We observe that General Howe, in his letter to the administration,

printed in the London Gazette of December 30th, apologizes for not

having written to them since his taking possession of New York, nearly

three months. Here is the proper field to speculate on silence,

because this business is conquest, ours defence and repulse; and

because, likewise, he has the sea more open to him than we have, had

he any thing to send that would please. Therefore, silence on his part

is always to be considered as a species of good news on ours.

The Congress highly approve your dividing yourselves to foreign

Courts, and have sent commissions for that purpose, and likewise,

commissions for fitting out privateers in France.

The Mercury, from Nantes, is safely arrived in New Hampshire. The

Amphitrite and Seine, we are yet in hopes of. We shall notice the

conduct of Nicholas Davis. We have presented Marshal Maillebois'

sentiments on the mode of war, to Congress, who are greatly pleased

therewith, and entertain a high respect for the author.

Our last account gave you a state of news down to March, since which

nothing material has happened. The enemy, wearied and disappointed in

their last winter's campaign, still continue in a state of inactivity

at New York and Brunswick. The Congress is returned to Philadelphia.

General Washington remains at Morristown, and occupies the same posts

as when the last despatches were sent you. The principal object now

is, the recruiting service, which has been greatly promoted by some

late resolves of Congress. Our troops have been under inocculation for

the smallpox with good success, which, we hope, will be a means of

preserving them from fevers in summer, however it will frustrate one

cannibal scheme of our enemies, who have constantly fought us with

that disease by introducing it among our troops.

When we look back to the beginning of last December, and see our army

reduced to between two and three thousand men, occasioned by the

expiration of the time for which they were enlisted, we feel

exceedingly happy in contemplating the agreeable condition and

prospect our affairs are now in. We have, since that period, reduced

the enemy more than our whole army, at that time, amounted to, and

scarce a day passes, in which they do not suffer either by skirmishes

or desertions.

The Congress have it in contemplation to remove the garrison from the

present fort, in the District of Ticonderoga, to fort Independence, in

the same District, which they judge will command that pass with

greater advantage, and is a much healthier situation. We mention this,

as the enemy will probably give an air of triumph to the evacuation,

should it be done. The distance between the two is about a quarter of

a mile.

As General Howe is preparing a bridge of boats, we think it possible

that he might, by a sudden and forced march, reach this city; but we

are clearly of opinion, that he would be ruined by the event; and

though we are not under much apprehension of such a movement, yet we

think it proper to give you the case, with our opinion thereon.

We are, gentlemen, your obedient humble servants,

BENJAMIN HARRISON,

ROBERT MORRIS,

THOMAS HAYWARD,

JAMES LOVELL.

* * * * *

FROM THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS TO THE COMMISSIONERS.

Philadelphia, 9th May, 1777.

Gentlemen,

This letter is intended to be delivered to you by John Paul Jones, an

active and brave commander in our navy, who has already performed

signal services in vessels of little force, and, in reward for his

zeal, we have directed him to go on board the Amphitrite, a French

ship of twenty guns, that brought in a valuable cargo of stores from

Messrs Hortalez & Co. and with her to repair to France. He takes with

him his commission, some officers and men, so that we hope he will,

under that sanction, make some good prizes with the Amphitrite; but

our design of sending him is, (with the approbation of Congress) that

you may purchase one of those fine frigates, that Mr Deane writes us

you can get, and invest him with the command thereof as soon as

possible. We hope you may not delay this business one moment, but

purchase in such port or place in Europe, as it can be done with most

convenience and despatch, a fine, fast sailing frigate, or larger

ship. Direct Captain Jones where he must repair to, and he will take

with him his officers and men towards manning her. You will assign

him some good house, or agent, to supply him with every thing

necessary to get the ship speedily and well equipped and manned,

somebody that will bestir himself vigorously in the business, and

never quit until it is accomplished.

