that Sheikh Hyder was not up in arms against the king, whatever his
ulterior object may have been, but was engaged in an expedition into
Circassia.
[418] Khoi.
[419] Zeno says the battle took place near Derbend—far enough, certainly,
from Van.
[420] Ak Tammar, the Van Lake, so called by the Armenians. The island is,
to this day, the seat of the Catholicos, and is fully described by Layard.
[421] See above, where it is stated that their mother was married a
second time; and page 105, where it is said Ismail put her to death. It
is more probable that another of their father’s wives is denoted in these
other cases.
[422] Kara Bagh.
[423] Schamachi.
[424] Vide _Travels of a Merchant_, cap. 13.
[425] Kur, or Cyrus.
[426] Schamachi.
[427] Zeno, p. 51, says he had only sixteen thousand men under him after
being joined by the Georgians.
[428] Diarbekr, the hereditary city of the Ak Koinloos.
[429] Stepmother, according to Zeno, which is certainly more probable.
[430] Morad Khan, brother of Aluan Beg.
[431] Irak-el Ajim.
[432] Ispahan, Yezd, and Shiraz.
[433] Khorassan.
[434] The other authors agree in stating that he escaped to Alla-ed
Douleh’s country; at any rate, he was no further trouble to Ismail Sofi.
[435] Morad Khan.
[436] Bagdad is situated on the Tigris, not the Euphrates, but the modern
city of Hillah is supposed to represent the site of the ancient Babylon.
[437] Jezireh ebn Omar on the Tigris. See _Travels of a Merchant_, cap. 4.
[438] Orfa and Mardin. See _Travels of a Merchant_, caps. 2 and 4.
[439] Hesn Keyf, Ciphas of Procopius. Baldwin de Bourg and Jocelyn de
Courtenay were confined here after their capture by Sookman, the Ortokide
lord of the place, and Dejekermish, lord of Mosul. See _Travels of a
Merchant_, cap. 4.
[440] Alla-ed Douleh.
[441] Kharput. Jocelyn was again captured, together with his kinsman,
by Balak, the Ortokide, and confined in this place. See _Travels of a
Merchant_, cap. 3.
[442] Alla-ed Douleh, written “Abnadulat” above.
[443] Erzingan.
[444] Ko-li Beg.
[445] Zekkaria Beg.
[446] Kaisarieh.
[447] El Bostan, or Albistan. See Zeno, p. 54.
[448] The Jihoon.
[449] Marash. See Zeno, p. 54.
[450] Kara Dagh.
[451] Malatia.
[452] Amir Beg.
[453] Diarbekr.
[454] Kharput.
[455] Named Becarbec.
[456] Khoi.
[457] Sheibani Khan. See Zeno, p. 55.
[458] Khorassan and Astrabad.
[459] Ispahan.
[460] Called Astibisti in the _Travels of a Merchant_, cap. 8.
[461] Kara Bagh.
[462] Shirvan and Schamachi.
[463] Bairambec, the conqueror of Van and Ismael’s brother-in-law. See
_Travels of a Merchant_, cap. 6.
[464] Baku.
[465] Astrabad.
[466] Derbend. See Zeno, p. 44.
[467] Demir Kapoo, or the Iron Gate.
[468] Astrakhan.
[469] “Sheikh, Sheikh.” In this sense it means simply a holy man, not God.
[470] Rather the twelve Imaums.
[471] Syria.
[472] Sheibani Khan, the Usbeg. See Zeno, p. 55.
[473] Irak Ajemi.
[474] Ispahan.
[475] Kashan.
[476] Astrabad.
[477] Jarood.
[478] Most probably Bairambec, the king’s brother-in-law, mentioned
before.
[479] Custagialu, another brother-in-law of the king.
[480] Astrabad, Khorassan, Herat.
[481] Kashan.
[482] The battle of Merv Shah Jehan, in which Sheibani Khan was killed,
took place in 1514.
[483] Jarood.
[484] Bitlis. See Zeno, p. 8.
[485] Iris.
[486] At Gumish Khaneh.
[487] Kharput.
[488] The Van lake, _at its nearest point_, is scarcely twenty English
miles from Bitlis.
[489] Khoi is nearly a hundred miles from the Van lake.
[490] This is the shortest and most direct route from Tocat to Persia and
quite different from the one just mentioned.
[491] Zeno, p. 60.
[492] Casveen.
[493] Khafour el Ghouri, called Campson Gauri later on.
[494] We have an instance of this sort in our own annals, viz., the
presents sent by the Dauphin to Henry V.
[495] Baiburt.
[496] These were the latest conquests made by Selim from Persia.
[497] Euxaghly, near Malatia, called Ciamassum by Knolles, who says
it was situated near the confluence of the Melas (Kara Su) with the
Euphrates.
[498] Kaisarieh.
[499] Knolles says that Aladeules was betrayed by his nephew, Alis Beg,
who became the Turkish governor of the country.
[500] Kazi Asker.
[501] This was contrary to the advice of Algazeli, who advised Campson to
protract the war and not to risk all on one battle.
[502] Sanjak.
[503] Knolles says the 7th.
[504] Sybeius Baluan.
[505] Knolles says that the Mamelukes lost the battle through the
treachery of Caierbec, who had a secret understanding with Selim. The
Turks were almost put to rout by Sibes and Algazeli, when the desertion
of the Governor of Aleppo and the opportune arrival of Sinan Pasha turned
the fortune of the fight. Sibes and Campson Gauri were both killed in the
battle, which took place, according to Knolles, on the 7th of August,
1516, the same day that the battle of Schalderan took place two years
before.
[506] Kafoor el Ghouri, the last Soldan of Egypt but one, died 1516, and
was succeeded by Tomant Bey.
[507] Jonnses Pasha put to death soon afterwards by Selim.
[508] Gaza.
[509] Devetdar.
[510] Tomant Bey, last Soldan of Egypt.
[511] Sinan Pasha, Selim’s best general—his valour and generalship had
saved him upon more than one occasion; for instance, at the battle of
Schalderan, and again in the conflict with the Mamelukes.
[512] Knolles says, in his _History of the Turks_, p. 535:—“The Bassà
had placed his harquebusiers in the wings of his battell, which were
raunged of a great length in their rankes, thereby to use their peeces
at more liberty and with more ease to enclose the enemie: in the middle
were placed the horsemen to receive the first charge of the Mamalukes.
Gazelles approaching the enemy, sent before the troupes of the Arabian
light horsemen to trouble the wings of the enemies battell, and with
a square battell of his Mamalukes charged the middle battell of the
Turks. The battell was a great while most terrible, and the victorie
doubtfull; for, although the Turkes in number farre exceeded, yet were
they not able to endure the armed and courageous Mamalukes, but were
glad to give ground; and, quite disordered by the breaking-in of the
Mamalukes, as men discouraged, began to look about them which way they
might flie; when, by the commaundement of Sinan, the harquebusiers,
who, with the first volley of their shot, had repulsed the Arabians,
wheeling about enclosed all the enemies battell. By which means both
men and horse were a farre off slaine, with the multitude of the deadly
shot, where true valour helped not them, so on every side enclosed. For
where any troupe of the Mamalukes pressed forward upon the Turkes, they
quickly retired, and in all places of the battell, as much as they could,
shunned to encounter their enemies with their horsemen, labouring onely
to gaule them with shot. Gazelles seeing his horses spent with extreame
wearinesse, and that he was not to expect any further helpe, his Arabians
now beginning to fall from him; and also, considering that many of his
most valiant souldiours were either slaine or wounded, and having also
himselfe received a great wound in his necke, he, with the rest of his
armie, made way through the middest of his enemies, and having lost
divers of his ensignes, fled back againe to Caire, through the same
sandie deserts whereby he came. In this battell was lost the Governor of
Alexandria and Orchamus, Governor of Caire (both men of great account
among the Mamalukes), and beside them a great number of Arabians, with a
thousand or more of the Mamaluke horseman. Neither got Sinan a joyfull or
unbloudie victorie, having lost above two thousand of his best horsemen,
and amongst them certaine commaunders, men of great marke.”
[513] Petra?
[514] Tomant Bey.
[515] At Maharra, six miles from Cairo.
[516] Allem, called Heylims the Devetdar, by Knolles.
[517] By a Mamaluke captain named Bidon, frequently mentioned by Knolles.
[518] The well of Zemzem.
[519] Knolles says, Tomant Bey, after showing great personal courage, was
forced to order a retreat, which soon became a flight. The battle was
fought on the 24th January, 1517.
[520] The Mamelukes were repulsed, and were then attacked in Cairo by
Selim.
[521] Delta?
[522] Called Albuchomar by Knolles.
[523] Mustafà, Algazeli, and Caierbec were sent in pursuit.
[524] He was first tortured to make him reveal where he was supposed to
have hidden the great treasures of Campson Gauri.
[525] Cazi Asker.
[526] Shah Tamasp.
[527] Elias Mirza, King of Shirvan. _Vide_ Alessandri.
[528] Bahram Mirza.
[529] Shah Tamasp.
THE TRAVELS
OF A
MERCHANT IN PERSIA.
THE TRAVELS OF A MERCHANT IN PERSIA.
CHAP. I.
The apology the Author makes for this his Narrative.
It is well-known that naturally all men, and especially students, love
knowledge, and, therefore, always go out of their way to investigate new
things. On this account I have thought that by writing an account of my
travels in Persia and narrating all that I have, with my slight genius,
been able to learn in the east, in the space of eight years and eight
months of my stay there, that these my writings might be interesting to
my readers, both by the novelty of the subject and by the information
respecting so many great cities, peoples, and foreign customs. And if
in any passage I become confused and lengthy, I ask my kind readers’
pardon, as it will not proceed from anything but my being unaccustomed
to composition; but they may be assured for the rest that I will tell
nothing but the truth of what I have seen and heard, not exaggerating
anything, but simply narrating as becomes an honest merchant who does not
know how to adorn his tale by his words.
And, to begin about the places and regions where I have been, I will say
that when Shiec Ismael came against Aladuli[530] in Caramania, in 1507, I
happened to be in his army at Arsingan,[531] where I remained forty days,
and afterwards at Cimischasac,[532] when I crossed the river Euphrates,
entering the country of Aladuli. I was present also during his expedition
against Sirmacchia[533] and the country of Sirvan,[534] and in Tauris,
on Siech Ismael’s return there with his army. I was absent, however,
when there were districts and castles taken, and some battles fought and
victories gained, by the same Siech Ismael near Dierbec. Nevertheless, I
will recount them, having been enabled to learn the facts from different
persons who were present. This I did easily, as I knew perfectly the
languages of Ajemi,[535] Turkey, and Arabia.
