim that the offence committed is sufficiently

avenged. But, should this voluntary retribution of revenge not be

executed by the convicted person, the tribunal is prorogued to a

limited time, fifteen days generally. Before the expiration of that

period, one of the children of that convicted person must be killed. At

the same time he is to bear all expenses for providing food, etc.,

for the assembly during those days.

"A remarkable custom prevails both among the males and females in

these Nauds to have their ears bored and stretched by hanging heavy

rings made of lead so as to expand their ear-laps (lobes) down to

their shoulders. Besides this singular idea of beauty attached by

them to pendant ears, a circumstance still more remarkable is that,

when merchants or travellers pass through these Nauds, they generally

take the precaution to insure a safe transit through these territories

by counting the friendship of some individual of the Naud by payment

of a certain fee, for which he deputes a young girl to conduct

the travellers safe through the limits. This sacred guide conducts

them along with her finger to her ear. On observing this sign, no

Cullary will dare to plunder the persons so conducted. It sometimes

happens, in spite of this precaution, that attempts are made to

attack the traveller. The girl in such cases immediately tears one

of her ear-laps, and returns to spread the report, upon which the

complaint is carried before the chief and elders of the Naud, who

forthwith convene a meeting in consequence at the Mundoopoolee. [31]

If the violators are convicted, vindictive retaliation ensues. The

assembly condemns the offenders to have both their ear-laps torn

in expiation of their crime, and, if otherwise capable, they are

punished by fines or absolved by money. By this means travellers

generally obtain a safe passage through these territories. [Even

at the present day, in quarrels between women of the lower castes,

long ears form a favourite object of attack, and lobe-tearing cases

figure frequently in police records. [32]]

"The Maloor Naud was originally inhabited and cultivated by

Vellaulers. At a certain period some Cullaries belonging to Vella

Naud in the Conjeeveram district proceeded thence on a hunting

excursion with weapons consisting of short hand pikes, cudgels,

bludgeons, and curved sticks for throwing, and dogs. While engaged

in their sport, they observed a peacock resist and attack one of

their hounds. The sportsmen, not a little astonished at the sight,

declared that this appeared to be a fortunate country, and its native

inhabitants and every living creature naturally possessed courage and

bravery. Preferring such a country to their Naud in Conjeeveram, they

were desirous of establishing themselves here as cultivators. To effect

this, they insinuated themselves into the favour of the Vellaulers,

and, engaging as their servants, were permitted to remain in these

parts, whither they in course of time invited their relations and

friends, and to appearance conducted themselves faithfully and

obediently to the entire satisfaction of the Vellaulers, and were

rewarded for their labour. Some time afterwards, the Vellaulers,

exercising an arbitrary sway over the Cullaries, began to inflict

condign punishment for offences and misdemeanours committed in their

service. This stirred up the wrath of the Cullaries, who gradually

acquired the superiority over their masters, and by coercive measures

impelled them to a strict observance of the following rules:--

1st.--That, if a Culler was struck by his master in such a manner as

to deprive him of a tooth, he was to pay a fine of ten cully chuckrums

(money) for the offence.

2nd.--That, if a Culler happened to have one of his ear-laps torn,

the Vellauler was to pay a fine of six chuckrums.

3rd.--That if a Culler had his skull fractured, the Vellauler was to

pay thirty chuckrums, unless he preferred to have his skull fractured

in return.

4th.--That, if a Culler had his arm or leg broke, he was then to be

considered but half a man. In such case the offender was required to

grant the Culler one cullum of nunjah seed land (wet cultivation),

and two koorkums of punjah (dry cultivation), to be held and enjoyed in

perpetuity, exclusive of which the Vellauler was required to give the

Culler a doopettah (cloth) and a cloth for his wife, twenty cullums of

paddy or any other grain, and twenty chuckrums in money for expenses.

5th.--That, if a Culler was killed, the offender was required to pay

either a fine of a hundred chuckrums, or be subject to the vengeance

of the injured party. Until either of these alternatives was agreed

to, and satisfaction afforded, the party injured was at liberty to

plunder the offender's property, never to be restored.

"By this hostile mode of conduct imposed on their masters, together

with their extravagant demands, the Vellaulers were reduced to that

dread of the Cullers as to court their favour, and became submissive

to their will and pleasure, so that in process of time the Cullers

not only reduced them to poverty, but also induced them to abandon

their villages and hereditary possessions, and to emigrate to foreign

countries. Many were even murdered in total disregard of their former

solemn promises of fidelity and attachment. Having thus implacably got

rid of their original masters and expelled them from their Naud, they

became the rulers of it, and denominated it by the singular appellation

of Tun Arrasa Naud, signifying a forest only known to its possessors

[or tanarasu-nad, i.e., the country governed by themselves]. [33]

In short, these Colleries became so formidable at length as to

evince a considerable ambition, and to set the then Government at

defiance. Allagar Swamy they regarded as the God of their immediate

devotion, and, whenever their enterprizes were attended with success,

they never failed to be liberal in the performance of certain religious

ceremonies to Allagar. To this day they invoke the name of Allagar in

all what they do, and they make no objection in contributing whatever

they can when the Stalaters come to their villages to collect money or

grain for the support of the temple, or any extraordinary ceremonies of

the God. The Cullers of this Naud, in the line of the Kurtaukles, once

robbed and drove away a large herd of cows belonging to the Prince,

who, on being informed of the robbery, and that the calves were highly

distressed for want of nourishment, ordered them to be drove out of

and left with the cows, wherever they were found. The Cullers were

so exceedingly pleased with this instance of the Kurtaukle's goodness

and greatness of mind that they immediately collected a thousand cows

(at one cow from every house) in the Naud as a retribution, and drove

them along with the plundered cattle to Madura. Whenever a quarrel

or dispute happens among them, the parties arrest each other in the

name of the respective Amblacaurs, whom they regard as most sacred,

and they will only pay their homage to those persons convened as

arbitrators or punjayems to settle their disputes.

"During the feudal system that prevailed among these Colleries for a

long time, they would on no consideration permit the then Government

to have any control or authority over them. When tribute was demanded,

the Cullers would answer with contempt: 'The heavens supply the earth

with rain, our cattle plough, and we labour to improve and cultivate

the land. While such is the case, we alone ought to enjoy the fruits

thereof. What reason is there that we should be obedient, and pay

tribute to our equal?'

"During the reign of Vizia Ragoonada Saitooputty [34] a party of

Colleries, having proceeded on a plundering excursion into the Ramnad

district, carried off two thousand of the Raja's own bullocks. The

Raja was so exasperated that he caused forts to be erected at five

different places in the Shevagunga and Ramnad districts, and, on

pretext of establishing a good understanding with these Nauttams, he

artfully invited the principal men among them, and, having encouraged

them by repeatedly conferring marks of his favour, caused a great

number to be slain, and a number of their women to be transported

to Ramiserum, where they were branded with the marks of the pagoda,

and made Deva Dassies or dancing girls and slaves of the temple. The

present dancing girls in that celebrated island are said to be the

descendants of these women of the Culler tribe." In the eighteenth

century a certain Captain Rumley was sent with troops to check the

turbulent Colleries. "He became the terror of the Collerie Naud,

and was highly respected and revered by the designation of Rumley

Swamy, under which appellation the Colleries afterwards distinguished

him." It is on record that, during the Trichinopoly war, the horses

of Clive and Stringer Lawrence were stolen by two Kallan brothers.

