First, that a certain net annual revenue of two millions and a half of

dollars is sufficient for sinking the loan proposed of 25,000,000 in

sixteen years, and to leave a surplus of $673,103 after discharging

both principal and interest. In the second place, that by this plan

the public will save the sum of $9,673,103 more than if the same sum

is borrowed in the usual way of simple interest; or in other words,

the money on this plan will be borrowed at 3-1/2 per cent interest

nearest, a sum well deserving the attention of the public at this, and

at every other time, and it is for that purpose the foregoing plan and

calculations are submitted.

The only difficulties, that can possibly occur in the carrying this

plan and every part of it into execution, are in the establishing such

a fund, as will be certain for raising the two millions and a half of

dollars annually, and in the next place in procuring the loan. The

first may be obviated with greater ease and certainty than the second.

It cannot in justice be concealed, that the loan cannot be obtained

with the same ease now as it might have been six or seven months past,

nor that the longer it is delayed, the greater the difficulty will be.

It is however attainable if applied for in season, and in a proper

manner. It is but too probable, that if delayed many months longer, it

will not be obtained on any terms whatever. The war now kindling in

Europe will probably in the course of another year become general, the

consequence of which will be, that the emperor of Germany, the empress

of Russia, and some other powers, the two former in particular, who

have improved the late peace to regulate their finances, and to reduce

and pay off their foreign debts, will on this change of affairs become

borrowers afresh; in a word, there will be in Europe seven or eight,

or more powers under the necessity of borrowing, and not more than two

or three at the most in a situation to lend, and when so many demands

are made for money, it will be very difficult to have ours preferred.

To obtain it, therefore, requires immediate application, interest, and

address; which thoughts, with the above plan, are respectfully

submitted to the wisdom of Congress.

SILAS DEANE.

* * * * *

PROPOSALS _for equipping such a fleet, as will be sufficient to defend

the coasts and commerce of the United States against any force, which

Great Britain will be able to send to America_.

It is necessary to premise, that the obtaining a loan, and setting on

foot a naval force, are so connected with, and dependent on each

other, and so many important consequences depend on both, that I have

preferred placing one directly after the other, that my ideas on these

great subjects may be perceived at one view, rather than the placing

them in any manner separate or disjointed from each other. Without a

naval force sufficient to protect in some degree our commerce as it

revives, it will be very difficult, if not impossible, to pay either

the principal or interest of the money we may borrow, and without some

probably certain prospect of doing this, it would hardly be honest to

borrow at all. I have only to add, that the following calculations are

not founded on light and uncertain estimates, but on the most certain

knowledge of the quantity of each of those articles necessary for the

purpose. The prices are fixed at what they were last season in Sweden,

and in the north of Europe; what I have ventured to say respecting

ships of a new construction carrying fortytwo to fortyeight cannon,

being equal to sixtyfour and even seventyfour line of battle ships, I

am convinced of the truth of, not merely from my own observation and

reasoning on the subject, but from the opportunities I have had of

conversing with some of the most able and experienced constructors and

commanders of ships in Europe, as well as in America. France, as well

as England, has already several ships of such a plan on the stocks,

which is a full proof in what light they view this plan of building;

but fortunately for these States, their old prejudices, as well as

the opposition of commanders of large ships, and a great number of

men, to the changing them for ships of a less rate and fewer men, as

well as of less pomp and appearance, will in a great measure prevent

either of those nations from much immediate success in this plan for

an improvement or reform.

1st. A fleet consisting of twenty such ships as mentioned above,

joined by twenty frigates from twentyfour to thirtysix guns, will be

sufficient to guard this coast against any naval force, which Great

Britain, or any other maritime power can spare, to send against us. An

American fleet, opposing a foreign one on this coast, will always have

many very decisive circumstances in their favor, which are obvious at

first view, particularly that of clean ships and healthy men against

foul ships and sickly men, or fatigued by a long voyage, and that of

being able with ships of the proposed construction to enter harbors in

case of storm or other accident, which larger ships cannot.