CHAP. II.
The cities one finds on leaving Aleppo to go to Persia; of the
city of Bir, of Orfa, and of the fountain of Saint Abram; the
water of which cures fever; and the fishes there are in it;
of a well which cures lepers; and of the magnificence of the
above-mentioned city of Orfa.
And to return to my journey, I say that on leaving Aleppo to go to Persia
in general, and to Tauris in particular, at three days’ journey distant
is a place named Bir,[536] which is on the bank of the river Euphrates
on the other side, and is of small extent. Sultan Cartibec[537] had it
walled round, as it was not fortified before, but always had a strong
fine castle, which has been besieged by many, and also by Diodar,[538]
who rebelled against the Soldan, without anyone having been able to take
it. All the country, the city, and castles which are across the river,
have always been, and still are, under the sway of the King of Persia;
on this side of the river, towards Aleppo, all is governed by the Soldan
of Cairo. In all the countries, provinces, towns, and fortresses between
Aleppo and Tauris, and from Tauris as far as Derbant, on the shores of
the Caspian Sea, I have remained some time and traded, as you will learn
when I come to relate about them. Two days’ journey from Bir there is a
large town named Orfa,[539] which the inhabitants and their chronicles
say was anciently founded and walled round by the great Nembroth;[540]
and in truth they show very ancient walls extending ten miles in circuit
without a ditch round them. There is within it a magnificent castle with
walls of immense size and thickness, but also without any fosse, and in
it there are two fine lofty columns, equal in size to those of Venice, in
the Piazza of St. Mark, on which they say that Nembrot had his idols, and
they are still as upright as when they were first erected. In this city
is also the place where our father Abraham was about to sacrifice to God
his son Isaac (?).
And it is said that in this very place at that time there sprang forth
an excellent clear fountain, large enough to work seven mills in the
city and to irrigate the country round. And where it sprang forth the
Christians built a church dedicated to the holy Abraham,[541] which when
they had lost power was changed by the Mahometans into a mosque, while
to the present the fountain is called the fountain of Abraham (which in
Turkish is “Ibrahim calil bonare”). It is even now much reverenced by
both Christians and Mahometans for the virtue it possesses of curing
anyone ill of fever who goes in with faith. In this fountain are many
fish,[542] which are never caught, but are considered sacred.
Six miles outside the city is a wonderful well which heals lepers,
provided they go there with devotion, keeping this order. First they
must fast five days, and each day of the fast they drink frequently of
the water, and every time they drink they must wash themselves with it,
but after the five days they do not wash any more, but still drink up to
the tenth or twelfth day; and so the virtue of the holy water frees them
from this infirmity, or at least keeps it from going further. And I have
seen this effect with my own eyes in Orfa, many who came infirm going
away well. On my way back to Aleppo from Tauris, I came to Orfa, where
was a Cypriote named Hector, who lived at Nicosia; this man, by going to
the sacred well, came back freed from many complaints. This city used
to be a regal one, as is seen by the ancient monuments and buildings.
There are ten or twelve large churches built of marble, more imposing
than I can describe in words. This city has as beautiful and pleasant a
country about it as one could wish.[543] Towards the west there is a
fine hill covered with inhabited villas, and many ancient castles now
deserted. There are vast and beautiful gardens close to the city, full of
all kinds of fruit, with as great an abundance of provisions as one can
desire. Besides, it is on the routes from Bagadet,[544] Persia, Turkey,
and Soria;[545] and the inhabitants are honest and good. This city is the
first in the dominions of Sultan Sciech Ismael, and is a metropolis and
capital city of a province named Dierbec, in which are six large cities
with five hundred fortresses, as shall be related.
CHAP. III.
Of the castle Jumilen; of the great city Caramit, founded by
the Emperor Constantine; and of the fine buildings, churches,
and streams there are in it, and which is inhabited more by
Christians, Greeks, Armenians, and Jews, than by Mahometans; of
the province of Dierbec, its cities, and by whom it is governed.
Two days’ journey from Orfà is a castle named Jumilen,[546] which is on
a mountain, with walls not very strong, and with a small fosse dug out
of the rock. Round the castle is a town of houses dug into the mountain
like grottoes, in which the peasants live: a low race like gipsies. This
district is very arid, and has no water; but in the grottoes they have
excavated they have made deep reservoirs, which they fill with water in
the spring, and which serve them the whole year. Three days’ journey from
this castle is the great city of Caramit,[547] which, according to their
chronicles, was built by the Emperor Constantine, and has a circuit of
ten or twelve miles.[548] It is surrounded by walls of black stone, so
placed, that it appears painted, and has in the whole circumference three
hundred and sixty towers and turrets. I rode the whole circuit twice
for my pleasure, looking at the towers and turrets of very different
forms and sizes;[549] still no one who is not a geometrician would not
be pleased to see them, so marvellous are the structures; and in several
parts on them I saw the imperial arms carved with an eagle with two heads
and two crowns.[550] In this city are many wonderful churches, palaces,
and marble monuments, inscribed with Greek letters. The churches are
about the size of that of SS. Giovanni and Paulo or the Frati Minori at
Venice. And in many of them are relics of saints and particularly of
Saint Quirinus, which, at the time the Christians had the upper hand,
were shown openly; and in the church of St. George I saw the arm of a
saint in a case of silver, which they say was the arm of St. Peter,
and which they keep with great reverence. In this church is also the
tomb of Despinacaton,[551] the daughter of the King of Trebizond, named
Caloianni,[552] who is meanly buried under a portico near the door of
the church in the earth, and above the tomb is a thing like a box one
cubit high and one wide and about three in length, built of bricks and
earth. There is also a church of St. John, beautifully built, and several
others of great beauty and splendour; and while I remember, I must not
pass over one of them named the church of St. Mary, the account of which
will interest my readers. It is a large edifice,[553] with sixty altars,
as one sees before chapels; the interior is built up with vaults, and
the vaults are supported by more than three hundred columns. There are
also vaults above vaults, equally supported by columns; and, as far as I
could judge, this church was never covered in, in the middle, as taking
into consideration the mode of its erection, and, above all, the sacred
christening font, which I saw was in the open air. This baptismal font
is situated in the middle of the church, and is of fine alabaster, made
like an immense mastebe,[554] carved inside with various designs and most
splendidly worked. It is covered by a magnificent block of the finest
marble, supported by six columns of marble as clear as crystal, and these
columns also are worked with fine and gorgeous carvings, while the whole
church is inlaid with marble. Nowadays, the eastern part of this church
has been made a mosque, while the other part is in the same state it
always has been, as it was the convent where the priests lived; in it
there is a wonderful fountain of water, as clear as crystal. This church
is so nobly built that it appears like a paradise, so rich is it in fine
and splendid marbles, having columns upon columns, like the palace of St.
Mark at Venice. There is also a campanile with bells, and in many other
churches there are steeples without bells.
This city abounds in water, as springs rise in many places; and it is
partly on a plain and partly on a mountain—in the midst of a great plain,
round which many fresh-water springs gush forth. It has six gates,[555]
well guarded by corporals and soldiers; the corporal of every gate has
ten, twelve, or twenty men under him, and by every gate there is a
large clear fountain. There are here, also, people of many religious
persuasions in greater numbers than Mahometans, namely, Christians,
Greeks, Armenians, and Jews. Each religion has its separate church with
its own service, without being molested by the Mahometans.
Among the other rivers flowing through this city is one from the East
named the Set,[556] which, in the spring, rises wonderfully and flows
rapidly towards Asanchif and Gizire,[557] in Bagadet, entering the river
Euphrates, and the two then fall into the Persian Gulf. Custagialu
Mahumutbec rules this city with the whole province of Dierbec, Sciech
Ismael having given it to him as his relative, being his sister’s
husband, and most devoted to him. This province has six great cities
and five large fortresses, as I have said; of which cities there were
three, namely, the one we have been relating about, _i.e._, Caramit,[558]
the second Orfà, and the third Cartibiert, formerly ruled over by
Aliduli,[559] who had subdued them. At the time that Jacob Sultan
passed from this life, they were occupied by Aliduli; although it cost
him dear, as, when Sciech Ismael gave the fine province of Dierbec to
Custagialu Mahmutbec, he commanded him at all hazards to recover Orfà
and Cartibiert, and this commission he, as a faithful vassal, prepared
to execute. Therefore, he siezed Orfà, cutting all within it to pieces,
but could not take Caramit,[560] since Sultan Custalumut had surrounded
it with walls, neither could he take Cartibiert. Custagialu, seeing this,
left Orfà, and came to Mardin,[561] which he took without bloodshed or
resistance, as they surrendered voluntarily. While Custagialu remained
at Mirdin, Aliduli advanced and endeavoured to recover Orfà, ravaging
the country, plundering and slaying the inhabitants, and threatening to
do great things against Sciech Ismael, who then came to subdue Aliduli,
as shall be related at the proper time and place, to the satisfaction of
those who desire to hear of the origin of Sultan Sciech Ismael.
CHAP. IV.
Of the castle of Dedu; of the magnificent city of Mirdin, built
on a high mountain near a vast plain; of the city of Gizire,
situated on an island, and very wealthy; of the royal city of
Asanchif, filled with innumerable inhabitants and different
religions; the two castles which Custagialu, the relative of
Sciech Ismael, is now besieging; and of the wonderful bridge in
this city.
Now, continuing my journey one day from Caramit, one arrives at a fine
castle named Dedu; which is on an eminence, near a high mountain, and
has many villages below it, and is a very rich place. Proceeding a day’s
journey further, one sees the magnificent city of Mirdin, which is about
four or five miles in circumference, on a high mountain, with a castle
a long crossbow shot above the city, and one mile in circumference,
which, if one looks at from below, is terrifying, as, when one is on the
mountain at its foot, one sees numerous huge rocks as large as houses,
and which always seem about to fall. At the foot of this castle the city
is surrounded by high walls, and, as I have said, is situated on a high
mountain, and has within it beautiful palaces and mosques. It is true
there is a want of water,[562] since the water of this region is salt and
scarce; otherwise, this would be the finest city of Diarbec, being in
a most beautiful and pleasant climate. This city is so high, that from
within, looking down towards the east, it appears hanging over, like the
battlement of a fortress. It is also appalling, looking from the foot of
the walls of the city up to the height of the castle; which is so far
off, that the colour becomes softened off into that of the sky, and this
is seen principally from the plain on the east below the city. This plain
commences at Orfà, goes as far as Bagadet, and thence extends to Gizire,
wonderfully wide and grand. This city is inhabited far more by Armenian
Christians and Jews than by Mahometans, and each sect officiates in its
separate church, according to their custom.