If you have any plan or service to be performed in Europe by such a

ship, that you think will be more for the interest and honor of these

States, than sending her out directly, Captain Jones is instructed to

obey your orders, and, to save repetition, let him lay before you the

instructions we have given him, and furnish you with a copy thereof;

you can then judge what will be necessary for you to direct him in;

and whatsoever you do will be approved, as it will undoubtedly tend to

promote the public service of this country.

You see by this step how much dependence Congress places in your

advices, and you must make it a point not to disappoint Captain

Jones's wishes, and our expectations on this occasion.

We are, gentlemen, your obedient humble servants,

ROBERT MORRIS,

RICHARD HENRY LEE,

WILLIAM WHIPPLE,

PHILIP LIVINGSTON.

* * * * *

TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.

Paris, 25th May, 1777.

Gentlemen,

Agreeable to what we mentioned in ours of March 14th and April

9th,[35] (a third copy of which we send herewith) Mr Lee tarried here

some time after his return from Spain. No news arriving, (though we

received letters from you,) of any commissioner being actually

appointed for Prussia, and the necessity of a good understanding with

that Court, in order to obtain speedily a port in the northern seas,

appearing more and more, every day, on various occasions, he concluded

with our approbation to set out for Berlin, which he did about a week

since, and we have reason to hope good effects from that journey.

The points principally in view are (besides the acknowledgment of

American Independency) an open port for German commerce, and the

permission of fitting out armed vessels, to annoy the enemy's northern

trade, and of bringing in and selling our prizes. If these points can

be obtained, we are assured we might soon have a formidable squadron

there, and accumulate seamen to a great amount. The want of such a

free port appears, in the late instance of Captain Cunningham's arrest

at Dunkirk, with the prizes he brought in. For though the fitting out

may be covered and concealed, by various pretences, so as at least to

be winked at by government here, because those pretences afford a good

excuse for not preventing it; yet the bringing in of prizes by a

vessel so fitted out, is so notorious an act, and so contrary to

treaties, that if suffered, must occasion an immediate war. Cunningham

will, however, through favor, be discharged with his vessel, as we are

given to understand, but we must put up with the loss of the prizes,

which being reclaimed will be restored.[36] This is an occasion of

triumph to our enemies, which we must suffer them to enjoy for the

present, assured as we are by the most substantial proofs of the

friendship of this Court and of Spain, which we are persuaded will

soon manifest itself to the whole world. The latter has already

remitted to us a large sum of money, as you will see by Mr Lee's

letters,[37] and continues to send cargoes of supplies, of which you

have, herewith, sundry accounts. Many of these transactions are by

some means or other known in England, which dares not resent them at

present, but the opinion of an approaching war gains ground every day.

We are preparing the accoutrements you ordered for the horse, but they

will take time. Had there been such in the magazines here, we might

have possibly borrowed on condition of replacing them. Pistols, (four

hundred and fifty pair) are already sent; the whole number will be

forwarded as fast as they can be got ready. Colonel Forrester, an

experienced officer of horse, has given us a specimen of complete

accoutrements, which have been found best; the saddle is of a singular

contrivance, very cheap, and easily made or repaired; and the buff

belts so broad, that crossing on the breasts, they are good armor

against the point of a sword, or a pistol bullet. We propose to have

as many sets made with these saddles, as will mount a squadron, but

shall omit saddles for the rest, as they will take up too much room in

the vessels, and can soon be made with you. Colonel Forrester is

highly recommended to us, and we believe will go over. Clothing for

ten thousand men is now in hand, making for us by contract, and other

proposed contracts are under consideration for the rest of the eighty

thousand men ordered. We hope to have them with you before next

winter, or that if all cannot be got, the cloth we have sent and are

sending, will make up the deficiency.

The large brass cannon are not to be had here; we have been treating

with a Swedish merchant about them, but find too many difficulties in

getting them from that country; so that finally, understanding you

have some founders with you, and that we can have others to go from

hence, we conclude to send two artists in that way, with the metal, to

cast the number wanted, omitting only the field pieces, of which we

suppose you have by this time a number sufficient. Some large iron

cannon are offered to us cheap, from Holland, of which we think to

send a quantity, for though too heavy for the army, they may be of use

for the navy, gallies, gondolas, &c.

