Vienna and Berlin, each of which places is at least a thousand miles
from the scenes of our commerce, without saying anything about his
former appointment, from which it was natural to suppose his former
appointment had been considered as superceded by the new. We had
received intelligence, that the information we had given of Mr
Morris's conduct, had been received and read in Congress, and that
Congress notwithstanding chose to continue him in this situation. We
thought it very extraordinary that we should be applied to, to
interfere where Congress, knowing the facts, had declined to
interfere, and still more so, that we should be requested to put (what
indeed was not in our power) the commercial agency into the hands of a
gentleman, who must execute it by deputies; himself at a distance too
great either to see or correct the abuses that might be practised. The
letter referred to by Mr Izard was a letter to this purpose, and I
remember well (for I avoided bearing any considerable part in the
conversation) Doctor Franklin's reply, which was to this purpose, that
Congress by disregarding the information we had given, and continuing
Mr Morris, had impliedly censured our conduct. That Mr Morris had
treated us ill personally for what we had done, and that Mr William
Lee ought to remember, that he had himself jointly with Mr Morris
complained of our interfering as he thought in that department; and
therefore he did not incline to subject himself to any further
censures, or as he expressed it "raps over the knuckles" for meddling
in the affair. We were indeed as much surprised as Mr Izard appears to
have been on the occasion, but our surprise arose from another cause;
it was to find Mr William Lee desirous of holding such a plurality of
appointments, in their own nature incompatible with each other, and
impossible to have been executed by the same person. But as one of the
places was supposed to be a lucrative one, the subject was too
delicate to be touched on by us.
Mr Izard says that Mr William Lee complained that parties had been
excited against him at Nantes, and that so far from having been
supported by the commissioners in the execution of his duty, these
gentlemen had as much as possible contributed to perplex him in the
discharge of it; that he had frequently written, &c. His letters have
been taken notice of already, and the reason mentioned why they were
not answered. The rest of this complaint is, as far as I know anything
about the matter, totally groundless; it must appear so to every one
acquainted with the following particulars. Mr William Lee never had a
commission to the commercial agency, though he is now executing it by
his agents. Mr Lee's caution was such, that he never even answered my
letters to him in February or March, informing him that Mr Robert
Morris had written to me, that he was appointed; nor did I learn
anything from him of his intentions, until he arrived at Paris the
summer following, where also he acted with the greatest caution, while
he waited the return of his brother from Berlin. Before and after his
being at Nantes, he went so far as even to desire Mr Williams and
others at Paris and at Nantes not to let it be known, that he had
anything to do in American affairs, as he said it would greatly
prejudice his interest in London; and so far was he from ever
executing, or publicly attempting to execute, that agency, until after
the news of General Burgoyne's defeat had arrived in France, that he
did nothing that ever I heard of, which could have prevented his
returning to the exercise of his Aldermanship in London.
Mr Izard is pleased to say, that "to let Mons. Gerard go away without
giving him the least intimation of it, was a very high insult to
Congress." It was not in our power to permit or prevent Mons. Gerard's
going away, and if we did not, circumstanced as we then were, think
ourselves authorised to communicate it to Mr Izard, I cannot conceive
this to be a high insult to Congress; certain it is, we meant no such
thing; we meant to serve, not insult that honorable body. "The
object," he says, "of these gentlemen is to have Mr Deane come back in
a public character, if not to France, perhaps to Holland, or some
other part of Europe, and therefore they are afraid of having reasons
given why this should not be the case." And he adds, "I am of opinion
that he is upon every account an improper person to be employed by
Congress." I have already appealed from this gentleman's opinions, so
I shall say nothing further about them; his reasons, if he offers any,
are to be judged of by Congress. I find, however, he had more
apprehensions than reasons in this part of his letter; his
apprehensions as well as opinions were in part at least groundless; he
was apprehensive lest my venerable colleague would solicit some
appointment for me; I do not learn that he has done it, I never
desired or expected that he would. Mr Izard, I presume, knew that I
had a very extensive correspondence with gentlemen of the mercantile
and monied interest and character in Europe, but particularly in
Holland, where I had long before been preparing the minds of such men
in favor of a loan. He knew that there was not merely a
correspondence, but a strict personal friendship subsisting between
certain gentlemen in Amsterdam and at the Hague and myself, and that I
had proposed to go there on the subject of the loan, as well as for
other purposes. I presume also he knew, that the French Ambassador in
Holland, the Duke de Vauguyson, who spent last winter in Paris,
honored me with his acquaintance, and with all the politeness as well
as zeal for the interest of the United States of North America, which
make part of that nobleman's character, urged me to go there, assuring
me of every personal service and civility, which should be in his
power. My recall prevented the execution of the plan, and Mr Izard
doubtless apprehended that I should solicit for the appointment. His
apprehension was groundless; the honorable Congress know that I have
not solicited for any appointment; my life and fortune, with what
abilities I am blessed with, have been from the first, and will ever
be devoted to the service of my country, who are most certainly the
best judges in what department they can be most useful; or if they can
be of any use at all, and to their judgment I most cheerfully submit.