Travelling from this city for two days towards the East, one finds
another city named Gizire,[563] inhabited by the same people, by Curds,
and very many other races, and is situated on an island. The river Set
spreads itself out in that region, flowing by another mountain, where
they are building a fine castle. This city is governed by a Curd,
although in subjection to Custagialu Mahumutbec, and abounding in
everything that one can ask. I have thought fit to make mention of this
city although it is not on the direct road to Tauris, but on one’s right
hand on the route to the East. But following the direct road to Tauris in
the ordinary manner, I say that in four days from the above-named city of
Mirdin, one comes to another city named Asanchif,[564] which is a royal
city, and a metropolis of the province of Diarbec, and is ruled over by
a lord named Sultan Calil,[565] who is a Curd, has married a sister of
Sultan Sciech Ismael, and is chief of several Curdish lords of those
territories. This city is four or five miles in circuit, and is fortified
at the foot of a high mountain, while by the opposite side of the
mountain flows the large river Set,[566] the city being built between
the mountain and the river, and in it there is a countless population of
Christians, Mahometans, and Jews—a very rich and trading community.[567]
I remained there two months, kept in by the deep snow on the road to
Tauris, where I was sent by my correspondents. Custagialu Mahumutbec
was there with an army of ten thousand men, since Sultan Calil, the
relative[568] of Sciech Ismael, as we have said, ruled that country, but
not in his allegiance, since he was a Curd, and the Curds are disobedient
and insubordinate; and although they wear the red caftans[569] they are
not Suffaveans at heart, but only outwardly. Sciech Ismael, therefore,
who is of a masterly and sagacious character, easily understood the
need of his realm; and as he wished Asanchif and the whole of Diarbec,
of which Asanchif is one of the principal territories, to be ruled by
Custagialu, who is a Natolian and a true Suffavean of the sect of Sciech
Ismael, very devoted, and as nearly related to him, took the measure of
sending him in person to take possession of this territory from Sultan
Calil. Having thus entered Asanchif, as I have said, with ten thousand
men, this Sultan Calil, seeing his enemy upon him by order of Sciech
Ismael, having hastily furnished himself with provisions, shut himself up
in two castles, upon two mountains commanding the city, one being a mile
in circuit, and the other about half a mile. In the larger one there are
no rooms nor any habitations, only a very steep mountain about a mile
round, rising as perpendicularly as a wall, and inaccessible, except in
one quarter, where high walls are built, with many towers for the defence
of the pass, and the soldiers who lodge in the fortress have their
apartments in the towers. The other, which is smaller, is well built, and
inhabited, and here it was that Sultan Calil, with Calconchatun,[570]
his wife, the sister of Sieche Ismael, with the rest of his family,
lived. In this city all the lords of Diarbech came together by command
of Custagialu Mahumutbec, bringing with them all the men they could,
to the number, before mentioned, of ten thousand; and they kept up
fighting night and day, but they gained but little, as the two castles
were impregnable, and their horses, lances, arrows, crossbows, and guns
availed nothing. Similarly, a mortar of bronze, of four spans, which they
brought from Mirdin, where it used always to stand before the door of
the fort of that city, was useless. This mortar was cast in that country
at the time of Jacob Sultan, and by his orders. And while I was at
Asanchif I went several times to see the fighting and the firing of this
same mortar; and Custagialu also had another larger one cast by a young
Armenian, who cast it in the Turkish manner—all in one piece. The breech
was half the length of the whole piece, and the mortar was five spans
in bore at the muzzle. They had only these two pieces to bombard the
castles, in which there was no artillery, except three or four muskets of
the shape of Azemi,[571] with a small barrel, which, with a contrivance
locked on to the stock about the size of a good arquebuse, carry very
far. They also had a certain kind of crossbow, made like bows of horn,
but made on purpose stronger than those which are drawn by hand, and have
a handle, with a contrivance like ours for bending them, and are without
nuts, but instead of them they have a bit of iron. Their bolts are long,
about half the length of an arrow, and slender; they are feathered, and
have points like the Turkish arrows, and go a great distance. Of these
crossbows there were about twenty in one of these castles; I think it was
in the smaller one.
In this city there is a hill, on which they have built a rampart of
planks and beams, behind which are a number of men with slings, who
fire into the castle, as also those in the castle do into the town.
They have made this rampart on the highest point of the city, and from
thence they cast down many stones. The two cannons were directed on the
castle to sweep away some outposts, which did a great deal of harm, and
had caused the death of a great many of the citizens. They also made a
rampart of a number of great beams, which could be raised and lowered
like a drawbridge. This was all completed in one night; and when they
wished to fire one of the cannons they raised and then lowered the door;
and many perished on both sides. Since before dawn they began to sound
their warlike instruments, continuing till the setting of the sun. For
two months while I remained there was continual fighting, so that the
unfortunate city was half besieged by the number of soldiers and people
who came to the fighting, causing great disturbances. All this was
tolerated by Custagialu Mahumutbec in order to have money to pay his
soldiers.
This city was always considered a separate realm, but subject to the King
of Persia. And really the inhabitants appear to me to be very worthy,
good people. There are many traders and prettier women than in any other
part of Diarbec. Outside the city there are four suburbs, as I will
relate to you. On the east, in the mountain under the castle, there are a
number of grottoes enough to form a city; below this is another borough
with very large houses. On the other side of the river are heights
far above the stream full of excavated grottoes, with rooms, palaces,
with many staircases[572] (by which they descend to the river to draw
water), finer than any of the houses. Near this place is another suburb
of houses, with a magnificent bazaar and a chan for the accommodation
of merchants. Going to the city from this bazaar, one crosses the river
by a magnificent stone bridge,[573] which is wonderfully built, and in
my opinion has no superior. It has five lofty, wide, solid arches; the
one in the middle is built on a firm foundation of stones, two and three
paces long and more than one pace broad. This foundation is so large that
it is about twenty paces in circumference, made in the form of a column,
and sustains the centre arch, being fixed in the middle of the river. The
arch is so wide and lofty that a vessel of three hundred tons, with all
its sails set, can pass under it; and, in truth, many a time when I have
been standing on it and looking down into the river, the great height
has made me shudder. But while I recollect it I will say that I consider
three things in Persia great marvels—this bridge of Asanchif, the palace
of Assambei Sultan, and the castle of Cimischasac.[574]
CHAP. V.
Of the castle of Cafondur; of the town of Bitlis; of the
Kurdish tribes; and of the Curd, Sarasbec, the lord of that
city, who has but little respect for Sciech Ismael.
As I think I have now said quite enough about this city and its state, it
seems to me I ought to continue the journey I have begun. Therefore, at
the end of two months I set out towards Bitlis, and at the end of five
days’ journey arrived at a castle called Cafondur,[575] inhabited by a
Curdish chief who governs it in the allegiance of the ruler of Bitlis.
It is a small castle built on a peaked mountain, the whole country being
mountainous and arid, as from Asanchif to Bitlis the whole road is hilly
with some narrow and dangerous passes.
And, although I had promised to describe my journey straight on,
nevertheless, for my own satisfaction, and to please my readers, I will
make mention of a city a little out of the road named Sert,[576] where
nuts and chesnuts grow in large quantities, and also gall for tanning.
There are also three fine castles under the kingdom of Asanchif, called
Aixu, Sanson,[577] Arcem;[578] this Arcem is governed by a tall Saracen
negro, a slave of Sciech Ismael, named Gambarbec, of gigantic height
and strength. Sciech Ismael made him a Sultan, and placed him under
Custagialu.
I now recollect that I mentioned before that there were six great
cities and five castles in the province of Diarbec; but I did not name
them at the time; but now I will give the name of each. The cities are
Orfà, Caramit, Mirdin, Gizire, Asanchif, and Sert;[579] the castles
are Jumilen,[580] Dedu, Arcem, Aixu, Sanson, all of which have their
particular rulers subject to Custagialu Mahumutbec. But to return to the
castle of Cafondur[581] we have mentioned, near which, in a deep valley,
is a stream,[582] and a fine large chan built, for the accommodation of
people travelling during the deep snow, as it snows in an extraordinary
manner in that country. I myself was compelled to remain a month in this
chan, not being able to continue my journey to Bitlis, on account of the
deep snow which covered all the country. In this place one gets dear
bread, victuals, barley, and fodder, from some Curdish peasants, who
inhabit certain villages on the mountains.[583] This country is perfectly
free from robbers, as the whole time I remained in that chan I was
molested by no one, although I went about a great deal with the servant
of our Carimbassi;[584] and, although he had some of the goods of this
same Carimbassi with other merchandise left at Asanchif, to the value of
ten thousand ducats, and I had three thousand ducats in my possession,
we never had any hindrance. Setting out at the beginning of the month, I
arrived at Bitlis as best I could, and remained there about fifteen days
expecting Comminit of Casvem, with whom I had been sent by my employers
to Tauris to recover some money.
This city of Bitlis[585] is neither very large nor walled round, but has
a fine castle on a hill in its midst, which is large and well built, and,
according to their chronicles and traditions, was founded by Alexander
the Great; it is surrounded by high walls, with many turrets and lofty
towers. This city, together with the castle, is governed by a Curd
named Sarasbec, half a rebel against Sultan Sciech Ismael, and who is
considered in Persia as the master of this fine fortress. All the Curds
are truer Mahometans than the other inhabitants of Persia, since the
Persians have embraced the Suffavean doctrine, while the Curds would not
be converted to it: and, though they wear the red caftans, yet in their
hearts they bear a deadly hatred to them. This same city is situated
among high mountains in a valley; so that it is, as it were, hidden, and
one does not perceive it till one is close upon it. And all that region
is a kind of receptacle or reservoir of snow, and so much falls that they
are only three or four months of the year without it, and they cannot sow
their corn before the 15th or 20th of April. Many merchants leave this
city to trade in Aleppo, Tauris, and Bursa, as there is nothing to buy
in it, nor any merchandise to be retailed, as the inhabitants are all
Curds and a vile race. There are also many Armenian Christians: a people
far worse than the Mahometans, though not so much so in this place as
throughout the rest of Persia, wherever one finds them. A stream[586]
passes through the centre of this city, so that it is well supplied with
water. There is also a spring in the castle, which, though it supplies
but little water, is sufficient for their wants. In the winter every one
collects a quantity of snow, putting it in cisterns, and then makes use
of it in summer. This Curd, Sarasbec, who rules this city, has but little
respect for Sultan Sciech Ismael, who, while I was at Tauris, I remember,
sent several times to summon him to his court; but he would never trust
himself to go there. On this account, Sciech Ismael sent one of his
captains, named Sophi Zimammitbec, with about six thousand horsemen, who,
when they arrived at a distance of two days’ journey from Bitlis, were
overtaken by a courier with orders from the sovereign to the captain to
return at once to Tauris. He, turning about with his men, went back to
Sciech Ismael, whom he found in great perturbation because the Usbec,
named Casilbas,[587] had invaded his country, ravaging the territory
of Jesel.[588] Ismael determining to avenge himself, assembled all his
horse and foot soldiers, and marched against this same Casilbas, who was
a kinsman of the great Tamberlane, and ruler of Tartary, Curidin,[589]
and the borders, as far as Sammarcant. What followed, I shall keep for a
more convenient place, and narrate the whole of it in detail. I will now
return to my first undertaking.