Tradition says that one of the rooms in Tirumala Nayakkan's palace

at Madura "was Tirumala's sleeping apartment, and that his cot hung

by long chains from hooks in the roof. One night, says a favourite

story, a Kallan made a hole in the roof, swarmed down the chains, and

stole the royal jewels. The king promised a jaghir (grant of land)

to anyone who would bring him the thief, and the Kallan then gave

himself up and claimed the reward. The king gave him the jaghir,

and then promptly had him beheaded." [35]

By Mr. H. A. Stuart [36] the Kallans are said to be "a middle-sized

dark-skinned tribe found chiefly in the districts of Tanjore,

Trichinopoly and Madura, and in the Pudukota territory. The name Kallan

is commonly derived from Tamil kallam, which means theft. Mr. Nelson

[37] expresses some doubts as to the correctness of this derivation,

but Dr. Oppert accepts it, and no other has been suggested. The

original home of the Kallans appears to have been Tondamandalam or the

Pallava country, and the head of the class, the Raja of Pudukota, is

to this day called the Tondaman. There are good grounds for believing

that the Kallans are a branch of the Kurumbas, who, when they found

their regular occupation as soldiers gone, 'took to maraudering,

and made themselves so obnoxious by their thefts and robberies, that

the term kallan, thief, was applied, and stuck to them as a tribal

appellation.' [38] The Rev. W. Taylor, the compiler of the Catalogue

Raisonné of Oriental Manuscripts, also identifies the Kallans with

the Kurumbas, and Mr. Nelson accepts this conclusion. In the census

returns, Kurumban is returned as one of the sub-divisions of the

Kallan caste.'

"The Chola country, or Tanjore," Mr. W. Francis writes, [39] "seems to

have been the original abode of the Kallans before their migration to

the Pandya kingdom after its conquest by the Cholas about the eleventh

century A.D. But in Tanjore they have been greatly influenced by the

numerous Brahmans there, and have taken to shaving their heads and

employing Brahmans as priests. At their weddings also the bridegroom

ties the tali himself, while elsewhere his sister does it. Their

brethren across the border in Madura continue to merely tie their

hair in a knot, and employ their own folk to officiate as their

priests. This advance of one section will doubtless in time enhance

the social estimation of the caste as a whole."

It is further noted, in the Gazetteer of the Tanjore district, that the

ambitions of the Kallans have been assisted "by their own readiness,

especially in the more advanced portions of the district, to imitate

the practices of Brahmans and Vellalans. Great variations thus occur in

their customs in different localities, and a wide gap exists between

the Kallans of this district as a whole and those of Madura."

In the Manual of the Tanjore district, it is stated that "profitable

agriculture, coupled with security of property in land, has converted

the great bulk of the Kallar and Padeiyachi classes into a contented

and industrious population. They are now too fully occupied with

agriculture, and the incidental litigation, to think of their old

lawless pursuits, even if they had an inclination to follow them. The

bulk of the ryotwari proprietors in that richly cultivated part

of the Cauvery delta which constituted the greater part of the old

taluk of Tiruvadi are Kallars, and, as a rule, they are a wealthy and

well-to-do class. The Kallar ryots, who inhabit the villages along

the banks of the Cauvery, in their dress and appearance generally

look quite like Vellalas. Some of the less romantic and inoffensive

characteristics of the Kallars in Madura and Tinnevelly are found

among the recent immigrants from the south, who are distinguished

from the older Kallar colonies by the general term Terkattiyar,

literally southerns, which includes emigrants of other castes from

the south. The Terkattiyars are found chiefly in the parts of the

district which border on Pudukota. Kallars of this group grow their

hair long all over the head exactly like women, and both men and women

enlarge the holes in the lobes of their ears to an extraordinary size

by inserting rolls of palm-leaf into them." The term Terkattiyar is

applied to Kallan, Maravan, Agamudaiyan, and other immigrants into the

Tanjore district. At Mayaveram, for example, it is applied to Kalians,

Agamudaiyans, and Valaiyans. It is noted, in the Census Report,

1891, that Agamudaiyan and Kallan were returned as sub-divisions

of Maravans by a comparatively large number of persons. "Maravan

is also found among the sub-divisions of Kallan, and there can be

little doubt that there is a very close connection between Kallans,

Maravans, and Agamudaiyans." "The origin of the Kallar caste,"

Mr. F. S. Mullaly writes, [40] "as also that of the Maravars and

Ahambadayars, is mythologically traced to Indra and Aghalia, the wife

of Rishi Gautama. The legend is that Indra and Rishi Gautama were,

among others, rival suitors for the hand of Aghalia. Rishi Gautama

was the successful one. This so incensed Indra that he determined to

win Aghalia at all hazards, and, by means of a cleverly devised ruse,

succeeded, and Aghalia bore him three sons, who respectively took the

names Kalla, Marava, and Ahambadya. The three castes have the agnomen

Theva or god, and claim to be descendants of Thevan (Indra)." According

to another version of the legend "once upon a time Rishi Gautama left

his house to go abroad on business. Devendra, taking advantage of his

absence, debauched his wife, and three children were the result. When

the Rishi returned, one of the three hid himself behind a door, and, as

he thus acted like a thief, he was henceforward called Kallan. Another

got up a tree, and was therefore called Maravan from maram, a tree,

whilst the third brazened it out and stood his ground, thus earning

for himself the name of Ahamudeiyan, or the possessor of pride. This

name was corrupted into Ahambadiyan." [41] There is a Tamil proverb

that a Kallan may come to be a Maravan. By respectability he may

develop into an Agamudaiyan, and, by slow and small degrees, become

a Vellala, from which he may rise to be a Mudaliar.