2dly. The twenty large ships, and ten or a less number of the frigates

may be put on the stocks and built in America, and though the present

price of labor is dear, yet were the undertakers to be paid in

sterling bills, or in specie, the hulls or bodies of the ships may

perhaps be had nearly at the same price as before the war; but suppose

they cost more, yet if every other article be procured from Europe at

the first cost and common charges, the ships complete will not amount

to much more than such ships usually cost before the war in America,

probably not so much.

3dly. Suppose also that eight of the frigates be built in America, and

twelve purchased in Europe, to transport the materials from thence for

the rest. In the first place, let a calculation be made what all these

materials, allowing a large proportion, will amount to, and also for

the purchase of the twelve frigates, or ships for frigates, which are

to transport those materials over to America.

CALCULATION.

Livres.

160,000 aulms of sailcloth, 240,000

500,000 cwt of anchors, 125,000

3,200,000 cwt of cordage, 1,280,000

6,000,000 cwt of cannon, 960,000

10,000 fuzees, fit for marine service, 200,000

200 tons of powder, 400,000

N. B. As iron is scarce and dear in America,

especially in the east and northward states, I

suppose 300 tons of iron, 160,000

12 ships fit for sea, capable of being armed as

frigates of 24 to 36 guns, will unarmed cost

250,000 livres each, nearly 3,000,000

I suppose for shells, shot, cutlasses, spears,

hand-grenadoes, and a variety of small articles, too

many to be enumerated in such a general calculation,

the sum of 1,000,000

---------

Total amount, 7,365,000

Equal to one million six hundred and seventytwo thousand dollars,[18]

for which sum twelve of the ships will be purchased, and all the

capital materials for the others. One million of livres, or two

hundred thousand dollars, is a large allowance for the small articles,

and I know, from offers made me from Sweden, that the ships and other

articles referred to, may be purchased there at the above rates, if

they have not risen since the month of March last.

4thly. Of the proposed loan by the plan preceding, there will remain,

after sinking the fiftythree millions and the payment of the present

debts, the sum of one million and a half sterling, or 6,666,666-2/3

dollars, out of which deduct the above sum of 1,672,000, and there

remains the sum of 4,994,666-2/3 dollars, or twentyfive millions of

livres nearest, for other purposes; a sum sufficient for many great

purposes. The commissioners, to the time of my leaving France, had not

in the whole ever received four millions of livres, to enable them to

procure all the supplies, which they engaged and sent over.

5thly. These stores, and ships to transport them, may be procured on

the best terms in Sweden. Swedish ships are not so durable as those

built in England, or of cedar and live oak, but I am well assured they

greatly exceed those built of the common American oak. Sweden is ever

so under the influence of France, that there is no doubt but with

proper management these ships and stores may be obtained, and a convoy

for them, which, by sailing in June next and coming north about, might

arrive at Boston in season, and with very little or no risk; but the

fear of being too tedious prevents my being more particular.

6thly. If it be agreeable to make the purchase of the materials

enumerated, but not of the ships, as ships may be had to freight them

over, it will amount to much the same.

7thly. I will only add, that in time of peace should any of these

ships proposed, be to be disposed of out of the continental, they will

not be too large for many branches of the merchant service. If these

proposals should appear just and practicable, many less matters

connected with them will require consideration, and as in the first,

so in this plan, every thing depends on immediate despatch.

It has been objected, that such a number of ships could not be manned,

but if it is considered that there are now employed in privateering a

greater number of men, than are sufficient to man this proposed fleet,

it is easy to obviate this difficulty by offering such inducements, as

will infallibly lead both officers and men to prefer the public to any

private service whatever. The United States have not in view private

or partial, but public and extensive objects, the humbling our

enemies, the defence of our coasts, and the laying the foundation of a

great and flourishing marine. If the whole of the prize money be

divided among the seamen and officers, or suppose threefourths

actually shared, and the remainder appropriated for the building and

support of a hospital for sick, wounded, and disabled seamen, such a

resolution will be a generous one, and cannot fail of answering the

end. His Most Christian Majesty has generously done this for his

officers and seamen serving in his marine, by his ordinance of April

last.