CHAP. VI.
Of a sea or salt lake, and of the castles round it; of the
city of Arminig, situated on an island of this sea, inhabited
solely by Armenian Christians; of the fortresses of Vastan and
Van, where the ruler is named Zidibec, a rebel against Sciech
Ismael; Bairdunbec was sent against him, and besieged him three
months; when the castle capitulated, Zidibec having escaped by
night.
Then, setting out from Bitlis, on the second day I arrived at
Totouan,[590] a small fort on a mountain stretching out into the sea,
as you shall hear. In this country there is a sea or lake, the water
of which is salt; but not so much so as the Adriatic sea. It is three
hundred miles long, and a hundred and fifty broad in the widest part,
and has round it many inlets, with a fertile region full of villages,
the greater number of the villagers being Armenians. Round this sea are
seven splendid castles, inhabited by Curds and Armenians, in all of which
I have traded; as on my way to Tauris I went on one side, and came back
on the other, as this sea was in the middle of the route. There are four
of the castles on the east, namely, Totouan, already mentioned, Vastan,
Van,[591] and Belgari;[592] on the west are Argis,[593] Abalgiris, and
Calata.[594] This Calata was anciently a large city, as can be seen by
the buildings,[595] but is now reduced to a small fortress. Between
Totouan and Vastan is a lofty island in the sea,[596] two miles front
the mainland, all of hard rock, on which is a small city about two miles
in circumference, the city being the same size as the island. This city
is named Arminig, is very populous, and inhabited only by Armenian
Christians, without one Mahometan; it has many churches, all for the
services of Armenian Christians; of these, that of St. John is the
largest, and has a steeple made like a tower, so high that it overlooks
the whole city, and among the bells is one so large, that when it is
struck, it resounds over all the mainland. Opposite the city or island
is a large gulf, with a delightful plain with many villages inhabited by
Armenian Christians, with much cultivated land, and beautiful gardens
with trees that produce every sort of fruit. This region has a delightful
and healthy atmosphere, and all round it are mountains so high, that they
appear to touch the sky; and, not only in the circuit of this gulf, but
also round the whole sea there are bleak mountains covered with eternal
snow.
At two days’ journey from this place, one finds the castle of
Vastan,[597] which was demolished by Sciech Ismael, and only a town
with a bazaar remains. It is on a large gulf of this sea, with numbers
of villages, all inhabited by Curds. There is a greater abundance of
provisions here than in any other place, and a good deal of white honey
is made here, which from time to time is sent by caravans to Tauris to be
sold, together with fine ointment and cheese.
Proceeding a day’s journey further is the fortress of Van, which is built
on a mountain or hill of hard rock, from which fresh water springs forth
everywhere; it is more than a mile in circumference, but narrow and long,
like the rock on which it is built; also on the summit of this rock, in
one part which is as steep as a wall, is a fountain the water of which
is used by all in the fortress.[598] This citadel is ruled over by a
Curdish chief named Zidibec, who is a great lord, and very proud, from
having in his possession this fine fortress with many other castles in
these mountains. He had money coined with his own stamp of gold, silver,
and copper. Below the castle is a large town, and the greater part of the
inhabitants are Armenians, but within the castle they are all Curds. This
place is a good mile from the sea, and is well supplied with provisions.
This chief has many sons, who govern the castles round; and, as I have
said, he is very arrogant from his power, and is a rebel against Sciech
Ismael, who at another time sent one of his captains named Bairambec with
ten thousand picked troops against him. While I was in Tauris, I learnt
all the events from soldiers who had returned, but in particular from
a chief of bombardiers, a good man, and a great friend of mine, named
Camusabec of Trebizond. I heard that when Bairambec arrived beneath the
castle with his army, Zidibec, full of treachery, sent one of his men
to Bairambec to ask a safe conduct for him to come and kiss his hand.
Having obtained his demand, Zidibec came down from the castle with a few
companions all unarmed; and, having arrived in the presence of Bairambec,
saluted him in the Persian or Suffavean manner, saying that he wondered
that his Excellency had come to that place with that army, there being
no necessity for it, as although in the past he had been disobedient,
yet for the future he wished to be a faithful vassal of Sultan Sciech
Ismael—inclining his head to the ground, as he did whenever he named
Sciech Ismael, as if out of reverence for that great name, showing
much humble respect in his discourse, as it was his duty to do. And at
length he warmly entreated Bairambec that, when he returned to the noble
presence of Sciech Ismael his sovereign, he would deign to defend him,
and help him to make his apologies; this the commander Bairambec promised
to do. And, besides the promise, he made him a banquet, magnificent
enough for any king. After they had dined together in the plain, Zidibec
began to make excuses, asking pardon of Bairambec for the trouble and
difficulty he had had on his account, coming to that place with so large
an army; and, rising to his feet, said: “My lord, send with me whomsoever
you please, and I will surrender the castle into his hands; and I beg of
you to give me two days’ time, that I may make ready to go with you to
the presence of Sultan Sciech Ismael.” The general conceded his request;
and, having called a nobleman named Mansorbec, ordered him to go with
Zidibec to the castle, and to take it in charge until orders came from
Sciech Ismael, and also promised Zidibec to use his influence with
Sciech Ismael, that he might remain master of the castle and of the fine
territory.
Having made this agreement and these conditions, Zidibec took leave,
and with him went this same Baron Mansorbec, with perhaps a hundred
men, intending to take possession of the castle in the name of Sciech
Ismael. When they arrived at the gate, Zidibec entered first, and after
him Mansorbec and his men, when suddenly the gate was shut, and fifteen
hundred armed men appeared, who had been standing prepared for this, and
cut to pieces Mansorbec with all his men. Zidibec then went with the same
soldiers towards the camp, where, as he had given his word of honour to
Bairambec, he found him with all his soldiers without suspicion, and
unarmed. Then he began boldly to fight against the whole army, of which a
great number of men were killed, and of his own men about three hundred
were killed, and a good many others wounded; and Bairambec, the general,
received three wounds. Zidibec retreated as well as he could into the
castle, and, closing the gates, fortified himself in it, considering
himself secure against assault. After this success, Bairambec, having two
moderate-sized cannons in his camp, began to batter the castle; but they
were able to do no harm, as the walls were too strong and the gunners
too little skilled. And after besieging the castle for three months, the
artillerymen at last found a place where a fountain sprang forth inside
the fortress, whence the besieged got their water. Near this spot they
planted the two cannons, and fired so much that the spout by which the
water issued broke into several pieces, and the water which used to
rise all went downwards. Thus at once the castle was at their mercy;
and Zidibec, now seeing himself insecure, determined when night came to
escape from that place; so descending from the walls with about fifty of
his court, without saying a word to anyone else, he took his treasures,
his wife, and two daughters, and, after disguising himself, fled across
the mountains to some of his other strongholds. The following morning the
tidings were known everywhere that Zidibec had fled; therefore the people
sent at once to Bairambec, offering to surrender the castle if he would
ensure to them their lives and property. Bairambec being wearied by the
siege, which had already lasted three months, promised it on his honour,
and conceded their request. Then they opened the gates to him, and when
he had entered they told him of the flight of Zidibec with his court
during the night. Let every one judge for himself of the indignation and
grief he felt in not getting him into his hands. And, having appointed a
governor with sufficient troops to keep the place, he returned to Tauris,
where Sciech Ismael caused great festivities and games to be held in sign
of rejoicing, as they are accustomed to do on receipt of like news. He
then left Tauris with many of his lords, and went to Coi,[599] where he
remained some time, occupying himself with the chase and other amusements.
CHAP. VII.
Of the castle of Elatamedia; of the city of Merent and of Coi;
of the city of Tauris, where the kings of Persia have their
residence; of the castle, the palaces, fountains, and baths
there are in it; of the wonderful mosque in the midst of the
city; of the quality of the men and women; and of the customs
and trade of this city.
Now after having abandoned my first proposition in order to give
some information about this interesting affair, I must return to the
abovementioned castle of Van, from which, after three days’ journey
distant, one arrives at another castle called Elatamedia, inhabited and
ruled over only by Turcomans, a fine race. Proceeding three days from
this place, one arrives at Merent,[600] which in old times was a large
city, as is seen by the ancient buildings; it is situated in a beautiful
plain with many streams and gardens, but within there is only a small
town and a bazaar. Three days’ journey further on, lies a fine large
plain, surrounded by high mountains, in the midst of which is a large
place named Coi, which in ancient times was a large city, as can be seen
by the great space occupied by the ruins. In this place, it was anciently
the custom (which is still observed) for the troops to assemble when the
King of Persia was about to take the field with his army. This city, a
short time ago, was in ruins; but when Sciech Ismael succeeded to the
throne he began to rebuild it, and has now restored the greater part.
And, among other things, a large palace has been built, which in the
Persian tongue is called Douler Chana,[601] signifying “pleasant abode.”
This palace is all walled round with bricks, and is of great extent, with
an Arim[602] all together; within there are many halls and chambers, and
it is built in one vault—that is to say, with one flooring; and it has
a large and magnificent garden. It has two gates, with two fine courts,
beautifully decorated, and these entrances are like two cloisters of
a convent of friars. Before the gate which looks west are three round
turrets, each of them eight yards in circumference, and about fifteen or
sixteen high. These turrets are built of the horns of Namphroni stags,
and it is considered that there are none like them in the world. The
Persians also consider these things very magnificent. Therefore for show
they have built these three turrets of the horns of these animals, as the
mountains are rocky and full of game. And Sultan Sciech Ismael boasts
that he and his lords have killed all these animals. And truly Sciech
Ismael takes the greatest pleasure in the chase; and to show that he is
a skilful hunter he has had these three turrets built, and takes more
delight in living in this place than in Tauris, as this country is well
adapted for hunting. In this city, they also make much crimson dye, by
using some red roots, which they dig out of the ground with spades and
hoes, and then take to Ormus, and they are employed as red dyes in many
parts of India.
One day’s journey from this place is a small town named Merent,[603] from
which a day’s journey further is another small place named Sophian,[604]
situated in the plain of Tauris, at the foot of a mountain; it is a
beautiful country, and has many rivulets and gardens.