We cannot omit repeating, as we think it a matter of the greatest

importance, towards supporting the credit of your paper money, that

you may rely on a punctual payment here of Congress bills, drawn on us

for the discharge of the interest of the sums borrowed, that is to

say, in the proportion of six Spanish dollars, or the value in French

money, for every hundred borrowed in your paper. But as the offer of

six per cent was made before you could know of this advantage to the

borrower, perhaps you may on the knowledge and experience of it, be

able to reduce the interest in future loans, to four per cent, and

find some means by taxes, to pay off the six per cents.

Our treaty of commerce is not yet proceeded on, the plan of this Court

appearing to be, not to have any transaction with us, that implies an

acknowledgment of American Independency, while their peace continues

with England. To make us more easy with this, they tell us, we enjoy

all the advantages already, which we propose to obtain by such a

treaty, and that we may depend on continuing to receive every

indulgence in our trade, that is allowed to the most favored nations.

Feeling ourselves assisted in other respects, cordially and

essentially, we are the more readily induced to let them take their

own time, and to avoid making ourselves troublesome by an unreasonable

importunity. The interest of France and Spain, however, in securing

our friendship and commerce, seems daily more and more generally

understood here, and we have no doubt of finally obtaining the

establishment of that commerce with all the formalities necessary.

We submit it to your consideration, whether it might not be well to

employ some of your frigates in bringing your produce hither, ordering

them after refreshing and refitting, to make a cruise in the northern

seas, upon the Baltic and Hamburg trade, send their prizes home, north

about, then return to France, and take in a loading of stores for

America.

The Marquis de la Fayette, a young nobleman of great family connexions

here, and great wealth, is gone to America in a ship of his own,

accompanied by some officers of distinction, in order to serve in our

armies. He is exceedingly beloved, and every body's good wishes attend

him; we cannot but hope he may meet with such a reception as will

make the country and his expedition agreeable to him. Those who

censure it as imprudent in him do nevertheless applaud his spirit, and

we are satisfied, that the civilities and respect, that may be shown

him, will be serviceable to our affairs here, as pleasing not only to

his powerful relations, and to the Court, but to the whole French

nation. He has left a beautiful young wife, and for her sake

particularly, we hope that his bravery and ardent desire to

distinguish himself, will be a little restrained by the General's

prudence, so as not to permit his being hazarded much, but on some

important occasion.

We are very respectfully, &c.

B. FRANKLIN,

SILAS DEANE.

_P. S._ We enclose a copy of Messrs Gardoqui's last letter.[38] We

have received Mr Morris's of March 7th, 25th, and 28th, and are much

obliged by the intelligence contained. We send a quantity of papers.

FOOTNOTES:

[35] Missing.

[36] Cunningham was the commander of an American privateer, with which

he went into Dunkirk. He there took his arms out of his ship, and said

he should load it with merchandise for one of the ports in Norway. As

this declaration was suspected, security was demanded. Two persons,

Hodge & Allen, became responsible for him. Cunningham actually left

the port of Dunkirk, without arms, but he caused sailors, cannon, and

munitions, to be sent out to him in the night, while he was in the

ship's road, off Dunkirk; and he shortly after took the English packet

boat, _Prince of Orange_. As soon as this manoeuvre of Cunningham's

came to the knowledge of the French government, they caused Hodge, one

of the securities, to be arrested and conducted to the Bastile. The

packet boat was restored to the British government, without the form

of a process. After six weeks' confinement, Hodge was released.

[37] See Mr Arthur Lee's letter of May 13th, 1777.

[38] Missing.

* * * * *

TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.

Paris, 26th May, 1777.