Philadelphia, 13th November, 1778.

_P. S._ Apprehensive of being tedious when I wrote the above, I said

nothing on the methods for paying the interest for the first two or

three years, until a certain revenue can be established, for

considering the present depreciated state of our currency, and the

scarcity of specie, it cannot be instantly expected. I take therefore

the liberty of suggesting two methods, one of which will most

certainly answer the purpose. The first is to borrow of France or

Spain, the interest money for the first three years, by which, the

interest punctually paid, a credit will become established, and future

loans may be made if wanted, and our commerce will be so far restored,

that it will not be difficult to raise specie equal to the payment.

But should this method fail, there still remains a certain resource,

for even if the plan for equipping a navy be adopted, yet there will

still remain in bank, as will be seen by the calculation and estimate,

a sum sufficient for more than three years interest.

SILAS DEANE.

FOOTNOTES:

[18] There seems to be a mistake here, if the author's mode of

reckoning five livres to the dollar be adopted. The sum would then be

one million four hundred and seventy three thousand dollars.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Philadelphia, 19th November, 1778.

Sir,

I did myself the honor of writing to you on the 7th of October last,

and having since received a letter from Mr Williams, I send it

enclosed, to show Congress that the monies mentioned by Mr A. Lee, in

his letter of the 1st of June last, to have been received by that

gentleman, have, in the opinion of two of the commissioners, been well

laid out and faithfully accounted for. It gives me great pleasure to

find, that the clothes contracted for by Mons. Monthieu, Messrs

Holker, Sabbatier, and Desprez, and others, are on examination

approved of, and allowed to be the best of the kind, both as to the

quality of the cloth and fashion they are made in, of any that have

ever been imported; it is indeed a fortunate circumstance, that out of

near forty thousand suits so few have been intercepted. As Mr A. Lee,

in his letters, has insinuated that the contracts for these clothes

were made entirely by me, and has charged me with great extravagance

in them, I beg leave to inform Congress, that these suits complete,

and delivered on board, do not cost, on an average, thirtysix livres,

or thirtyone shillings and sixpence sterling the suit. I labored hard

to send over shoes, stockings, and shirts in proportion, and so far as

it was effected, the suit complete, with shoes, stockings and shirt,

does not amount in the whole to forty shillings sterling. These facts

being known, I am content to take on myself the merit or demerit of

furnishing these supplies.

I will make no comment on the dismission of a man of Mr Williams'

known abilities, integrity, and economy, and who did the business of

the public for two per cent, to make room for the deputies of Mr

William Lee, who shares five per cent with them, nor on the still more

unaccountable conduct of Mr A. Lee, in ordering bills accepted by

Messrs Franklin and Adams to be protested. It gives me pain to be

forced to lay these facts before Congress, but I cannot, consistent

with the duty I owe my country, nor with the justice due myself,

permit them, and others of the like nature, to remain longer concealed

from public view and examination.

My letter of the 7th ult. covered observations on Mr Lee's and Mr

Izard's letters to Congress, to which I am still without the honor of

any reply; nothing would give me greater satisfaction, than to learn

by what part of my public conduct I have merited the neglect, with

which my letters and most respectful solicitations for months past, to

be heard before Congress, have been treated. I confess that I once

flattered myself the services I performed in procuring supplies, and

sending them to the United States at the most critical period of their

affairs, and in assisting to bring forward and conclude the treaties,

together with the honorable testimonials from the Court of France,

whilst I had the honor of residing there, would have merited the

approbation of Congress. And I now leave it with every person of

sensibility and honor, to imagine what must be my disappointment and

chagrin, to find myself obliged at last to leave America without being

informed if exceptions have been taken to any part of my conduct, or

what they may be. Thus situated, though I can but feel most sensibly,

yet a consciousness of the integrity and zeal, which have ever guided

and animated my conduct, and a sense of the important services I have

been so fortunate as to render my country, with the confidence I have

that justice will yet be done me, support and will never permit me to

forget or desert myself or my country, whilst in my power to be

useful.