"The Kallans," Mr. H. A. Stuart writes, [42] "will eat flesh,

excepting beef, and have no scruples regarding the use of intoxicating

liquor. They are usually farmers or field-labourers, but many of

them are employed as village or other watchmen, and not a few depend

for their subsistence upon the proceeds of thefts and robberies. In

Trichinopoly town, householders are obliged to keep a member of the

Kallan caste in their service as a protection against the depredations

of these thieves, and any refusal to give in to this custom invariably

results in loss of property. On the other hand, if a theft should,

by any chance, be committed in a house where a Kallan is employed,

the articles stolen will be recovered, and returned to the owner. In

Madura town, I am informed, a tax of four annas per annum is levied

on houses in certain streets by the head of the Kallan caste in return

for protection against theft." In the Census Report, 1901, Mr. Francis

records that "the Kallans, Maravans, and Agamudaiyans are responsible

for a share of the crime of the southern districts, which is out of all

proportion to their strength in them. In 1897, the Inspector-General of

Prisons reported that nearly 42 per cent. of the convicts in the Madura

jail, and 30 per cent, of those in the Palamcottah jail in Tinnevelly,

belonged to one or other of these three castes. In Tinnevelly, in 1894,

131 cattle thefts were committed by men of these three castes against

47 by members of others, which is one theft to 1,497 of the population

of the three bodies against one to 37,830 of the other castes. The

statistics of their criminality in Trichinopoly and Madura were also

bad. The Kallans had until recently a regular system of blackmail,

called kudikaval, under which each village paid certain fees to

be exempt from theft. The consequences of being in arrears with

their payments quickly followed in the shape of cattle thefts and

'accidental' fires in houses. In Madura the villagers recently struck

against this extortion. The agitation was started by a man of the

Idaiyan or shepherd caste, which naturally suffered greatly by the

system, and continued from 1893 to 1896." The origin of the agitation

is said [43] to have been the anger of certain of the Idaiyans with

a Kallan Lothario, who enticed away a woman of their caste, and

afterwards her daughter, and kept both women simultaneously under his

protection. The story of this anti-Kallan agitation is told as follows

in the Police Administration Report, 1896. "Many of the Kallans are the

kavalgars of the villages under the kaval system. Under that system

the kavalgars receive fees, and in some cases rent-free land for

undertaking to protect the property of the villagers against theft,

or to restore an equivalent in value for anything lost. The people

who suffer most at the hands of the Kallars are the shepherds (Konans

or Idaiyans). Their sheep and goats form a convenient subject for the

Kallar's raids. They are taken for kaval fees alleged to be overdue,

and also stolen, again to be restored on the payment of blackmail. The

anti-Kallar movement was started by a man of the shepherd caste, and

rapidly spread. Meetings of villagers were held, at which thousands

attended. They took oath on their ploughs to dispense with the

services of the Kallars; they formed funds to compensate such of

them as lost their cattle, or whose houses were burnt; they arranged

for watchmen among themselves to patrol the villages at night; they

provided horns to be sounded to carry the alarm in cases of theft

from village to village, and prescribed a regular scale of fines to

be paid by those villagers who failed to turn out on the sound of

the alarm. The Kallans in the north in many cases sold their lands,

and left their villages, but in some places they showed fight. For six

months crime is said to have ceased absolutely, and, as one deponent

put it, people even left their buckets at the wells. In one or two

places the Kallans gathered in large bodies in view to overawe the

villagers, and riots followed. In one village there were three murders,

and the Kallar quarter was destroyed by fire, but whether the fire was

the work of Konans or Kallars has never been discovered. In August,

large numbers of villagers attacked the Kallars in two villages in

the Dindigul division, and burnt the Kallar quarters."

"The crimes," Mr. F. S. Mullaly writes, [44] "that Kallars are addicted

to are dacoity in houses or on highways, robbery, house-breaking and

cattle-stealing. They are usually armed with vellari thadis or clubs

(the so-called boomerangs) and occasionally with knives similar to

those worn by the inhabitants of the western coast. Their method of

house-breaking is to make the breach in the wall under the door. A

lad of diminutive size then creeps in, and opens the door for the

elders. Jewels worn by sleepers are seldom touched. The stolen property

is hidden in convenient places, in drains, wells, or straw stacks, and

is sometimes returned to the owner on receipt of blackmail from him

called tuppu-kuli or clue hire. The women seldom join in crimes, but

assist the men in their dealings (for disposal of the stolen property)

with the Chettis." It is noted by the Abbé Dubois that the Kallars

"regard a robber's occupation as discreditable neither to themselves,

nor to their fellow castemen, for the simple reason that they consider

robbery a duty, and a right sanctioned by descent. If one were to

ask of a Kallar to what people he belonged, he would coolly answer,

I am a robber."

It is recorded, in the Gazetteer of the Madura district, that "dacoity

of travellers at night used to be the favourite pastime of the Kallans,

and their favourite haunts the various roads leading out of Madura,

and that from Ammayanayakkanur to Periyakulam. The method adopted

consisted in threatening the driver of the cart, and then turning the

vehicle into the ditch so that it upset. The unfortunate travellers

were then forced by some of the gang to sit at the side of the road,

with their backs to the cart and their faces to the ground, while

their baggage was searched for valuables by the remainder. The gangs

which frequented these roads have now broken up, and the caste has

practically quitted road dacoity for the simpler, more paying, and

less risky business of stealing officials' office-boxes and ryots'

cattle. Cattle-theft is now the most popular calling among them. They

are clever at handling animals, and probably the popularity of the

jallikats (see Maravan) has its origin in the demands of a life,

which always included much cattle-lifting. The stolen animals are

driven great distances (as much as 20 or 30 miles) on the night of the

theft, and are then hidden for the day either in a friend's house,

or among hills and jungles. The next night they are taken still

further, and again hidden. Pursuit is by this time hopeless, as the

owner has no idea even in which direction to search. He, therefore,

proceeds to the nearest go-between (these individuals are well-known

to every one), and offers him a reward if he will bring back the

cattle. This reward is called tuppu-kuli, or payment for clues, and

is very usually as much as half the value of the animals stolen. The

Kallan undertakes to search for the lost bullocks, returns soon,

and states that he has found them, receives his tuppu-kuli, and then

tells the owner of the property that, if he will go to a spot named,

which is usually in some lonely neighbourhood, he will find his cattle

tied up there. This information is always correct. If, on the other

hand, the owner reports the theft to the police, no Kallan will

help him to recover his animals, and these are eventually sold in

other districts or Travancore, or even sent across from Tuticorin to

Ceylon. Consequently, hardly any cattle-thefts are ever reported to the

police. Where the Kallans are most numerous, the fear of incendiarism

induces people to try to afford a tiled or terraced roof, instead

of being content with thatch. The cattle are always tied up in the

houses at night. Fear of the Kallans prevents them from being left

in the fields, and they may be seen coming into the villages every

evening in scores, choking every one with the dust they kick up,

and polluting the village site (instead of manuring the land) for

twelve hours out of every twenty-four. Buffaloes are tied up outside

the houses. Kallans do not care to steal them, as they are of little

value, are very troublesome when a stranger tries to handle them,

and cannot travel fast or far enough to be out of reach of detection

by daybreak. The Kallans' inveterate addiction to dacoity and theft

render the caste to this day a thorn in the flesh of the authorities. A

very large proportion of the thefts committed in the district are

attributable to them. Nor are they ashamed of the fact. One of them

defended his class by urging that every other class stole, the official

by taking bribes, the vakil (law pleader) by fostering animosities,

and so pocketing fees, the merchant by watering the arrack (spirit)

and sanding the sugar, and so on, and that the Kallans differed from

these only in the directness of their methods. Round about Melur,

the people of the caste are taking energetically to wet cultivation,

to the exclusion of cattle-lifting, with the Periyar water, which

has lately been brought there. In some of the villages to the south

of that town, they have drawn up a formal agreement (which has been

solemnly registered, and is most rigorously enforced by the headmen),

forbidding theft, recalling all the women who have emigrated to Ceylon

and elsewhere, and, with an enlightenment which puts other communities

to shame, prohibiting several other unwise practices which are only

too common, such as the removal from the fields of cow-dung for fuel,

and the pollution of drinking-water tanks (ponds) by stepping into

them. Hard things have been said about the Kallans, but points to

their credit are the chastity of their women, the cleanliness they

observe in and around their villages, and their marked sobriety. A

toddy-shop in a Kallan village is seldom a financial success."