From this, one arrives at the great and noble city of Tauris, where was
the abode of Darius, King of Persia, who was afterwards defeated and
slain by Alexander the Great, and which has always been the seat of the
kings of Persia. Here lived Sultan Assambei,[605] and, after him, Jacob
Sultan, his son. This great city[606] is about twenty-four miles in
circumference in my judgment, and is without walls, like Venice. In it
there are immense palaces, as memorials of the kings who have ruled over
Persia. There are many splendid houses.
Two streams flow through it; and half a mile outside the city, towards
the west, there is a large river of salt water, which is crossed by a
stone bridge. In all the neighbouring region there are fountains, the
water of which is brought by underground aqueducts. The numerous palaces
of former kings are wonderfully decorated within, and covered with gold
on the outside, and of different colours; and each palace has its own
mosque and bath, which are equally overlaid, and worked with minute and
beautiful designs. Every citizen of Tauris has his room all overlaid in
the inside, and decorated with ultramarine blue, in various patterns;
many mosques, also, are so worked as to cause admiration in all who
behold them; among these, there is one in the middle of the city so well
built that I do not know how I am to describe it; but at any rate I will
attempt to do so in a way. This mosque is called “Imareth alegeat”, and
is very large, but has never been covered in in the centre. On the side
towards which the Mahometans worship, there is a choir that is a vault
of such a size that a good bowshot would not reach the top; but the
place has never been finished, and all round it is vaulted in with fine
stones, which are sustained by marble columns, which are so fine and
transparent that they resemble fine crystal, and are all equal in height
and thickness, the height being about five or six paces. This mosque has
three doors, of which two only are used, and are arched; they are about
four paces wide and about twenty high, and have a pillar, made not of
marble, but of stone of different colours, while the rest of the vault is
all of layers of decorated plaster. In each doorway there is a tablet of
transparent marble, so clear and fine that one might see one’s face in
it. And the mosque can be seen from the whole country round about; and
even at the distance of a mile, one can clearly see these tablets, which
are three yards each way, the door which opens and shuts being three
yards broad and five high, of huge beams cut into planks, covered with
large cast bronze plates, smoothed down and gilt. Before the principal
door of the mosque is a stream flowing under stone arches. In the midst
of the edifice is a large fountain, not springing there naturally, but
brought artificially, as the water comes in by one pipe and is emptied by
a second, as they please. This fountain is a hundred paces in length and
as many in breadth, and is six feet deep in the middle, where is built a
beautiful platform or pedestal on six pilasters of the purest marble, all
overlaid, and carved inside and out. The building is very ancient, but
the platform has been recently put up, and there is a bridge leading from
the side of the fountain on to the platform. There is a beautiful boat
like a bucentaur, which Sultan Sciech Ismael used often when a boy (as
he still does now) to get into, with four or five of his lords, and row
about the fountain.
I will say no more about this, but will go on to mention two enormous
elm-trees, beneath each of which more than a hundred and fifty men can
stand; and here they preach,[607] declaring and setting forth the new
faith or Suffavean doctrine. The preachers are two doctors of this sect;
and one of them, as many people say, taught Sultan Sciech Ismael, and the
other is required to attend with care to preaching and converting people
to their sect.
This city has also a fine castle on the east at the foot of a hill, but
which is uninhabited, and has no other rooms in it but a magnificent
palace, which is built partly into the hill; it is most wonderful, as
you will learn from what I am about to tell you. This palace is very
lofty, and seems solid half way through. Outside there is a flight of
steps eight or ten paces long, and three broad, which mounts to the royal
gate of the palace; the entrance is in a very large hall, on one side of
which is a solid cube, intended to be a hiding place, sustained by four
large columns, five paces and about twice the grasp of my arms in girth.
The capitals of these columns are wonderfully carved; the cement is of a
certain mixture or stone like fine jasper, as I really believed it to be;
but trying it with my knife, I found it was not hard. They were placed
here not so much for use as for show, as the cube (dome) is sustained by
strong thick walls. Then, further in, there is another long narrow hall,
with many little chambers like rooms; and entering further, one finds
a vast hall with many windows looking on to the city, since the palace
is above it, as I have said, standing on a hill overlooking the city
and the country round for a long way. All these rooms are beautifully
decorated with layers of cement of various colours. All the ceilings of
the rooms are decorated and coloured with gilding and ultramarine blue.
The large hall looking on to the city has many columns round it, which
seem to support the roof; still it is kept up by strong walls, and they
are placed there for the sake of appearance, as they are of the most
beautiful marbles, not white, but in colour like silver, so that in each
one of them are reflected the city, the hall, all the columns and people
there. And at each window of this hall, there are pilasters of fine
marble of the same kind and appearance as the columns, which reflect in
the same way but in a greater degree, as they are flat, so that one can
see not only the city, but also the surrounding country, the mountains
and hills more than twenty miles distant, all the gardens and the great
plain.
This city has, besides, some other great advantages. The principal one is
its being situated in a marvellous position at the head of a fine large
plain towards the east, in a place like a small inlet at the foot of a
high mountain, though this belongs to the chain ten miles further to
the east. On the west there is another, but not very extensive, plain,
stretching three miles from the city.
The air here is so fine and salubrious as to induce people to remain
willingly and with great enjoyment; nor did I ever see anyone in bad
health there. They almost all eat mutton there, which has a very delicate
taste. The beef there is most vile; so that but little is eaten by the
inhabitants. Their bread is of flour as white as milk; they have little
wine, but still there are some red wines, and some wines white in colour,
and tasting like malmsey. There are also a good many fish, which are
caught in a lake,[608] a day’s journey distant from the city, which is
salt like those of Vastan and Van. The fish have not a natural taste, but
have a strange smell and taste of sulphur. To this place there are also
brought many sturgeon,[609] smaller than those of the Mediterranean, but
still excellent. There is delicious caviar also, which, as well as the
sturgeon, is brought from the Caspian Sea, nine days’ journey distant
from this place, from a castle named Maumutaga. There also come from this
sea fresh [Transcriber’s Note: a gap was left here intentionally in the
original printing; use your imagination], as large as men, and so good
that they are better than the flesh of pheasants; but they only come
during the spring, as their season only lasts two months.
There are also the common fruits, as over all the world, few nuts, most
delicious olives, and Adam’s apples; but no oil, oranges, or lemons.
These fruits, which fail in spring-time, are brought from Chilan,[610]
a little province on the southern shore of the Caspian Sea, extending
twenty-five miles from the sea. This city is also ornamented with
numerous gardens, in which there are the common herbs like cabbages,
lettuces, greens, and other small vegetables, like those at Venice; rape
and carrots, small radishes, marjoram, parsley, and rosemary. There is
also much rice, and great abundance of corn and barley.
Besides all this, the city is thickly inhabited by Persians, Turkomans,
and gipsies, who are treated as people of the Suffavean sect, and wear
the red caftans like the rest of the people. There are a good number of
Armenian Christians; but beyond Tauris there are no Christians of any
kind to be found. There are also Jews, but not permanent inhabitants, as
they are all foreigners from Bagadet, Cassan, and Jesede,[611] and come
to Tauris, are Suffavean subjects, and live in alcharan saradi[612]
like all foreign merchants. Of the inhabitants you will learn wonderful
things. The men are ordinarily taller than in our country, are very
bold, robust in appearance, and of high spirit. The women are short in
proportion to the men, and as white as snow. Their dress is the same
as always has been—the Persian costume—wearing it open at the breast,
showing their bosoms and even their bodies, the whiteness of which
resembles ivory. All the Persian women, and particularly in Tauris, are
wanton, and wear men’s robes, and put them on over their heads, covering
them altogether. These are robes of silk, some of crimson cloth, woollen
cloth, velvet, and cloth of gold, according to the condition of the
wearer. A quantity of velvet and cloth of gold is brought from Bursa and
Cafà. In this city there is an order, as throughout the whole of Persia,
that a revenue farmer levies all the excise and tolls as taxes and
customs. There is also a vile usage, which has always existed, that every
merchant who has a shop in the bazaar pays each day either two or six
aspri, or even a ducat, according to their business; likewise, a payment
is fixed for the masters of every art according to their condition. Also
the harlots, who frequent the public places, are bound to pay according
to their beauty, as the prettier they are the more they have to pay; and
far worse than the others I have mentioned is this cursed, horrible,
disgraceful custom, the evil odour of which ascends to heaven; and from
the following instance you may learn their iniquities, as in this city
there is a public place and school of Sodomy, where likewise they pay
tribute according to their beauty.
All the money they collect is for the private advantage of the
revenue-farmers, and no difference is made between Christians and
Mussulmans in going to the prostitutes. Besides these taxes, they have
the tariff, of which the Christians pay ten per cent. on every kind of
merchandise from whatever quarter it may come. The Mussulmans only pay
five per cent. on everything; and if they do not sell in Tauris, and the
goods are in transit, they do not pay per cent., but weigh the whole
quantity and pay a certain proportion on it. In a load worth forty or
forty-five ducats, or one of fine or heavy goods, the payment is limited.
Of everything one buys in this city, what one has to pay is also fixed
according to the class of merchandise, and all is collected by the
revenue-farmer. At the time I was in Tauris, a certain man named Capirali
held this office and received an income of sixty thousand ducats from
these taxes. There is much traffic in this city, and there are silks of
every quality, raw and manufactured. There are rhubarb, musk, ultramarine
blue, pearls of Orimes[613] of every water, coin of all sorts, lake dye
of great beauty, fine indigo, woollen and other cloths from Aleppo,
Bursa, and Constantinople, since crimson silks are exported from Tauris
to Aleppo and Turkey, and are paid for in cloth and silver.
CHAP. VIII.
Description of the royal palace built by Assambei outside the
city of Tauris.