I have the honor to be,
With the most respectful attachment, &c.
SILAS DEANE.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Philadelphia, 12th October, 1778.
Sir,
I beg leave to lay before Congress a few observations on the extracts
from Mr Arthur Lee's letter, dated Paris, June 1st, 1778, read in
Congress the 3d instant, which were ordered to be communicated to me.
Mr Lee begins by saying that, "M. Monthieu's papers were sent to show
you the demands that are made upon us, and the grounds of them; you
will see that they are accounts, which Mr Deane ought to have
settled."
Not having seen the accounts or papers said to have been sent, I can
only reply generally by informing Congress, that I contracted with M.
Monthieu (nearly at the time that I contracted with Mons. Beaumarchais
for the stores) to procure ships to transport them over to
America;[14] the rate, I was told in Paris and elsewhere, was as low
as could be then procured in France; it has risen since that time. The
ships were to have been despatched in a reasonable time to and from
America. Mons. Beaumarchais was my surety. The difficulty met with in
getting away the stores was such, that the last of the ships did not
sail from Marseilles until in September, 1777. The delay of near
twelve months of some of them in France, and an uncommon delay of all
of them, occasioned by repeated counter orders, and fresh obstacles
rising in the way of embarking those stores, as well as the unexpected
detention of those ships in America, as for instance, of the
Amphitrite, from April until the October following, with the capture
of them, were circumstances unforeseen and unexpected at the time of
making the contract, and entitled M. Monthieu to an equitable
consideration over and above the freight stipulated. Before the last
ship sailed, therefore, M. Monthieu insisted that some mode for a
settlement should be agreed upon; on which Dr Franklin and myself
agreed with him to submit the whole to Mons. Chaumont; the submission
was made and signed. M. Monthieu, on his return from Marseilles, (to
which place he went immediately to embark and send off the remainder
of the stores) urged M. Chaumont to undertake it. I did the same; he
declined, telling me that he found Mr Lee of so jealous and unquiet a
disposition, and so much disposed to abuse every one that he had any
concerns with, that he had well nigh resolved never to have any thing
more to do with the commissioners, while he was one of them; but as M.
Monthieu had other concerns with the commissioners, he thought it best
to settle the whole at once, and when the whole was ready for a
settlement, if Mr Lee would then desire him to undertake it, he would
do it as well to oblige us as M. Monthieu, for whom he had a regard.
This put off the settlement for the time.
Mr Lee proceeds to say, "It is this sort of neglect, and studied
confusion, that has prevented Mr Adams and myself, after a tedious
examination of the papers left with Dr Franklin, from getting any
satisfaction as to the expenditures of the public money. All we can
find is, that millions have been expended, and almost every thing
remains to be paid for."