From a recent note, [45] I gather the following additional

information concerning tuppu-kuli. "The Kallans are largely

guilty of cattle-thefts. In many cases, they return the cattle on

receiving tuppu-kuli. The official returns do not show many of these

cases. No cattle-owner thinks of reporting the loss of any of his

cattle. Naturally his first instinct is that it might have strayed

away, being live property. The tuppu-kuli system generally helps

the owner to recover his lost cattle. He has only to pay half of

its real value, and, when he recovers his animal, he goes home with

the belief that he has really made a profitable bargain. There is no

matter for complaint, but, on the other hand, he is glad that he got

back his animal for use, often at the most opportune time. Cattle are

indispensable to the agriculturist at all times of the year. Perhaps,

sometimes, when the rains fail, he may not use them. But if, after

a long drought, there is a shower, immediately every agriculturist

runs to his field with his plough and cattle, and tills it. If, at

such a time, his cattle be stolen, he considers as though he were

beaten on his belly, and his means of livelihood gone. No cattle will

be available then for hire. There is nothing that he will not part

with, to get back his cattle. There is then the nefarious system of

tuppu-kuli offering itself, and he freely resorts to it, and succeeds

in getting back his lost cattle sooner or later. On the other hand,

if a complaint is made to the Village Magistrate or Police, recovery

by this channel is impossible. The tuppu-kuli agents have their spies

or informants everywhere, dogging the footsteps of the owner of the

stolen cattle, and of those who are likely to help him in recovering

it. As soon as they know the case is recorded in the Police station,

they determine not to let the animal go back to its owner at any

risk, unless some mutual friend intervenes, and works mightily for

the recovery, in which case the restoration is generally through the

pound. Such a restoration is, primâ facie, cattle-straying, for only

stray cattle are taken to the pound. This, too, is done after a good

deal of hard swearing on both sides not to hand over the offender to

the authorities."

In connection with the 'vellari thadi' referred to above, Dr. Oppert

writes [46] that "boomerangs are used by the Tamil Maravans and Kallans

when hunting deer. The Madras Museum collection contains three (two

ivory, one wooden) from the Tanjore armoury. In the arsenal of the

Pudukkottai Raja a stock of wooden boomerangs is always kept. Their

name in Tamil is valai tadi (bent stick)." Concerning these boomerangs,

the Dewan of Pudukkottai writes to me as follows. "The valari or valai

tadi is a short weapon, generally made of some hard-grained wood. It

is also sometimes made of iron. It is crescent-shaped, one end being

heavier than the other, and the outer edge is sharpened. Men trained in

the use of the weapon hold it by the lighter end, whirl it a few times

over their shoulders to give it impetus, and then hurl it with great

force against the object aimed at. It is said that there were experts

in the art of throwing the valari, who could at one stroke despatch

small game, and even man. No such experts are now forthcoming in the

State, though the instrument is reported to be occasionally used in

hunting hares, jungle fowl, etc. Its days, however, must be counted as

past. Tradition states that the instrument played a considerable part

in the Poligar wars of the last century. But it now reposes peacefully

in the households of the descendants of the rude Kallan and Maravan

warriors, who plied it with such deadly effect in the last century,

preserved as a sacred relic of a chivalric past along with other

old family weapons in their puja room, brought out and scraped and

cleaned on occasions like the Ayudha puja day (when worship is paid

to weapons and implements of industry), and restored to its place of

rest immediately afterwards."

The sub-divisions of the Kallans, which were returned in greatest

numbers at the census, 1891, were Isanganadu (or Visangu-nadu),

Kungiliyan, Menadu, Nattu, Piramalainadu, and Sirukudi. In the Census

Report, 1901, it is recorded that "in Madura the Kallans are divided

into ten main endogamous divisions [47] which are territorial in

origin. These are (1) Mel-nadu, (2) Sirukudi-nadu, (3) Vellur-nadu, (4)

Malla-kottai nadu, (5) Pakaneri, (6) Kandramanikkam or Kunnan-kottai

nadu, (7) Kandadevi, (8) Puramalai-nadu, (9) Tennilai-nadu, and (10)

Palaya-nadu. The headman of the Puramalai-nadu section is said to be

installed by Idaiyans (herdsmen), but what the connection between

the two castes may be is not clear. The termination nadu means a

country. These sections are further divided into exogamous sections

called vaguppus. The Mel-nadu Kallans have three sections called

terus or streets, namely, Vadakku-teru (north street), Kilakku-teru

(east street), and Terku-teru (south street). The Sirukudi Kallans

have vaguppus named after the gods specially worshipped by each,

such as Andi, Mandai, Aiyanar, and Viramangali. Among the Vellur-nadu

Kallans the names of these sections seem merely fanciful. Some of

them are Vengai puli (cruel-handed tiger), Vekkali puli (cruel-legged

tiger), Sami puli (holy tiger), Sem puli (red tiger), Sammatti makkal

(hammer men), Tiruman (holy deer), and Sayumpadai tangi (supporter

of the vanquished army). A section of the Tanjore Kallans names its

sections from sundry high-sounding titles meaning King of the Pallavas,

King of Tanjore, conqueror of the south, mighty ruler, and so on."

Portions of the Madura and Tanjore districts are divided into areas

known as nadus, a name which, as observed by Mr. Nelson, is specially

applicable to Kallan tracts. In each nadu a certain caste, called the

Nattan, is the predominant factor in the settlement of social questions

which arise among the various castes living within the nadu. Round

about Devakotta in the Sivaganga zamindari there are fourteen nadus,

representatives of which meet once a year at Kandadevi, to arrange for

the annual festival at the temple dedicated to Swarnamurthi Swami. The

four nadus Unjanai, Sembonmari, Iravaseri, and Tennilai in the same

zamindari constitute a group, of which the last is considered the

chief nadu, whereat caste questions must come up for settlement. For

marriage purposes these four nadus constitute an endogamous section,

which is sub-divided into septs or karais. Among the Vallambans

these karais are exogamous, and run in the male line. But, among the

Kallans, the karai is recognised only in connection with property. A

certain tract of land is the property of a particular karai, and the

legal owners thereof are members of the same karai. When the land

has to be disposed of, this can only be effected with the consent of

representatives of the karai. The Nattar Kallans of Sivaganga have

exogamous septs called kilai or branches, which, as among the Maravans,

run in the female line, i.e., a child belongs to the mother's, not

the father's, sept. In some castes, and even among Brahmans, though

contrary to strict rule, it is permissible for a man to marry his

sister's daughter. This is not possible among the Kallans who have

kilais such as those referred to, because the maternal uncle of a

girl, the girl, and her mother all belong to the same sept. But the

children of a brother and sister may marry, because they belong to

different kilais, i.e., those of their respective mothers.