Having given full enough particulars of the different matters of this
city, I do not think I ought to omit to mention a beautiful palace which
the great Sultan Assambei had built; and though there are many large
and beautiful palaces in the city built by the kings, his predecessors,
yet this, without comparison, far excels them all; so great was the
magnificence of Assambei that, up to the present time, he has never had
an equal in Persia. The palace is built in the centre of a large and
beautiful garden, close to the city, with only a stream dividing them to
the north, and in the same circumference a fine mosque is built with a
rich and useful hospital attached. The palace in the Persian language is
called Astibisti,[614] which, in our tongue, signifies “eight parts”, as
it has eight divisions. It is thirty paces high, and is about seventy or
eighty yards round, divided into eight parts, which are subdivided into
four rooms and four anterooms, each room having the anteroom towards the
entrance, and the rest of the palace is a fine circular dome. This palace
is under one roof, or, as one should say, with one storey, and has only
one flight of steps to ascend to the dome, the rooms and anterooms, since
the staircase leads to the dome, and from the dome one enters the rooms
and anterooms. This building, on the ground floor, has four entrances,
with many more apartments, all enamelled and gilt in various ways, and so
beautiful that I can hardly find words to express it. This palace, as I
have already said, is situated in the centre of the garden, and is built
on a terrace, or rather the mastabé has been raised round for appearance,
being a yard and a half high and five yards wide, like a piazza. By
every door of the palace there is a way paved with marble leading to
the mastabé. By the door of the chief palace there is a small flight of
steps of the finest marble by which one mounts to the mastabé, which is
all made of fine marble, while in the centre of the mastabé there is a
channel of a streamlet paved and skilfully worked out in marble. This
streamlet is four fingers broad and four deep, and flows all round in
the form of a vine or a snake. It rises at one part, flows round, and at
the same place again the water is conducted away elsewhere. For three
yards above the mastabé is all of fine marble. All below is plastered in
different colours, and is conspicuous far off like a mirror.
The terrace of the palace has for each angle a gutter or spout, which
spurts out water, and the spout is immensely large, and made in the
form of a dragon; they are of bronze, and so large that they would do
for a cannon, and so well made as to be taken for live dragons. Within
the palace, on the ceiling of the great hall, are represented in gold,
silver, and ultramarine blue, all the battles which took place in Persia
a long time since; and some embassies are to be seen which came from
the Ottoman to Tauris presenting themselves before Assambei, with their
demands and the answer he gave them written in the Persian character.
There are also represented his hunting expeditions, on which he was
accompanied by many lords, all on horseback, with dogs and falcons.
There are also seen many animals like elephants and rhinoceroses, all
signifying adventures which had happened to him. The ceiling of the great
hall is all decorated with beautiful gilding and ultramarine. The figures
are so well drawn that they appear like real living human beings.
On the floor of the hall is spread a magnificent carpet, apparently of
silk, worked in the Persian manner with beautiful patterns, which is
round, and of the exact measurement the place requires; likewise in the
other rooms the floor is all covered. This hall has no light except what
it gets from the anterooms and chambers. Still there are entrances from
the centre hall to the apartments and anterooms where there are many
windows all giving light, each anteroom having only one window, but
that one as large as the whole side of a room, and beautifully fitted.
Thus when these doors are open, the palace, or rather the hall, is so
brilliant with these beautiful figures, that it is a wonder to see. This
is the palace where Assambei used to give audience. About a bowshot from
the palace there is a harem of one storey, so large that a thousand women
might conveniently live there in different rooms. Among the rooms is a
large one like a hall, with the walls all adorned with gold and plaster,
looking like emerald and many other colours. The ceiling of this harem
is ornamented with gold and ultramarine. From this hall there are many
chambers on every side, with all the doors superbly decorated with
gold and blue, and many signs and letters made of mother of pearl, in
beautiful patterns; and through the centre of this hall flows a stream
of pure water, a cubit in breadth and as much deep. On one side of this
harem is a summer-house four yards square, beautifully decorated with
enamel, gold, and ultramarine blue, in patterns really a wonder to see.
Here the queen stays with her maidens to do needlework, according to
their custom.
And in truth it would be too long and too tedious for me to recount
everything about the palace and the harem, which is in the same garden,
and has three entrances, one to the south, another to the north, and
the third to the east. That to the south is arched with bricks, but not
very large, and leads to the garden, the palace being a bowshot distant;
passing through the gate, fifteen paces off on the left is a gallery, a
bowshot in length and six paces broad, which from one end to the other
has seats of the finest marble, with a kind of railing with a design, as
an ornament in relief of plaster, of various colours, quite a wonder to
behold from the excellence of the workmanship. The roof is all ornamented
with gold and plaster. This gallery is supported from one end to the
other by columns of fine marble; in front of it there is a fountain, as
long as the gallery, of fine marble likewise, which is always full of
water, and is twenty-five paces broad. In it there are always four or
five couple of swans; round it there are rose trees and jessamines, and a
smooth road leading direct to the royal palace.
On the north side, one must enter a certain place like a cloister, paved
with bricks, with seats of marble round it. This place is so large
that it will hold three hundred horses, as the lords who came to the
court used to dismount here when Assambei was reigning. In this place
there is a door entering the garden on the way to the king’s palace,
which is an arch fifteen yards high and four yards wide, beautifully
worked in plaster from top to bottom. The door is made of marble, in one
square carved piece about four yards each way; its height about a yard
and a half; its breadth about the same. The rest of the marble is cut
into designs, and when it is exposed to the rays of the sun it shines
so brilliantly on both sides, that it appears like crystal, since the
marbles found in Persia do not resemble ours, but are much finer; they
are not opaque, but are more a species of crystal. Beyond this lordly
door there is a fine paved road leading to the royal palace.
The other door, towards the east, is on an immense maidan or piazza,
and leads into the garden. This door has a wall of bricks, in the form
of an arch, three yards high and two broad, without any decorations,
but simply whitened with plaster, and through it there is a fine large
fountain. Over this there is a large edifice with many rooms, and a
covered hall looking over the garden. On the side towards the maidan
there is an arched gallery, so white as to exceed in whiteness anything I
think I have ever seen. Into this building Assambei used to retire with
many lords whenever a feast was made on this maidan, and frequently when
ambassadors came they used to put them up here, as it was a fine place
and had many apartments. This door is further than the others from the
royal palace, with a splendid view of the maidan, on which are the mosque
and the hospital I have already mentioned. This mosque was built by
Sultan Assambei, is very large, and has within many rooms all decorated
with plaster, gold, and blue.
Also the hospital or moristan, is large, having many buildings, and
within it is even more beautifully ornamented than the mosque, having
many large wards about ten yards long and four broad, each of these being
fitted with a carpet to its measurement. Between the hospital and the
mosque there is a wall only, and outside the hospital, from one side to
the other, is a mastebe one cubit high and two yards broad, and there
used to be an iron chain drawn from one side to the other round the
border of the mastebe; so that no horse might approach either the mosque,
hospital, or mastebe. At the time that Assambei and Jacob Sultan reigned,
more than a thousand poor people lived in the hospital, and the chain
was kept until the death of Jacob Sultan, and was then taken away by the
Turkomans. All these edifices were raised by the great Assambei, who was
so excellent and worthy a man that there has never been his equal in
Persia, as he conquered by force of arms many Persian lords who rebelled
against him. And in the contest with the Ottoman Sultan he gained glory
by defeating and routing his army, though another time he came off worst,
as you will learn from what I am now about to relate to you.
CHAP. IX.
Caloianni, King of Trebizond, sends an ambassador to Assambei,
King of Persia, entreating his assistance against the Ottoman
Grand Turk; the latter promises every aid if he would give him
his daughter as his wife; he gives her on the condition that
she may observe the Christian faith, and sends her to Tauris.
At this time there reigned in Trebizond a Christian king named
Caloianni,[615] who had a daughter named Despinacaton,[616] who was
very beautiful, being considered the most beautiful woman of that time,
and throughout Persia was spread the fame of her loveliness and grace.
As this king was already much molested and troubled in his peaceful
dominions by the Ottoman Grand Turk, and finding himself in a bad way
and in danger of losing his kingdom, considering the great power of
his enemy, he resolved to send an ambassador to Tauris, where Sultan
Assambei[617] lived, to ask his assistance, knowing him to be a
magnanimous monarch. The ambassador, who was most desirous to obtain the
request of his sovereign and to return with full satisfaction, entreated
Assambei not to refuse to give aid to his master, showing him many
reasons why the destruction of the Christian king would cause harm to his
dominions. Assambei being young and unmarried, and already in love with
the above-mentioned lady from having heard so much talk of her beauty
and talents, replied to the ambassador that if his master would give him
his daughter as his wife, he would aid him against the Ottoman not only
with his army, but also with his purse, and in person. The ambassador
departed with this answer, and when he came to his sovereign expressed to
him what Assambei demanded. Seeing that he had not sufficient power to
resist the enemy who just then was attacking him, he was induced to agree
to the request of Assambei, giving him his daughter as his wife, on the
condition that she might observe the Christian faith and keep a chaplain
to perform the sacred offices as ordered by our true religion.
Having made this compact Despinacaton arrived in Tauris accompanied by
many lords: some sent by Assambei and many others coming from Trebizond.
There also came with her many young maidens, daughters of noblemen
of high condition, who were always to remain with her. She had also
a greatly venerated chaplain, a worthy person, who always celebrated
the eucharist according to the Christian custom while she lived with
Ussuncassano, which she did a long time, and always in observance of our
faith. She had her chapel in a separate place, saying her prayers there
whenever it pleased her. This lady had four children: the eldest was
Assambei;[618] the others were daughters, two of whom are still alive,
and Christians.
CHAP. X.
The Ottoman makes preparations against Assambei and Caloianni,
who send ambassadors to the Venetians, requesting their
alliance, and asking for artillery; in the meantime, the
Ottoman sends a Bassà, with his troops, to invade Persia.
Assambei having marched against him, defeats him in a battle.
The Grand Turk, collecting another army, sends against him and
defeats him. He then retreats to Tauris. Afterwards, marching
against the Soldan who had taken from him the city of Orfà, he
defeats him near that place.
The Ottoman, in the year 1472, having heard fully of the compact and
treaty that Assambei had made with the King of Trebizond, and being very
angry and indignant with it, determined to prove the power and valour of
these two monarchs, and therefore made great levies of men to go against
Persia. Assambei receiving intelligence of it, not less full of anger
and indignation than his enemy, ordered all his lords to assemble their
troops with the greatest possible speed, since the King of Trebizond
had informed him of the great preparations of the Turk against them
both. It seems that Caloianni had relatives at Venice, or else a close
friendship with some noblemen. Therefore Assambei, in accordance with
his father-in-law, determined to do his utmost, and therefore sent two
ambassadors to Venice, requesting their alliance to be able to subdue
their Ottoman foe, giving him the chastisement his audacity deserved.
And, as I hear, the ambassadors asked for artillery and gunners, and the
Most Illustrious Government, for the defence of the King of Trebizond,
gave as much as was demanded by the ambassadors, who were greatly
honoured. A ship being equipped with the pieces of artillery on board,
the ambassadors embarked to go to Giazza, as was their master’s command.