I am not surprised at any thing of this kind from Mr Lee, nor that Mr
John Adams has not joined with him in this letter, though I dare say,
that gentleman knows his duty, and has done it, as well to the public
as to me. After premising that Mr Lee had in his hands the accounts of
all the monies received and paid out on the public account, I will lay
before Congress the facts, which he had before him when he wrote this
letter, after which Congress will be able to judge whether Mr Lee had
any grounds for his representing me as a public defaulter for
millions. It is certain, that Mr Lee knew that the total amount of
monies received by the commissioners to the time of my leaving Paris,
amounted to (livres) 3,753,250
And that the balance due Mr Grand, the
27th March, was 293,738 17
-------------
And that the whole expenditures to that
day consequently was (livres) 4,046,988 17
In the next place, it will appear, that by much the greater part of
this was actually expended and paid out by and with Mr Lee's consent
and orders at the time; the whole was well known to him, as he had,
from time to time, access to Mr Grand's books, and Mr Grand delivered
him copies thereof up to the 27th of March last, by which he had
before him an account of every payment that had been made, and I sent
him in writing an explanation of every payment that had been made in
his absence, or which had not been made by his written order.
The accounts of the particular articles in detail, not being here, I
am unable to explain every charge in Mr Grand's account. It is
sufficient that Mr Grand's account shows, that the nature of nearly
the whole of the expenditures was perfectly well known to Mr Lee, when
he wrote the above account of millions expended, and represented he
knew not how to show this. I have stated Mr Grand's account in a
shorter compass than what it was before, and have brought the
different payments for particular objects made to different people
into one view, as will be seen in the annexed state or explanation of
Mr Grand's account.
I have no design in answering this part of Mr Lee's letter to go
farther into the accounts than to show demonstratively, that nothing
can be more groundless and unjust, than for him to represent that
millions had been profusely expended, and as if he knew not in what
manner or to what purpose. The amount of expenditures, until the time
of my leaving Paris, was 4,046,988 17 livres, and it appears, as well
from the nature of the account, as from the knowledge Mr Lee had of
the transactions, that he knew generally of the payment of every
livre, and to whom it had been made, having the accounts and the
explanation of them in his hands, up to the very day I set out from
Paris. The particular application, indeed, of every part, could not be
known until the several accounts should be given in. Mr Lee himself
signed the orders for much the greater part of the monies to Mr
Williams, and the other principal payments, and was well informed of
the business which he (Mr Williams) was executing. By this stating of
the account it will appear, that the commissioners, for their private
expenses, from December, 1776, to 27th March, 1778, for the support
and relief of Americans, escaping from prison in England, for the
payment of Mons. Dumas, agent in Holland, the sending of expresses,
the purchase of a large quantity of shoes, which were sent to Nantes,
to be shipped for America, and for several less disbursements, had of
Mr Grand only the sum of 244,285 livres, equal to the sum of ten
thousand two hundred and sixty one pounds ten shillings sterling,
which is of itself a demonstration, that there was no misapplication
of the public monies, since Mr Lee has written, that he could not live
under three thousand pounds sterling per annum himself. Whether or not
extravagant prices were given for any of the articles purchased, will
be an after consideration.
Mr Arthur Lee says, "That almost every thing still remains to be paid
for."
I really know not what he means. Things once paid for are not to be
paid for a second time, and the payments stated above are proved, by
Mr Grand's accounts, to have been bona fide made. "Bargains," he says,
"of the most extravagant kind, have been made with this Mons. Monthieu
and others;" and then he proceeds to give an example. As to the
bargains I was concerned in with this man, and with every other
person, I totally deny the fact, and the example given is but a mere
pretence. I am so confident of the contrary, that I will most
cheerfully take every bargain made by me, or with my consent, in
Europe, the contract with the Farmers-General excepted, (which was
partly political at the time,) on myself, and will be bound to abide
the profit or loss, leaving them to be judged of by the ablest
merchants in Europe. Mr Lee informs us of one hundred thousand livres
given to Mr Hodge, and that the privateer or vessel he bought cost
about £3000, or 72000 livres, and adds, "for what purpose the surplus
was given to Mr Hodge, how the public came to pay for her refitting,
and at length the vessel, and her prize money, made over to Mr Ross
and Mr Hodge, without a farthing being brought to public account,
rests with Mr Deane or Mr Hodge to explain;" and in a few lines
further he says, "you will see my name is not to the contracts;" but
he forgets to add,--that he was at Berlin when they were made. What I
have already observed upon in Mr Lee's letter, and what I purpose to
notice, confirms me in the opinion, which Dr Franklin and some others
have for some time had of him, that, from a long indulgence of his
jealous and suspicious disposition and habits of mind, he is at last
arrived on the very borders of insanity, and that at times he even
passes the line; and it gives me pleasure, though it is but a
melancholy one, that I can attribute to the misfortunes of his head,
what I must otherwise place to a depravity of heart.