Subban = Pachchai

(Kurivili kilai). | (Arasiya kilai).

+====================|======================+

| |

Karuppan, son Ellamma, daughter

(Arasiya kilai) (Arasiya kilai)

| |

| |

Raman Minachi

(Pesadan kilai) (Arasiya kilai)

Example of allowable cousin-marriages.

In the above example, the girl Minachi may not marry Karuppan, as both

are members of the same kilai. But she ought, though he be a mere boy,

to marry Raman, who belongs to a different sept.

It is noted [48] that, among the Sivaganga Kallans, "when a member of a

certain kilai dies, a piece of new cloth should be given to the other

male member of the same kilai by the heir of the deceased. The cloth

thus obtained should be given to the sister of the person obtaining

it. If her brother fails to do so, her husband will consider himself

degraded, and consequently will divorce her." Round about Pudukkottai

and Tanjore, the Visangu-nadu Kallans have exogamous septs called

pattaperu, and they adopt the sept name as a title, e.g., Muthu

Udaiyan, Karuppa Tondaman, etc. It is noted, in the Gazetteer of the

Tanjore district, that the sub-divisions of the Kallans are split

into groups, e.g., Onaiyan (wolfish), Singattan (lion-like), etc.

It is a curious fact that the Puramalai-nadu Kallans practice the rite

of circumcision. The origin of this custom is uncertain, but it has

been suggested [49] that it is a survival of a forcible conversion

to Muhammadanism of a section of the Kurumbas who fled northwards

on the downfall of their kingdom. At the time appointed for the

initiatory ceremony, the Kallan youth is carried on the shoulders

of his maternal uncle to a grove or plain outside the village, where

betel is distributed among those who have assembled, and the operation

is performed by a barber-surgeon. En route to the selected site,

and throughout the ceremony, the conch shell (musical instrument)

is blown. The youth is presented with new cloths. It is noted, in the

Gazetteer of the Madura district, that "every Kallan boy has a right

to claim the hand of his paternal aunt's daughter in marriage. This

aunt bears the expenses connected with his circumcision. Similarly,

the maternal uncle pays the costs of the rites which are observed when

a girl attains maturity, for he has a claim on the girl as a bride

for his son. The two ceremonies are performed at one time for large

batches of boys and girls. On an auspicious day, the young people are

all feasted, and dressed in their best, and repair to a river or tank

(pond). The mothers of the girls make lamps of plantain leaves, and

float them on the water, and the boys are operated on by the local

barber." It is stated, in the Census Report, 1901, that the Sirukudi

Kallans use a tali, on which the Muhammadan badge of a crescent and

star is engraved.

In connection with marriage among the Kallans, it is noted by

Mr. S. M. Natesa Sastri [50] that "at the Mattupongal feast, towards

evening, festoons of aloe fibre and cloths containing coins are tied

to the horns of bullocks and cows, and the animals are driven through

the streets with tom-tom and music. In the villages, especially those

inhabited by the Kallans in Madura and Tinnevelly, the maiden chooses

as her husband him who has safely untied and brought to her the cloth

tied to the horn of the fiercest bull. The animals are let loose with

their horns containing valuables, amidst the din of tom-tom and harsh

music, which terrifies and bewilders them. They run madly about,

and are purposely excited by the crowd. A young Kalla will declare

that he will run after such and such a bull--and this is sometimes a

risky pursuit--and recover the valuables tied to its horn. The Kallan

considers it a great disgrace to be injured while chasing the bull."

A poet of the early years of the present era, quoted by

Mr. Kanakasabhai Pillai, [51] describes this custom as practiced

by the shepherd castes in those days. "A large area of ground is

enclosed with palisades and strong fences. Into the enclosure are

brought ferocious bulls with sharpened horns. On a spacious loft,

overlooking the enclosure, stand the shepherd girls, whom they intend

to give away in marriage. The shepherd youths, prepared for the fight,

first pray to their gods, whose images are placed under old banian

or peepul trees, or at watering places. They then deck themselves

with garlands made of the bright red flowers of the kanthal, and

the purple flowers of the kaya. At a signal given by the beating of

drums, the youths leap into the enclosure, and try to seize the bulls,

which, frightened by the noise of the drums, are now ready to charge

anyone who approaches them. Each youth approaches a bull, which he

chooses to capture. But the bulls rush furiously, with tails raised,

heads bent down, and horns levelled at their assailants. Some of the

youths face the bulls boldly, and seize their horns. Some jump aside,

and take hold of their tails. The more wary young men cling to the

animals till they force them to fall on the ground. Many a luckless

youth is now thrown down. Some escape without a scratch, while others

are trampled upon or gored by the bulls. Some, though wounded and

bleeding, again spring on the bulls. A few, who succeed in capturing

the animals, are declared the victors of that day's fight. The elders

then announce that the bull-fight is over. The wounded are carried

out of the enclosure, and attended to immediately, while the victors

and the brides-elect repair to an adjoining grove, and there, forming

into groups, dance joyously before preparing for their marriage."

In an account of marriage among the Kallans, Mr. Nelson writes that

"the most proper alliance in the opinion of a Kallan is one between

a man and the daughter of his father's sister, and, if an individual

have such a cousin, he must marry her, whatever disparity there may

be between their respective ages. A boy of fifteen must marry such

a cousin, even if she be thirty or forty years old, if her father

insists upon his so doing. Failing a cousin of this sort, he must marry

his aunt or his niece, or any near relative. If his father's brother

has a daughter, and insists upon him marrying her he cannot refuse;

and this whatever may be the woman's age. One of the customs of the

western Kallans is specially curious. It constantly happens that a

woman is the wife of ten, eight, six, or two husbands, who are held

to be the fathers jointly and severally of any children that may be

born of her body, and, still more curiously, when the children grow

up they, for some unknown reason, invariably style themselves the

children not of ten, eight or six fathers as the case may be, but of

eight and two, six and two, or four and two fathers. When a wedding

takes place, the sister of the bridegroom goes to the house of the

parents of the bride, and presents them with twenty-one Kali fanams

(coins) and a cloth, and, at the same time, ties some horse-hair round

the bride's neck. She then brings her and her relatives to the house

of the bridegroom, where a feast is prepared.

Sheep are killed, and stores of liquor kept ready, and all partake

of the good cheer provided. After this the bride and bridegroom

are conducted to the house of the latter, and the ceremony of an

exchange between them of vallari thadis or boomerangs is solemnly

performed. Another feast is then given in the bride's house, and

the bride is presented by her parents with one markal of rice and a

hen. She then goes with her husband to his house. During the first

twelve months after marriage, it is customary for the wife's parents

to invite the pair to stay with them a day or two on the occasion of

any feast, and to present them on their departure with a markal of rice

and a cock. At the time of the first Pongal feast after the marriage,

the presents customarily given to the son-in-law are five markals

of rice, five loads of pots and pans, five bunches of plantains,

five cocoanuts, and five lumps of jaggery (crude sugar). A divorce

is easily obtained on either side. A husband dissatisfied with his

wife can send her away if he be willing at the same time to give her

half of his property, and a wife can leave her husband at will upon

forfeiture of forty-two Kali fanams. A widow may marry any man she

fancies, if she can induce him to make her a present of ten fanams."