While the ambassadors were treating in Venice, Sultan Assambei assembled
his army with great celerity, about thirty thousand fighting men, and
marched, full of rage and fury, against the Ottoman foe, who had already
sent a large force to ravage the Persian territory in the vicinity of
Arsingan. Assambei, on arriving in the beautiful plain of Arsingan,
remained there some days to refresh his troops, who, having been levied
near Tauris, had had a long march. The Ottoman army, from fear of such
a force of Persians, retreated towards Tocat; and Assambei, having
rested his troops, who, in the meantime, had been largely reinforced
from Persia, determined to attack the Turks. There being a distance of
two days’ journey on a good road between the two armies, he advanced to
within a mile of the Turkish camp, and having pitched their tents in the
morning Assambei sent notice to the Bassà in command of the Ottoman army
that on the following day early he would join battle with them. Matters
being in this case, at the hour fixed both armies were set in array,
the first, second, and third columns being all in order by the break
of day. Sultan Assambei was the first to attack, and the combat lasted
till the hour of nine; at this point, a Bassà, with a large force of
Turks, charged fiercely into the _mêlée_, and put the Persians to rout.
Assambei, perceiving the disaster, and having a reserve of eight thousand
picked men at hand to carry succour wherever it was needed, boldly
charged the centre of the hostile army, encouraging his own soldiers and
carrying death everywhere before him, so that the Turks were signally
defeated in that engagement. Assambei having conquered the enemy in this
battle, immediately occupied in triumph Tocat, Malacia, and Sivas,[619]
three large cities. The Ottoman was greatly displeased and troubled on
hearing the news of the rout and destruction of the greater part of his
army, but more especially by that of the loss of the three cities; but,
by collecting troops throughout his dominions, he assembled an immense
army and directed it against Assambei, who had established himself in
safety in Malacia. The latter having also suffered severe loss in the
battle, sent some of the chiefs back to Persia to levy all the troops
they could to reinforce his army. Besides, he awaited with impatience
the cannon and bombardiers sent by our Most Illustrious Government, but
neither succour came with the speed the occasion required, while the
Turkish forces arrived on the frontiers well provided with artillery.
Assambei was disquieted about this; but being in necessity and in hourly
expectation of the Persian reinforcements and the artillery, like a
noble monarch he determined to face the enemy with the troops he had
with him, about twenty-four or twenty-five thousand in number, while
they had thirty-six thousand men. The enemy was stationed on one side
of Malacia, while Assambei was on the other, as he had retreated half
a day’s journey between Malacia and Tocat, a place well suited for the
operations of the armies. The Turks following him up, attacked him
there with great bravery, each side proving their valour. After a great
slaughter on either side Assambei was defeated and forced to retreat into
his own country of Persia, abandoning the three cities. He arrived at
Tauris, where he caused games and rejoicings to be held, not caring much
for his reverse, as he had lost none of his dominions. After a certain
time war broke out with the Soldan of Cairo, and he marched with a
considerable force into the country of Diarbec. The Soldan of Cairo, with
the Mamelukes and a large army of his subjects, crossed the Euphrates
and took Orfà, which he pillaged at his leisure, Assambei not having yet
come up. Assambei, who was already at Amit,[620] mustering his forces to
attack the Mamelukes, hearing of the fall of Orfà,[621] quickly marched
to the plain of Orfà, where he attacked the camp of the Mamelukes with
such fury, that they were nearly all cut to pieces, the rest being forced
to fly with the loss of all their baggage, which afforded great spoil to
Assambei and his chiefs. He then advanced to Bir, and took it, together
with Besin,[622] Calat, and Efron, ravaging the whole country about
there. After remaining six months at Bir, he returned in great triumph to
Persia, holding feasts at Tauris in his palace of Astibisti.
CHAP. XI.
Assambei dying, is succeeded on the throne by his son Jacob,
who takes for wife a licentious woman, an adulteress; she gives
him poison, of which he dies as well as herself, and a little
son. Whence the great lords of Persia make war among themselves
for a long time, to prove who is to succeed to the throne,
first one and then another.
Assambei had four children, one a son, Sultan Jacob, who succeeded his
father; and three daughters, of whom two are still alive at Aleppo. I
myself have often conversed with them in Trebizond Greek, which they had
learnt from Queen Despinacaton, their mother. Assambei being at Tauris,
and having already lived to a great age, died in the year 1478, and, as
I mentioned above, was succeeded by his son, who was a great lord, and
ruled Persia for some time. He took as wife a high-born lady, daughter
of a Persian noble, but a most licentious woman: having fallen in love
with a great lord of the court, this wicked woman sought means to kill
Jacob Sultan her husband, designing to marry her paramour, and make him
king, as, being closely related to Jacob, he would become so by right in
default of children. Having arranged matters with him, she prepared an
insidious poison for her husband, who having gone into a perfumed bath,
as was his custom, with his young son, aged eight or nine years, remained
there from the twenty-second hour till sunset. On coming out, he went
into the harem, which was close to the bath, where he was met by his
wicked wife with a cup and a gold vase containing the poison, which she
had got ready while he was in the bath, knowing that it was his custom
to have something to drink on coming out of the bath. She caressed him
more than usual, to effect her wicked purpose; but not having sufficient
command over her countenance, became very pale, which excited the
suspicion of Jacob, who had already begun to distrust her from some of
her proceedings. He then commanded her to taste it first, which, although
she knew it was certain death, she could not escape, and drank some; she
then handed the gold cup to her husband Jacob, who, with his son, drank
the rest. The poison was so powerful that by midnight they were all
dead. The next morning the news was circulated of the sudden death of
Jacob Sultan, his son and wife. The great lords hearing of their king’s
decease, had quarrels among themselves, so that for five or six years all
Persia was in a state of civil war, first one and then another of the
nobles becoming sultan. At last, a youth named Alumut,[623] aged fourteen
years, was raised to the throne, which he held till the succession of
Sheikh Ismael Sultan.
CHAP. XII.
Secaidar, chief of the Suffaveans, engages in battle with the
general of the forces of Alumut, is defeated, taken prisoner,
and his head being cut off, is taken to the king at Tauris, who
causes it to be thrown to the dogs.
During the reign of Alumut, in a city four days’ east from Tauris, lived
a lord about the rank of a count, named Secaidar,[624] of a religion
or sect named Sophi, reverenced by his co-religionists as a saint, and
obeyed as a chief. There are numbers of them in different parts of
Persia, as in Natolia and Caramania, all of whom bore great respect to
this Secaidar, who was a native of this city of Ardouil,[625] where he
had converted many to the Suffavean doctrine. Indeed, he was like the
abbot of a nation of monks; he had six children, three boys and three
girls, by a daughter of Assambei;[626] he also bore an intense hatred to
the Christians. He frequently made incursions with his followers into
Circassia, ravaging the country, and so brought away many slaves and much
booty with him on his return, with great rejoicings, to Ardouil. Alumut
Sultan having succeeded to the throne, Secaidar, wishing to return to
his wonted expeditions into Circassia against the Christians, assembled
his troops, and set out towards Sumacchia,[627] which he reached in
eight days; from thence he took the road to Derbant,[628] where is the
pass by which one enters Circassia, and was five days _en route_. Sultan
Alumut and his lords hearing that Secaidar, with an army of four or five
thousand Suffaveans, was marching into Circassia, joined by numbers of
volunteers in hopes of plunder, quickly sent messengers to the king of
the country, who was himself afraid of the number of troops Secaidar
had with him, to tell him to use every means in his power to stop him.
Secaidar and his Suffaveans had the previous year, with half the number
of men, done great damage near that fortress, and so they feared he
might do the same; therefore they wished to bar his passage, lest he
should go on increasing his power, as he did every day on his march into
Circassia, by being joined by such multitudes of volunteers for the
sake of booty, by which means he would soon have become a great lord.
Secaidar therefore, on his arrival at Derbant, found the pass closed by
the order of Alumut Sultan. Derbant is a large city, and, according to
their chronicles and traditions, was built by Alexander the Great; it
is one mile wide and three in length, having on one side the Caspian
Sea, and on the other a high mountain; no one can pass except through
the gates of the city, as on the east is the sea, and on the west a
mountain, so steep that not even a cat could climb it. Derbant, the
name of this city, in Persian signifies “closed gate”;[629] and any one
wishing to go into Circassia, must pass through the city which borders on
that country, and the greater part of whose inhabitants speak Circassian,
or rather Turkish. Secaidar finding his passage barred as I have said,
was very indignant, and began to attack the fortress and pass; there
being few soldiers in the place, and insufficient numbers to resist
the Suffaveans, news of their necessity was sent in great haste to the
king of the country, who reported it to Alumut in Tauris. The latter
ordered his lords to levy troops, and when they had assembled about ten
thousand men, set out against Secaidar, who was besieging the fortress
of Derbant, where they arrived in a few days. Secaidar perceiving the
troops of Alumut, retired to a hill on one side, where he exhorted his
soldiers to fight bravely, saying that he felt confident of victory,
and promising them great things. This was in the evening, and every one
swore to fight valiantly. The following morning, the Suffaveans were
all admirably posted for the battle, while opposite them the general of
Alumut had marshalled his troops. Secaidar seeing that an engagement was
inevitable, was the first to attack the enemy, his Suffaveans fighting
like lions, and cutting to pieces a third of Alumut’s troops; but he was
at length defeated, and his men massacred. He himself was taken prisoner;
and his head being cut off, was presented to Alumut Sultan, who commanded
it to be carried on a lance all through Tauris, with martial instruments
sounding in honour of the victory, and afterwards taken to a maidan,
where executions took place, and there thrown to be eaten by dogs. For
this reason, the Suffaveans hate dogs, and kill all they come across.
CHAP. XIII.
Three sons of Secaidar, hearing of their father’s death, escape
in different directions; one of them, named Ismael, flies
to an island inhabited by Armenian Christians, where he was
instructed in the Holy Scriptures by an Armenian priest. Hence
he goes to Chilan, and, determining to avenge his father’s
death, manages to take the castle of Maumutaga, which he sacks,
and bestows all the booty on his followers. For this reason,
many flocked to his banner, being voluntarily converted to
Suffaveism.