Gentlemen,

The navy of the United States, increasing in the number of its ships

and force, it is of the utmost importance to direct the cruises of the

ships of war, which belong either to the States or individuals, so as

to annoy and alarm the enemy the most effectually, and at the same

time, to encourage our brave officers and seamen, by the value of

prizes. The West-India trade was so intercepted last season, that,

besides endangering the credit of every West India house in England,

and absolutely ruining many, it greatly helped towards sinking the

revenues of Great Britain, which it was confidently asserted the other

day in the House of Commons, and was not contradicted by the minister,

had sunk the last year nearly one million below the usual incomes.

This trade cannot be attacked the coming season to equal advantage, as

it will not be by any degree so large, and will be armed and under

convoy. But as the commerce of Great Britain is very extensive, good

policy dictates, that we attack it in more than one sea, and on

different coasts. The navy of Great Britain is not sufficiently

numerous, to infest the whole coast of North America, and at the same

time guard their own, much less protect and convoy their trade in

different seas.

We have not the least doubt, but that two or three of the continental

frigates, sent into the German ocean, with some less swift sailing

cruisers, might intercept and seize great part of the Baltic and

Northern trade, could they be in those seas by the middle of August at

farthest, and the prizes will consist of articles of the utmost

consequence to the States. One frigate would be sufficient to destroy

the whole of the Greenland whale fishery, or take the Hudson Bay ships

returning. In a word, they are unsuspicious and unguarded on that

quarter, and the alarm, such an expedition would give, would raise the

insurance in England at least twenty per cent; since Captain

Cunningham's adventure occasioned ten per cent to be given on the

packet boats, from Dover to Calais. Captain Cunningham being put in

prison, and the prizes restored, they are again lulled into security;

the whole western coast of England and Scotland, and indeed almost

the whole of Ireland, is at this moment unguarded either by ships of

war, or troops, except a few sloops or cutters, to watch smugglers.

We submit to the Congress the following plan; to send three frigates,

loaded with tobacco, for Nantes or Bourdeaux, and that they be manned

and commanded in the best possible manner. That on their arrival in

either of the above rivers, they make but little appearance of

strength, and endeavor to pass for common cruisers; while they are

refitting, which should be in different ports, near each other,

intelligence might be had of the position of the British fleet, and

the circumstances of the different towns on the sea coast, and of the

merchant ships in them; in consequence of which a blow might be struck

that would alarm and shake Great Britain, and its credit, to the

centre. The thought may appear bold and extravagant, yet we have seen

as extraordinary events within these two years past, as that of

carrying the war to our enemy's doors. As it appears extravagant, it

will be in consequence unexpected by them, and the more easily

executed. The burning or plundering of Liverpool, or Glasgow, would do

us more essential service than a million of treasure, and much blood

spent on the continent. It would raise our reputation to the highest

pitch, and lessen in the same degree that of our enemy's. We are

confident it is practicable, and with very little danger, but times

may alter with the arrival of the frigates, yet in that case their

cruise on this coast bids fairer to be profitable than any other, and

they may at least carry back in safety many of the stores wanted,

which is a most capital object, should the other be laid aside.

Every day's experience confirms to us, what is pointed out indeed by

nature itself, the necessity of rendering America independent, in

every sense of the word. The present glorious, though trying contest,

will do more to render this independence fixed and certain, if

circumstances are seasonably improved, than would otherwise have been

effected in an age. The manufacturing of any one necessary article

among ourselves, is like breaking one link of the chains, which have

heretofore bound the two worlds together, and which our artful enemies

had, under the mask of friendship, been long winding round and round

us, and binding fast. Thus, as founderies for cannon, iron as well as

brass, are erecting, if they are at once erected large enough to cast

of any size, we may in future be easy on that important article, and

independent on the caprice, or interest, of our pretended friends for

a supply; and to forward this we shall take the liberty of sending

over some of the most skilful founders we can meet with.