In connection with the foregoing account, I am informed that, among

the Nattar Kallans, the brother of a married woman must give her

annually at Pongal a present of rice, a goat, and a cloth until

her death. The custom of exchanging boomerangs appears to be fast

becoming a tradition. But, there is a common saying still current "Send

the valari tadi, and bring the bride." As regards the horse-hair,

which is mentioned as being tied round the bride's neck, I gather

that, as a rule, the tali is suspended from a cotton thread, and the

horse-hair necklet may be worn by girls prior to puberty and marriage,

and by widows. This form of necklet is also worn by females of other

castes, such as Maravans, Valaiyans, and Morasa Paraiyans. Puramalai

Kallan women can be distinguished by the triangular ornament, which

is attached to the tali string. It is stated, in the Gazetteer of

the Madura district, that "when a girl has attained maturity, she

puts away the necklace of coloured beads she wore as a child, and

dons the horse-hair necklet, which is characteristic of the Kallan

woman. This she retains till death, even if she becomes a widow. The

richer Kallans substitute for the horse-hair a necklace of many

strands of fine silver wire. In Tirumangalam, the women often hang

round their necks a most curious brass and silver pendant, six or

eight inches long, and elaborately worked."

It is noted in the Census Report, 1891, that as a token of divorce "a

Kallan gives his wife a piece of straw in the presence of his caste

people. In Tamil the expression 'to give a straw' means to divorce,

and 'to take a straw' means to accept divorce."

In their marriage customs, some Kallans have adopted the Puranic

form of rite owing to the influence of Brahman purohits, and, though

adult marriage is the rule, some Brahmanised Kallans have introduced

infant marriage. To this the Puramalai section has a strong objection,

as, from the time of marriage, they have to give annually till the

birth of the first child a present of fowls, rice, a goat, jaggery,

plantains, betel, turmeric, and condiments. By adult marriage the

time during which this present has to be made is shortened, and less

expenditure thereon is incurred. In connection with the marriage

ceremonies as carried out by some Kallans, I gather that the consent

of the maternal uncle of a girl to her marriage is essential. For

the betrothal ceremony, the father and maternal uncle of the future

bridegroom proceed to the girl's house, where a feast is held, and

the date fixed for the wedding written on two rolls of palm leaf

dyed with turmeric or red paper, which are exchanged between the

maternal uncles. On the wedding day, the sister of the bridegroom

goes to the house of the bride, accompanied by women, some of whom

carry flowers, cocoanuts, betel leaves, turmeric, leafy twigs of

Sesbania grandiflora, paddy (unhusked rice), milk, and ghi (clarified

butter). A basket containing a female cloth, and the tali string

wrapped up in a red cloth borrowed from a washerman, is given to a

sister of the bridegroom or to a woman belonging to his sept. On the

way to the bride's house, two of the women blow chank shells (musical

instrument). The bride's people question the bridegroom's party as

to his sept, and they ought to say that he belongs to Indra kulam,

Thalavala nadu, and Ahalya gotra. The bridegroom's sister, taking up

the tali, passes it round to be touched by all present, and ties the

string, which is decorated with flowers, tightly round the bride's

neck amid the blowing of the conch shell. The bride is then conducted

to the home of the bridegroom, whence they return to her house on the

following day. The newly married couple sit on a plank, and coloured

rice-balls or coloured water are waved, while women yell out "killa,

illa, illa; killa, illa, illa." This ceremony is called kulavi idal,

and is sometimes performed by Kallan women during the tali-tying.

The following details relating to the marriage ceremonies are

recorded in the Gazetteer of the Tanjore district. "The arrival

of the bridegroom has been described as being sometimes especially

ceremonious. Mounted on a horse, and attended by his maternal uncle,

he is met by a youth from the bride's house, also mounted, who conducts

the visitors to the marriage booth. Here he is given betel leaves,

areca nuts, and a rupee by the bride's father, and his feet are

washed in milk and water, and adorned with toe-rings by the bride's

mother. The tali is suspended from a necklet of gold or silver instead

of cotton thread, but this is afterwards changed to cotton for fear of

offending the god Karuppan. A lamp is often held by the bridegroom's

sister, or some married woman, while the tali is being tied. This is

left unlighted by the Kallans for fear it should go out, and thus cause

an evil omen. The marriage tie is in some localities very loose. Even

a woman who has borne her husband many children may leave him if she

likes, to seek a second husband, on condition that she pays him her

marriage expenses. In this case (as also when widows are remarried),

the children are left in the late husband's house. The freedom of

the Kallan women in these matters is noticed in the proverb that,

"though there may be no thread in the spinning-rod, there will always

be a (tali) thread on the neck of a Kallan woman," or that "though

other threads fail, the thread of a Kallan woman will never do so."

By some Kallans pollution is, on the occasion of the first menstrual

period, observed for seven or nine days. On the sixteenth day, the

maternal uncle of the girl brings a sheep or goat, and rice. She is

bathed and decorated, and sits on a plank while a vessel of water,

coloured rice, and a measure filled with paddy with a style bearing

a betel leaf struck on it, are waved before her. Her head, knees,

and shoulders are touched with cakes, which are then thrown away. A

woman, conducting the girl round the plank, pours water from a vessel

on to a betel leaf held in her hand, so that it falls on the ground

at the four cardinal points of the compass, which the girl salutes.

A ceremony is generally celebrated in the seventh month of pregnancy,

for which the husband's sister prepares pongal (cooked rice). The

pregnant woman sits on a plank, and the rice is waved before her. She

then stands up, and bends down while her sister-in-law pours milk from

a betel or pipal (Ficus religiosa) leaf on her back. A feast brings the

ceremony to a close. Among the Vellur-nadu Kallans patterns are said

[52] to be drawn on the back of the pregnant woman with rice-flour,

and milk is poured over them. The husband's sister decorates a

grindstone in the same way, invokes a blessing on the woman, and

expresses a hope that she may have a male child as strong as a stone.

When a child is born in a family, the entire family observes

pollution for thirty days, during which entrance into a temple is

forbidden. Among the Nattar Kallans, children are said to be named

at any time after they are a month old. But, among the Puramalai

Kallans, a first-born female child is named on the seventh day,

after the ear-boring ceremony has been performed. "All Kallans,"

Mr. Francis writes, [52] "put on sacred ashes, the usual mark of a

Saivite, on festive occasions, but they are nevertheless generally

Vaishnavites. The dead are usually buried, and it is said that,

at funerals, cheroots are handed round, which those present smoke

while the ceremony proceeds." Some Kallans are said, [53] when a

death occurs in a family, to put a pot filled with dung or water,

a broomstick, and a fire-brand at some place where three roads meet,

or in front of the house, in order to prevent the ghost from returning.