I took the liberty on the 12th instant, in writing to Congress, again

to remind them of my being without any answer to my request, and

having written already repeatedly, I will not trouble that honorable

body further on the subject of my being heard, agreeable to what by

their resolutions which recalled me, and since I hoped for, and had

reason to expect; but praying them to accept my sincere thanks for the

honor they did me, in appointing me their commercial and political

agent in Europe, and afterwards one of their commissioners to the

Court of France, by which I have had an opportunity of rendering my

country important services, I have only to repeat my former request,

that orders may be given to their minister at the Court of France to

have my accounts examined and settled, immediately on my return

thither, referring to my letter of the 7th, on that head, and

entreating for a speedy resolution on the subject.

I have the honor to remain,

With the most profound respect, &c.

SILAS DEANE.

_P. S._ Since writing the above, I am informed that letters have been

received from the honorable Mr Lee, and read in Congress, which

mention certain proceedings of Mr Hodge, and that a sum of money had

been paid Mr S. Wharton by my order, without the knowledge of the

commissioners, and which I left unexplained and unaccounted for. I

will only say here, that any insinuation of this kind is totally

groundless, and makes me feel most sensibly what I suffer by not being

permitted to be heard before Congress, which I still solicit for.

S. D.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Philadelphia, 30th November, 1778.

Sir,

I am still so unhappy, as to be without the honor of any reply to the

several letters I have written through you to Congress, praying that

honorable body to favor me with an audience, and that they would give

the necessary orders to their ministers or commissioners at the Court

of Versailles to examine, adjust, and settle my accounts immediately

on my return to France. I take the liberty now to add to what I have

already written, that the hopes of being favored with an audience have

already occasioned my losing several very agreeable and safe

opportunities of returning, until the season has become as pressing as

the business which calls me back, and obliges me most earnestly to

entreat the attention of Congress to my situation and requests.

I have the honor to remain, &c.

SILAS DEANE.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Friday, 4th December, 1778.

Sir,

I have now to acknowledge your favors of 10 o'clock last evening, and

to thank you for the attention paid to my last letter to you. Previous

to receiving the intimation you have given me, "that Congress had

resolved to take into consideration their foreign affairs, and that

such branches as I had been particularly concerned in, would in due

course become subjects of deliberation," I had prepared to leave this

city, and had made my arrangements accordingly, which it will not be

in my power to dispense with for any time. I take the liberty of

mentioning this, as I do not find in the intimation you have given me

of the resolution of Congress any time fixed for my attendance, and I

take the liberty of repeating what I have before had the honor of

writing to you, that my detention is extremely prejudicial to my

private affairs, and, so far as I am able to judge, in some degree so

to those of the public, which I have had the honor of being intrusted

with, some of which require my presence at the settlement of them, as

well on account of my own reputation, as for the interest of the

United States.[19]

I have the honor to be, with much respect, &c.

SILAS DEANE.

FOOTNOTES:

[19] On the 5th of December, Mr Deane published an article in the

Pennsylvania Gazette, reflecting on the conduct of some of the

commissioners in Europe. This publication gave much offence to Messrs

Arthur Lee and William Lee, and Mr Izard, as will be seen hereafter in

their letters to Congress.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Philadelphia, 21st December, 1778.