Mr Hodge went to Dunkirk, by order of the commissioners. They sent him
in consequence of orders from the Secret Committee; he purchased and
fitted out two vessels, a fact though forgotten by Mr Lee, known to
every one at the time. From what that brave and virtuous young
American did and suffered on the occasion, it was the common topic of
conversation every where; it raised insurance in England ten per cent
for a time. Mr Hodge, to appease the British Ambassador, was sent to
the Bastile, and Cunningham, making his cruise round England and
Ireland, put into Spain without prize money equal to the repairs he
wanted. Mr Hodge was released from his imprisonment, and one of the
first things he did, was to give Mr Lee the account of his whole
disbursements in writing. Mr Hodge had taken a small interest in the
adventure from the first, and proposed following Cunningham into Spain
by land, and making a cruise with him. He proposed that Mr Ross and he
should purchase the vessel; but as a price could not easily be agreed
upon, they proposed to take the vessel as she was, and do the best
with her against the common enemy, and to account to Congress
therefor. Mr Ross desired that such an agreement should be signed by
the commissioners for his security. I know not that it was ever done.
I have only to add on this subject, that all the monies received by Mr
Hodge amounted to 92,729 livres 18 3, in the whole, and that Mr Hodge
rendered us other services besides equipping these two vessels.
Speaking of the contracts, he says, "they were in fact concealed from
me with the utmost care, as was every other means of my knowing how
these affairs were conducted." I have in reply to relate the following
facts, which are easy to be ascertained. Mr Lee, on his return from
Berlin, was made acquainted with the contracts; Messrs _Holker_, (now
in Boston) _Sabbatier and Desprez_ repeatedly conferred with Mr Lee on
the subject in my presence, and when they brought in their accounts Mr
Lee assisted in adjusting them, and signed with us the orders for the
payment, as Mr Grand's account and the orders and accounts themselves
will show. It is true, the execution of M. Monthieu's contract was not
completed, when I left Paris, and therefore his accounts could not be
settled. Mr Williams had the oversight of repairing the arms in the
magazine at Nantes; he settled his accounts with his workmen monthly;
he had a frigate fitting out for the commissioners, 10,000 suits of
clothes making up, a number of shirts, shoes, &c. together with the
charge of all the stores the commissioners were sending to Nantes to
be shipped. Monthly accounts were not to be expected in reason from a
man in such a situation; it could not be done if promised, and Mr
Williams is a gentleman of too much probity as well as knowledge in
business, to promise what he cannot perform. It is not enough to say,
that no man in France enjoys a better character for strict honor and
probity, both at Court and in the city, than Mons. Chaumont. Justice
must add, there is no man enjoys it perhaps so universally through the
kingdom, among the merchants, the farmers or husbandmen, and
mechanics, in all which branches of business he is constantly
speculating. This man is the friend of Dr Franklin; I have the
pleasure of knowing him to be mine, and what is more, the friend of my
country, on all and in the most trying occasions. I do not wonder that
Mr Lee should appear jealous of this gentleman, as well as of every
body else, a select few excepted, and very few indeed are those, who
escape his jealous suspicions, either in Europe or America. It is a
melancholy truth, but justice to the public requires my declaring it,
that I never knew Mr Lee, from his first coming to Paris, satisfied
with any one person he did business with, whether of a public or
private nature, and his dealings, whether for trifles or for things of
importance, almost constantly ended in a dispute, sometimes in
litigious quarrels.