It is recorded, in the Gazetteer of the Madura district, that

"the Kilnad Kallans usually bury their dead. Lamps are periodically

lighted on the tomb, and it is whitewashed annually. The Piramalainad

division usually burn the dead. If a woman dies when with child, the

baby is taken out, and placed alongside her on the pyre. This, it may

be noted, is the rule with most castes in this district, and, in some

communities, the relations afterwards put up a stone burden-rest by

the side of a road, the idea being that the woman died with her burden,

and so her spirit rejoices to see others lightened of theirs. Tradition

says that the caste came originally from the north. The dead are buried

with their faces laid in that direction; and, when puja is done to

Karuppanaswami, the caste god, the worshippers turn to the north."

According to Mr. H. A. Stuart [54] "the Kallans are nominally

Saivites, but in reality the essence of their religious belief is

devil-worship. Their chief deity is Alagarswami, the god of the great

Alagar Kovil twelve miles to the north of the town of Madura. To this

temple they make large offerings, and the Swami, called Kalla Alagar,

has always been regarded as their own peculiar deity." The Kallans

are said by Mr. Mullaly to observe omens, and consult their household

gods before starting on depredations. "Two flowers, the one red and

the other white, are placed before the idol, a symbol of their god

Kalla Alagar. The white flower is the emblem of success. A child of

tender years is told to pluck a petal of one of the two flowers,

and the undertaking rests upon the choice made by the child." In

like manner, when a marriage is contemplated among the Idaiyans, the

parents of the prospective bride and bridegroom go to the temple, and

throw before the idol a red and white flower, each wrapped in a betel

leaf. A small child is then told to pick up one of the leaves. If the

one selected contains the white flower, it is considered auspicious,

and the marriage will take place.

In connection with the Alagar Kovil, I gather [55] that, when oaths

are to be taken, the person who is to swear is asked to worship Kallar

Alagar, and, with a parivattam (cloth worn as a mark of respect in the

presence of the god) on his head, and a garland round his neck, should

stand on the eighteenth step of the eighteen steps of Karuppanaswami,

and say: "I swear before Kallar Alagar and Karuppannaswami that I

have acted rightly, and so on. If the person swears falsely, he dies

on the third day; if truly the other person meets with the same fate."

It was noted by Mr. M. J. Walhouse, [56] that "at the bull games

(jellikattu) at Dindigul, the Kallans can alone officiate as priests,

and consult the presiding deity. On this occasion they hold quite

a Saturnalia of lordship and arrogance over the Brahmans." It is

recorded, in the Gazetteer of the Madura district, that "the keenness

of the more virile sections of the community (especially the Kallans),

in this game, is extraordinary, and, in many villages, cattle are

bred and reared specially for it. The best jallikats are to be seen

in the Kallan country in Tirumangalam, and next come those in Melur

and Madura taluks." (See also Maravan.)

It is recorded, in the Gazetteer of the Madura district, that

Karuppan is "essentially the god of the Kallans, especially of the

Kallans of the Melur side. In those parts, his shrine is usually the

Kallans' chavadi (assembly place). His priests are usually Kallans or

Kusavans. Alagarswami (the beautiful god) is held in special veneration

by the Kallans, and is often popularly called the Kallar Alagar. The

men of this caste have the right to drag his car at the car festival,

and, when he goes (from Alagar Kovil) on his visit to Madura, he is

dressed as a Kallan, exhibits the long ears characteristic of that

caste, and carries the boomerang and club, which were of their old

favourite weapons. It is whispered that Kallan dacoits invoke his

aid when they are setting out on marauding expeditions, and, if they

are successful therein, put part of their ill-gotten gains into the

offertory (undial) box, which is kept at his shrine."