Sir,

In obedience to the orders of Congress of the 7th inst.[20] I have now

committed to writing as particular an account of my agency of their

affairs in Europe as my situation will permit, and wait the pleasure

of Congress to lay the same before them. And I have only to request,

that the letters written by the commissioners to Congress, or the

Committee of Foreign Affairs, during my agency or since, which refer

thereto, ordered to be read in Congress, may be laid on their table,

when I shall have the honor to be admitted. I request this, from my

not having the copies of those letters with me, to which the accounts

I am directed to give refer, but recollecting the substance of them, I

have judged it unnecessary to trouble Congress for copies of them at

present, as it might cause some delay, and I am anxious to complete as

soon as possible the information expected from me. I flatter myself

that an early day will be fixed, and if I may take the liberty to

mention one, I wish it may be tomorrow if consistent with the business

of Congress.

I have the honor to be, with the utmost respect, &c.

SILAS DEANE.

FOOTNOTES:

[20] "_Resolved_, That Silas Deane report to Congress in writing as

soon as may be, his agency of their affairs in Europe, together with

any intelligence respecting their foreign affairs which he may judge

proper.

"That Mr Deane be informed, that if he has anything to communicate to

Congress in the interim of immediate importance, he shall be heard

tomorrow evening at six o'clock.

"Mr Deane attending, was called in, and the foregoing resolutions were

read to him."

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Philadelphia, 30th December, 1778.

Sir,

When I had the honor of waiting on Congress last, I was informed that

I should be favored with an opportunity of finishing my narrative

without delay. I now take the liberty of applying to Congress, and to

inform them that I am ready, and wait their orders. I have received

letters, which I am desirous to communicate personally; they relate to

parts of my narrative. My solicitude for a final issue of my affairs

will, I trust, not appear unreasonable to Congress, when it is

considered that a certain Mr Thomas Paine, styling himself Secretary

for Foreign Affairs, and presuming to address the public in his

official character, has thrown out in a late paper many insinuations

injurious to my public character, and has avowed his intentions of

laying before the public a number of interesting facts, and materials,

relative to my conduct, as one of the commissioners of these United

States at the Court of France.

I rely on the justice of Congress, and have the honor to be, &c.

SILAS DEANE.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Philadelphia, 4th January, 1779.

Sir,

In my letter of the 30th ult. I took the liberty of mentioning to

Congress a circumstance, which made me very solicitous for a final

issue of my affairs, which was the illiberal and abusive attacks made

on my character, as the public agent and minister of these States, by

a certain Mr Thomas Paine, styling himself Secretary for Foreign

Affairs, and pretending to address the public in his official

capacity. This person has since, in Mr Dunlap's paper of the 2d inst.,

ventured to assure the public, that the supplies, which I contracted

for with Mons. Beaumarchais, were promised and engaged, and that as a

present, before I arrived in France, and that he has in his possession

full proof of this.

I cannot suppose that Mr Paine is possessed of any letters, or papers

on this subject, which are not before Congress, or to which the

honorable members are strangers. I will not trouble Congress with any

observations on the many groundless and extravagant assertions of this

writer, but justice to my own character obliges me to entreat, that,

if what he has asserted on this subject is a fact, I may be made

acquainted with it. Mons. Beaumarchais, in his letter to Congress of

the 23d of March last, asserts directly the contrary to what this man

has ventured to publish; and as my engagements with Mons. Beaumarchais

were made on a very different ground, it is of the last importance to

me to know if I have been deceived in the whole of this transaction,

and how, that I may be able to regulate my conduct accordingly.

I have the honor to be, with the utmost respect, &c.

SILAS DEANE.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Philadelphia, 21st January, 1779.

Sir,

When I had the honor of waiting on Congress, you were pleased to

inform me, that if Congress had any further commands for me I should

be notified thereof. Not having received any notice from you on the

subject, I take the liberty to inform you, that my affairs are become

so pressing and so peculiarly circumstanced, that it is impossible for

me to attend longer without doing greater prejudice to myself and

interest, than I am able to sustain. I must therefore request of you

to remind Congress of my situation, and that you will inform me of

their determination respecting me.

I have the honor to be, with sincere respect, &c.

SILAS DEANE.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Philadelphia, 22d February, 1779.

Sir,

The Diplomatic Correspondence of the American Revolution, Vol. 01 · 第 13 / 35 段