Mr Lee lived some time in M. Chaumont's house. M. Chaumont knew him
perfectly well, and was not reserved in speaking his opinion of him. I
am sorry to be thus long on so disagreeable a subject, a subject which
I cautiously waived entering on, in my narration to Congress, not
choosing to trouble them with matters, which they might deem of a
personal nature. I am grieved to have been forced on it at all, and
hope never to be obliged to resume it, and as in commercial
transactions there are but two sides to an account, and every thing
goes to the debt or credit, the folio for profit or loss, so I must
solicit that Dr Franklin and the honorable Mr Adams may be directed to
see the settlement of all those accounts immediately on my return to
Paris, and as there has been a charge made by Mr Lee, of profusion, of
extravagant contracts, and the like, that those gentlemen be
authorised to submit the accounts, with every allegation of the kind,
to the adjustment and determination of gentlemen of ability and
character on the spot, and that orders may be given, that whatever sum
may be found due from the commissioners may by them be instantly paid
into the hands of the banker for Congress, and that in like manner
said banker may be ordered to pay whatever may be the balance, to the
person in whose favor the same shall be found. By this means the truth
will be demonstrated, and justice done, which is all I have ever
wished for. Having forgot to mention it in its place, I must be
permitted to add here, that the first vessel purchased and fitted out
by Mr Hodge was, on the return and imprisonment of Cunningham,
detained by order from Court, and a second purchased, in which
Cunningham went on his second cruise. The first was put up for sale at
Dunkirk, but not disposed of when I left Paris, at least I had not
heard of it.
I have the honor to be,
With the most respectful attachment, &c.
SILAS DEANE.
_P. S._ I have mentioned money paid Mons. Dumas, as part of the
aggregate sum of 244,285 livres 13s. 10d. There will be found the sum
of 4351 livres 5s. 3d. paid by Messrs Horneca, Fitzeau & Co. to Mons.
Dumas, and for other expenses. I fear on a review, that the brevity I
aimed at may cause some mistake; it is therefore proper to observe,
that but a part of this sum was paid to Mons. Dumas, a part being for
other disbursements, independent of which sum the commissioners made
other remittances to Mons. Dumas.
FOOTNOTES:
[14] See the articles of agreement, for this purpose, dated 15th
October, 1776,--p. 51, of this volume.
* * * * *
_Mr Deane's Observations on Mr Arthur Lee's Letter of June 1st, 1778._
Mr Lee, in his letter of the 1st of June, on which I have made
observations, having insinuated many things to the disadvantage of
Doctor Franklin's character, as well as to that of Mons. Chaumont and
my own; and Mr Izard in those letters, the extracts from which I was
favored with by order of Congress, having gone even beyond Mr Lee,
and since in his letter of the 28th of June last, speaking of Doctor
Franklin and myself, he says,
"There is very little reason to think that any objections however well
founded would have made any impression on the interested views of one,
or the haughtiness and self-sufficiency of the other."
Afterwards in the same letter speaking of Doctor Franklin he says,
"His abilities are great and his reputation high; removed as he is to
so considerable a distance from the observation of his constituents,
if he is not guided by principles of virtue and honor, those abilities
and that reputation may produce the most mischievous effects. In my
conscience I declare to you, that I believe him under no such internal
restraints, and God knows that I speak the real unprejudiced
sentiments of my heart."
Gratitude as well as justice to that truly great man, to whose
friendship and counsel I owe much, oblige me to say on this occasion
that I not only believe, but know that this is, to say no more of it,
directly the reverse of the character which Dr Franklin has ever
sustained, and which he now most eminently supports. It gives me
pleasure to reflect on the honors and respect universally paid him by
all orders of people in France, and never did I enjoy greater
satisfaction, than in being the spectator of the public honors often
paid him. A celebrated cause being to be heard before the Parliament
of Paris, and the house, and streets leading to it crowded with
people, on the appearance of Doctor Franklin, way was made for him in
the most respectful manner, and he passed through the crowd to the
seat reserved for him, amid the acclamations of the people, an honor
seldom paid to their first princes of the blood. When he attended the
operas and plays, similar honors were paid him, and I confess I felt a
joy and pride, which were pure and honest, though not disinterested;
for I considered it an honor to be known to be an American and his
friend. What were the sensations of the writers of these letters on
such occasions I leave their letters and conduct towards him to speak,
and I cannot now express the indignation and grief I feel at finding
such a character, represented as the worst that human depravity is
capable of exhibiting, and that such a representation should be made
by an American in a public character.