For the following note I am indebted to the Rev. J. Sharrock. "The

chief temple of the Kallans is about ten miles west of Madura, and is

dedicated to Alagarswami, said to be an incarnation of Vishnu, but

also said to be the brother of Minatchi (the fish-eyed or beautiful

daughter of the Pandya king of Madura). Now Minatchi has been married

by the Brahmans to Siva, and so we see Hinduism wedded to Dravidianism,

and the spirit of compromise, the chief method of conversion adopted

by the Brahmans, carried to its utmost limit. At the great annual

festival, the idol of Alagarswami is carried, in the month of Chittra

(April-May), to the temple of Minatchi, and the banks of the river

Vaiga swarm with two to three lakhs [57] of worshippers, a large

proportion of whom are Kallans. At this festival, the Kallans have

the right of dragging with a rope the car of Alagarswami, though

other people may join in later on. As Alagarswami is a vegetarian,

no blood sacrifice is offered to him. This is probably due to the

influence of Brahmanism, for, in their ordinary ceremonies, the

Kallans invariably slaughter sheep as sacrifices to propitiate their

deities. True to their bold and thievish instincts, the Kallans do

not hesitate to steal a god, if they think he will be of use to them

in their predatory excursions, [58] and are not afraid to dig up

the coins or jewels that are generally buried under an idol. Though

they entertain little dread of their own village gods, they are often

afraid of others that they meet far from home, or in the jungles when

they are engaged in one of their stealing expeditions. As regards

their own village gods, there is a sort of understanding that, if

they help them in their thefts, they are to have a fair share of the

spoil, and, on the principle of honesty among thieves, the bargain

is always kept. At the annual festival for the village deities,

each family sacrifices a sheep, and the head of the victim is given

to the pujari (priest), while the body is taken home by the donor,

and partaken of as a communion feast. Two at least of the elements of

totem worship appear here: there is the shedding of the sacrificial

blood of an innocent victim to appease the wrath of the totem god, and

the common feasting together which follows it. The Brahmans sometimes

join in these sacrifices, but of course take no part of the victim,

the whole being the perquisite of the pujari, and there is no common

participation in the meal. When strange deities are met with by the

Kallans on their thieving expeditions, it is usual to make a vow that,

if the adventure turns out well, part of the spoil shall next day

be left at the shrine of the god, or be handed over to the pujari of

that particular deity. They are afraid that, if this precaution be not

taken, the god may make them blind, or cause them to be discovered,

or may go so far as to knock them down, and leave them to bleed to

death. If they have seen the deity, or been particularly frightened or

otherwise specially affected by these unknown gods, instead of leaving

a part of the body, they adopt a more thorough method of satisfying

the same. After a few days they return at midnight to make a special

sacrifice, which of course is conducted by the particular pujari, whose

god is to be appeased. They bring a sheep with rice, curry-stuffs and

liquors, and, after the sacrifice, give a considerable share of these

dainties, together with the animal's head, to the pujari, as well as

a sum of money for making the puja (worship) for them. Some of the

ceremonies are worth recording. First the idol is washed in water,

and a sandal spot is put on the forehead in the case of male deities,

and a kunkuma spot in the case of females. Garlands are placed round

the neck, and the bell is rung, while lamps are lighted all about. Then

the deity's name is repeatedly invoked, accompanied by beating on

the udukku. This is a small drum which tapers to a narrow waist in

the middle, and is held in the left hand of the pujari with one end

close to his left ear, while he taps on it with the fingers of his

right hand. Not only is this primitive music pleasing to the ears of

his barbarous audience, but, what is more important, it conveys the

oracular communications of the god himself. By means of the end of

the drum placed close to his ear, the pujari is enabled to hear what

the god has to say of the predatory excursion which has taken place,

and the pujari (who, like a clever gypsy, has taken care previously to

get as much information of what has happened as possible) retails all

that has occurred during the exploit to his wondering devotees. In

case his information is incomplete, he is easily able to find out,

by a few leading questions and a little cross-examination of these

ignorant people, all that he needs to impress them with the idea that

the god knows all about their transactions, having been present at

their plundering bout. At all such sacrifices, it is a common custom

to pour a little water over the sheep, to see if it will shake itself,

this being invariably a sign of the deity's acceptance of the animal

offered. In some sacrifices, if the sheep does not shake itself, it

is rejected, and another substituted for it; and, in some cases (be it

whispered, when the pujari thinks the sheep too thin and scraggy), he

pours over it only a little water, and so demands another animal. If,

however, the pujari, as the god's representative, is satisfied,

he goes on pouring more and more water till the half-drenched animal

has to shake itself, and so signs its own death-warrant. All who

have ventured forth in the night to take part in the sacrifice then

join together in the communal meal. An illustration of the value of

sacrifices may here be quoted, to show how little value may be attached

to an oath made in the presence of a god. Some pannaikarans (servants)

of a Kallan land-owner one day stole a sheep, for which they were

brought up before the village munsif. When they denied the theft, the

munsif took them to their village god, Karuppan (the black brother),

and made them swear in its presence. They perjured themselves again,

and were let off. Their master quietly questioned them afterwards,

asking them how they dared swear so falsely before their own god, and

to this they replied 'While we were swearing, we were mentally offering

a sacrifice to him of a sheep' (which they subsequently carried out),

to pacify him for the double crime of stealing and perjury."

As a typical example of devil worship, the practice of the Valaiyans

and Kallans of Orattanadu in the Tanjore district is described

by Mr. F. R. Hemingway. [59] "Valaiyan houses have generally an

odiyan (Odina Wodier) tree in the backyard, wherein the devils are

believed to live, and among Kallans every street has a tree for their

accommodation. They are propitiated at least once a year, the more

virulent under the tree itself, and the rest in the house, generally

on a Friday or Monday. Kallans attach importance to Friday in Adi

(July and August), the cattle Pongal day in Tai (January and February),

and Kartigai day in the month Kartigai (November and December). A man,

with his mouth covered with a cloth to indicate silence and purity,

cooks rice in the backyard, and pours it out in front of the tree,

mixed with milk and jaggery (crude sugar). Cocoanuts and toddy are

also placed there. These are offered to the devils, represented in

the form of bricks or mud images placed at the foot of the tree,

and camphor is set alight. A sheep is then brought and slaughtered,

and the devils are supposed to spring one after another from the

tree into one of the bystanders. This man then becomes filled with

the divine afflatus, works himself up into a kind of frenzy, becomes

the mouthpiece of the spirits, pronounces their satisfaction or the

reverse at the offerings, and gives utterance to cryptic phrases,

which are held to foretell good or evil fortune to those in answer

to whom they are made. When all the devils in turn have spoken and

vanished, the man recovers his senses. The devils are worshipped in

the same way in the houses, except that no blood is shed. All alike

are propitiated by animal sacrifices."

The Kallans are stated by Mr. Hemingway to be very fond of

bull-baiting. This is of two kinds. The first resembles the game

played by other castes, except that the Kallans train their animals

for the sport, and have regular meetings, at which all the villagers

congregate. These begin at Pongal, and go on till the end of May. The

sport is called tolu madu (byre bull). The best animals for it are the

Pulikkolam bulls from the Madura district. The other game is called

pachal madu (leaping bull). In this, the animals are tethered to a

long rope, and the object of the competition is to throw the animal,

and keep it down. A bull which is good at the game, and difficult to

throw, fetches a very high price.

It is noted in the Gazetteer of the Tanjore district, that "the

Kallans have village caste panchayats (councils) of the usual kind,

but in some places they are discontinuing these in imitation of the

Vellalans. According to the account given at Orattanadu, the members

of Ambalakaran families sit by hereditary right as Karyastans or

advisers to the headman in each village. One of these households

is considered superior to the others, and one of its members is

the headman (Ambalakaran) proper. The headmen of the panchayats of

villages which adjoin meet to form a further panchayat to decide

on matters common to them generally. In Kallan villages, the Kallan

headman often decides disputes between members of other lower castes,

and inflicts fines on the party at fault."

In the Gazetteer, of the Madura district, it is recorded that

"the organization of the Kilnad Kallans differs from that of their

brethren beyond the hills. Among the former, an hereditary headman,

called the Ambalakaran, rules in almost every village. He receives

small fees at domestic ceremonies, is entitled to the first betel

and nut, and settles caste disputes. Fines inflicted are credited

to the caste fund. The western Kallans are under a more monarchial

rule, an hereditary headman called Tirumala Pinnai Tevan deciding

most caste matters. He is said to get this hereditary name from the

fact that his ancestor was appointed (with three co-adjutors) by

King Tirumala Nayakkan, and given many insignia of office including

a state palanquin. If any one declines to abide by his decision,

excommunication is pronounced by the ceremony of 'placing the thorn,'

which consists in laying a thorny branch across the threshold of the

recalcitrant party's house, to signify that, for his contumacy, his

property will go to ruin and be overrun with jungle. The removal of

the thorn, and the restitution of the sinner to Kallan society can

only be procured by abject apologies to Pinnai Tevan."

The usual title of the Kallans is Ambalakaran (president of an

assembly), but some, like the Maravans and Agamudaiyans, style

themselves Tevan (god) or Servaikkaran (commander). [60]

Kallankanadoru (stone).--A sub-division of Komati, said to be descended

from those who sat on the stone (kallu) mantapa outside the Penukonda

Kanyakamma temple, when the question whether to enter the fire-pits

or not was being discussed by the caste elders.

Kallan Muppan.--In the Madras Census Report, 1901, Kallan Muppan

is returned as "a sub-caste of the Malabar Kammalans, the members of

which are stone-workers." A correspondent writes to me that, "while the

Kammalans are a polluting and polyandrous class, the Kallan Muppans

are allowed to enter the outside enclosure of temples. They do not

remarry their widows, and are strictly monogamous. Their purohits are

Tamil barbers, who officiate at their marriages. The barber shaves

the bridegroom before the wedding ceremony. The purohit has also to

blow the conch-shell all the way from the bridegroom's house to that

of the bride."

The names Kallan and Kalkotti are also those by which the Malabar

stone-masons are known.

Kallangi.--Kallangi and Kallaveli (Kallan's fence) are fanciful names,

returned by Pallis at times of census.