Immediately on the news reaching Ardouil, where Secaidar’s wife and six
children were, the three sons fled, one going to Natolia, another to
Aleppo, and the third to an island which, as I have mentioned before,
is in the lake of Van or Vastan,[630] and contains a town of Armenian
Christians. Here this son, named Ismael, who was a noble youth about
thirteen or fourteen years old, remained four years in the house of a
Papà or priest, who was slightly acquainted with astrology, by which he
learnt that Ismael would one day become a great lord. For this reason
he was particularly kind and attentive to him, also instructed him in
our holy faith and in the Scriptures, showing him also the vanity and
emptiness of the Mahometan religion. After four years Ismael determined
to leave Arminy,[631] and went to Chilan,[632] where he lived a year with
a goldsmith,[633] a great friend of his father’s, who kept him in secret
with great care and respect. During this period the youth frequently
wrote secret letters to some of the chief personages in Ardouil, who had
been friends of his father’s, to arrange matters with them; in the spring
of the year he determined to avenge his father’s defeat, and collected,
with the goldsmith, ten or twenty Suffaveans to make a sudden attack
upon the castle of Maumutaga, having arranged that two hundred of his
friends in Ardouil should come armed to the castle and conceal themselves
near it in a glen filled with canes. Everything being settled, Ismael
set out from Chilan with his troop, and on arriving at Maumutaga[634]
attacked the gate of the castle with great fury, killing the guards; as
there were but few defenders in the castle they were all cut to pieces
with the exception of the women and children. Ismael then mounted a
tower, and having signalled to his two hundred allies, who joined him
in great haste, together with them sallied out into the town below the
castle, killing the inhabitants, and carrying with them great booty back
into the castle where they had left the goldsmith and ten companions as
a garrison. This fortress of Maumutaga is very rich, from being a port
on the Caspian sea. All the ships coming from Strevi, Sara,[635] and
Masanderan, loaded with merchandise for Tauris and Sumacchia, disembark
at this place. Ismael found immense treasures in the town, which he
divided among his men, keeping nothing for himself; thus the fame went
abroad that Ismael, the son of Secaidar, had taken this fine fortress and
had bestowed all he found there on his companions. Thus he was joined by
numbers, even those who were not Suffaveans flocking to his standard,
in hopes of receiving gifts of this nature from the valiant Ismael; in
this way arrived at Maumutaga in the course of a few days more than
four thousand Suffaveans. Alumut on hearing this news was much amazed,
and wished to send a force against Maumutaga, but was dissuaded as the
fortress was considered impregnable against assault, while with the sea
open to it it could not be reduced by a regular siege or famine. Alumut
then was compelled to send an army to keep Ismael in check, hoping to
destroy him by some act of rashness, not knowing what was decreed by
fate.
CHAP. XIV.
Ismael marches against the King Sermangoli, takes and pillages
his city of Sumacchia, giving everything to the soldiery;
Alumut being alarmed, assembles his forces; whereupon, Ismael
having sought and obtained the aid of the Iberians, surprises
the camp of Alumut; the latter flies to Tauris, and thence to
Amit; Ismael, following up his victory, takes Tauris, and,
after many other acts of cruelty, causes the head of his own
mother to be cut off.
Ismael was reinforced from day to day, making rich presents to all who
joined him; when he found himself sufficiently powerful he resolved to
take Sumacchia, and assembled his troops for that purpose. Sermangoli on
the attack of the Suffaveans abandoned the city and retired to an almost
impregnable castle, named Culistan,[636] situated on a high mountain and
cut out of the solid rock, where he considered himself secure. Ismael
soon performed the two days’ march from Maumutaga to Sumacchia,[637]
where he slaughtered many of the wretched inhabitants. This city is
large and rich, a port, and the headquarters of a great trade, wherefore
Ismael and his army enriched themselves with its spoils. The fame of the
victories and generosity of Ismael spread throughout Persia and Natolia,
so that every one became a Suffavean in hopes of advancement. Alumut
beholding with no slight apprehension the rapid advances of Ismael and
the increase of his partizans, hastily summoned his lords and commanded
them to levy troops. Ismael also being alarmed on hearing this, sent
messengers to Iberia, which is three, or rather four days’ journey from
Sumacchia. This Iberia is a large province inhabited by Christians, and
governed by seven great chiefs, two or three of whom are on the frontiers
of Persia or Tauris, and whose names are Alexander Bec, Gorgurambec, and
Mirzambec. Ismael sent to them for assistance, promising wealth to all
who joined him, and agreeing, in case he took Tauris, to free them from
the tribute they paid to the King of Persia. Each of these Christian
chiefs sent three thousand horse, being nine thousand in all. These
Iberians are famous horsemen, and valiant in war; on their arrival at
Sumacchia, Ismael bestowed rich presents on them, all from the plunder of
the town. Alumut Sultan, who was a younger man than Ismael (Ismael[638]
being nineteen years old, as I have been informed by many people, and
Alumut only sixteen), hearing of Ismael’s proceedings through his spies,
set out from Tauris against him, while the latter also advanced with all
his troops, fifteen or sixteen thousand in number. The rivals met in
this way between Tauris and Sumacchia, near a river, over which there
were two stone bridges half a mile apart. Alumut, with an army of thirty
thousand men, having arrived first, caused the bridges to be broken so
as to obstruct the passage, and then encamped there. On the following
day, Ismael arrived on the opposite bank; but having by good fortune
discovered a ford, he crossed with his whole army on the following night,
and took the army of Alumut by surprise as they were sleeping in their
tents overcome with wine and food, so that they were unable to defend
themselves. Then began a great slaughter of these poor wretches, so much
so that at the hour of three they were all cut to pieces, except Alumut,
who escaped with a few companions to Tauris, where he kept his treasures
and his harem, and thence to Amit. Ismael took an immense booty in tents,
horses, arms, etc., while all his soldiers enriched themselves with
spoil. He remained in that place four days to refresh his troops, who
were wearied with the fighting, and then advanced on the city of Tauris,
where they met with no resistance, but massacred many of the inhabitants.
All the kinsman of Jacob Sultan were put to the edge of the sword, and
even pregnant women were slaughtered with their unborn offspring. The
tomb of Jacob Sultan, and those of many lords who had been present at
the battle of Derbant where Ismael’s father was killed, were opened,
and their bones burnt. Three hundred public courtezans were then
arranged in line, and their bodies divided in two. Then eight hundred
avaricious Blasi who had been brought up under Alumut were beheaded.
They even slaughtered all the dogs in Tauris, and committed many other
atrocities. After this, Ismael sent for his own mother,[639] who was in
some way related to Jacob Sultan (in what manner I have not been able to
discover), and finding that she had married one of the lords who had been
present at the battle of Derbant, after reviling her, caused her head
to be cut off before him. From the time of Nero to the present, I doubt
whether so bloodthirsty a tyrant has ever existed.
CHAP. XV.
Many cities and chiefs give in their submission to Ismael,
with the exception of a fortress of Christians, which held
out for five years; but, hearing of the death of Alumut, they
surrender. In the villages near this fortress are found books
written with Latin characters, in the Italian tongue.
At this time many districts, cities, and castles gave in their submission
to Ismael. Many nobles also sought his presence, and paid him homage,
putting on the red caftan, kissing his hands, and taking oaths of
allegiance. There was one exception of the governor of a fortress named
Alangiachana,[640] two days’ distant from Tauris. This castle has twelve
neighbouring villages inhabited by orthodox Christians, whose patriarch
sends two men every year to the Pope with an offering of incense. They
perform their worship in Armenian, having lost the use of the Italian
language. In these villages there are many manuscripts and books in
Italian; while I was in Tauris two were brought to me, one relating to
astronomy and the other to the rules of grammar. They also produce a
great quantity of rich crimson dye. As I have mentioned, this was one
of the last castles belonging to the Christians, who have for some time
forgotten their original language, the Italian. This governor, after
Ismael had taken Tauris, still held out for four or five years, being a
devoted adherent of Alumut Sultan, while Assambei Sultan and Jacob Sultan
had also deposited immense treasures in the fortress for security. The
news of Alumut’s death at length reaching him, he no longer wished to
hold out, and surrendered the castle and treasures to Ismael. Ismael
having obtained the regal power was nominated Sultan by the whole nation,
who admired his wonderful victories; and he reigned, honoured, loved, and
respected by all.[641]
CHAP. XVI.
Muratcan, the son of Jacob Sultan, marches against Ismael to
fight for the throne; but, his army being defeated and cut to
pieces, he flies to Bagadet.
While Ismael Sultan was in Tauris, Muratcan[642] Sultan of Bagadet, with
an army of 30,000 men, moved against him to seize the throne which was
his by right. Ismael upon hearing this was moved with great indignation,
and assembling his vassals and troops issued from Tauris to a wide plain,
where he heard that Muratcan was hastily advancing, thinking to obtain
great booty. This Muratcan was the son of Jacob Sultan. Then Ismael
exhorted all his vassals and soldiers to bear themselves manfully, and
also desired the Iberian Chieftains to encourage their men to deeds like
those when they routed the army of Alumud; everyone promised this and
waited with great impatience for the contest. Muratcan having advanced
with his army to a spot not far distant from the camp of Ismael, in the
plain of Tauris, halted on the banks of a rivulet to refresh his men;
Ismael marched to the other bank, and took up his station there. In this
position both armies challenged each other to the fight and reviled
each other. At noon, Muratcan exhorted his followers to fight bravely
against their Suffavean foes (Ismael doing the same on the other side),
and then divided his army into three columns. Ismael Sultan, seeing the
proceedings of the enemy, made two divisions of his army, one of Iberians
9,000 strong and the other of Suffaveans, separated from each other, and
appointed captains as customary in battle, and the whole of the day and
the following night both armies remained under arms. On the appearance
of dawn they began to sound the numerous instruments the Persians use
in battle, exhorting each other to fight valiantly. When day was fully
broke, Muratcan was the first to throw himself with 10,000 men upon the
Suffavean host, causing great slaughter, but in less than an hour all
his soldiers were cut to pieces, so that he was forced to bring up his
other two columns together into the contest, Ismael being compelled to
do the same. Such a slaughter took place and more blood was shed than
ever happened in one battle in Persia since the days of Darius,[643]
the battle lasting from morning till noon, ending with the total rout
of Muratcan, who fled with a few adherents to Babylon or rather Bagadet
to his utter disgrace. On the opposite hand Ismael returned with great
reputation, having made an immense booty of tents, pavilions, and horses,
with but slight loss on his side; so he entered Tauris with a grand
triumph, and spent some time in the great palace of Astibisti in sports
and rejoicings. But the Babylonians, with the exception of 50 or 70 who
fled with Muratcan, were cut to pieces, about 30,000 in number, and
mountains of their bones were piled up on the site of the battle. At this
time Ismael was only nineteen, so that in this one year, the year 1499,
all these exploits and actions took place.[644] And during my stay in
Tauris, men were continually flocking to his standard, from all parts of
the country, but especially from Natolia, Turkey, and Caramania, Ismael
presenting gifts to them all according to their rank and condition.
CHAP. XVII.
Sultan Calil, Lord of Asanchif, and Ustagialu Maumutbec, a
chieftain of Natolia, give in their submission to Ismael, who
gives to each of them one of his three sisters in marriage.
Later on Ustagialu makes war on Sultan Calil, in accordance
with the commands of Ismael, who, with an immense army, marched
in person against Aliduli, ravaging his country and killing
some of his sons, with an immense number of his people.