The jealousy which reigns among the maritime powers of Europe, with

their narrow, weak, and contemptible system of politics, prevents our

being able to procure ships of war; to remedy which, you have with you

timber, iron, and workmen, and we must send you over sailcloth and

cordage, as fast as we can. The importance of having a considerable

naval force, is too obvious, to need our saying more than, that we

conceive no apparent difficulty or obstruction ought to deter us from

pushing it forward to the utmost of our power. We have sent you by a

former conveyance a plan of a frigate on a new construction, and now

send you the duplicate, which we submit to the judgment of those

better skilled than we pretend to be in naval affairs, but imagine

that on our coast, and perhaps anywhere, ships constructed in some

such manner may be as formidable as those of seventyfour guns, and it

is certain they will cost us less. The vessel building in Amsterdam

is on this plan, which we hope will be in readiness for service this

fall or autumn.

We are, with the utmost respect, &c.

B. FRANKLIN,

S. DEANE.

* * * * *

FROM THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS TO THE COMMISSIONERS.

Philadelphia, May 30th, 1777.

Gentlemen,

We have delayed sending this packet, from a daily expectation of

hearing from you, as some letters from France make mention of a quick

sailing vessel, by which we were to receive despatches. Though it must

be agreeable to you to hear frequently from us, yet as our letters by

being taken might be of worse consequence than being delayed, we are

desirous of waiting for the safest opportunity, and when you hear not

so often as you wish, remember our silence means our safety.

Acquainted as we are, with the situation and condition of the enemy,

we well know, that the pompous paragraphs in the London papers are not

the news, which the Ministry _hear from_ their army; but the news they

make for them.

The Amphitrite has arrived in Portsmouth, New Hampshire; and the Seine

at Martinique, but she is made a prize of, in her passage from thence.

We request you to expedite the loan of two millions, (which we have

already sent you a commission for, and now send you a duplicate of the

same) for though we conceive the credit of America to be as well

founded at least as any in the world, having neither debt nor taxes

when she began the war, yet she is like a man who, with a large

capital all in property, is unable to make any new purchases, till he

can either convert some of it into specie, or borrow in the mean time.

Britain is now fighting us, and the greatest part of Europe

negatively, by endeavoring to stop that trade from us to France,

Spain, &c. which she has most effectually lost to herself, and we wish

those Courts saw their interest in the same clear point of view in

which it appears to us. We have little or no doubt of being able to

reduce the enemy by land, and we likewise believe that the united

powers of France, Spain, and America would be able to expel the

British fleet from the western seas, by which the communication for

trade would be opened, the number of interests reduced which have

hitherto distracted the West Indies, and consequently the peace of all

this side of the globe put on a better foundation than it has hitherto

been; a mutual advantage, as we conceive, to France, Spain, and these

States.

That Britain was formidable last war, in the West Indies, is true, but

when it is considered that her power there arose from her possessions

here, or that she was formidable chiefly through us, it is impossible

to suppose that she can again arrive at the same pitch of power. Here

she was assisted by numberless privateers. Here she supplied and

partly manned her fleet; recruited, and almost raised her army, for

that service; in short, America in the last war represented Britain

removed to this side of the Atlantic. The scene is changed, and

America now is that to France and Spain in point of advantages, which

she was the last war to Britain. Therefore, putting the convenience,

which we might receive, out of the question, by their making an attack

on the West Indies, we are somewhat surprised, that such politic

Courts as France and Spain, should hesitate on a measure so alluring

and practicable. We do not mention these remarks, because we suppose

they do not occur to you, but to let you know our thoughts on the

matter, and to give you every advantage, by conveying our minds to

you, as well as our instructions and informations.

This packet takes complete sets of our public paper, filed in order,

for seventeen weeks past.

B. HARRISON,

R. MORRIS,

T. HAYWARD,

JAMES LOVELL.

* * * * *

TO JOHN JAY.

Dunkirk,[39] 2d June, 1777.

Dear Sir,

We refer the committee to ours to you of the 26th ult. of which we

sent duplicates, should either arrive, but apprehensive of the

contrary, we send you the substance in this. The British commerce in

Europe, especially in the north, is unguarded, the Greenland whale

fishery and the Hudson Bay ships in particular. Could two or three of

our frigates, accompanied by less swift sailing cruisers, get into

those seas in the months of August, or September, a valuable part of

the commerce of our enemies might be interrupted.

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