Sultan Sciech Ismael having gained the throne wished to bring the
whole country under his sway. Thus Sultan Calil,[645] the lord of
Asanchif,[646] came in person to Ismael, put on the red caftan, and
promised to be an obedient vassal, for which Ismael made him munificent
presents, confirmed him in his realm, and gave him one of his sisters
in marriage, so that he returned with great rejoicings to Asanchif.
Another Natolian chieftain, named Ustagialu Maumutbec, who had come to
the aid of Ismael with seven brothers, all valiant men, was granted
for his services the fine province of Diarbec with the exception of
Asanchif. Then Ustagialu made a conquest of this province, excepting the
cities of Amit and Asanchif; and because Sultan Calil (as was said) had
transgressed the orders of Ismael, the latter resolved that the whole
province should be under the orders of Ustagialu, and sent commands to
Calil to surrender the city and fortresses to Ustagialu. In like manner
he ordered the latter to take possession of the city notwithstanding his
relationship to Calil; for on setting out to conquer the province he had
been given the second sister of Ismael as his wife, so that these two
Chieftains were connected. But Sultan Calil was a Curd, and this people,
though subject to the Suffaveans, are ill-disposed towards them, so Calil
refused to give up anything to Ustagialu. Ustagialu then being moved with
indignation, marched against him with 10,000 horsemen and waged continual
war against him until the year 1510, which was that of my arrival
from Azemia,[647] without being able to subdue him. The Alidulians
were in the habit of making frequent incursions into this province of
Diarbec and laying waste the country round Orfa, Somilon,[648] and
Dedu. Orfa is a large city, the other two are fortresses; they also
had in their possession a city named Cartibert,[649] governed by a son
of Aliduli,[650] which Ustagialu had never been able to take. This
city with its independent castle was in the realm of Persia, but the
Alidulians had seized it during the reign of Sultan Jacob, and during
the government of Ustagialu caused great damage throughout the country.
On this account Ismael determined to march in person to destroy the
Alidulians, and having recruited his army advanced to Arsingan, a
fortress on the confines of Trebizond, Natolia, and Persia. Here he
collected an immense force and took the place, which was held by one
of the sons of the Grand Turk who had subdued Trebizond at the time of
Sultan Jacob’s death; and rested forty days in the place, where he
assembled a force of 60,000 fighting men, more than were sufficient to
subdue the Alidulians, but because he distrusted the Ottoman and the
Soldan of Cairo, between the borders of whose respective dominions the
country of Aliduli was situated. During Ismael’s stay in Arsingan he
sent two ambassadors,[651] one named Culibec to the Ottoman in Natolia,
and the other named Zachariabec to the Soldan of Cairo, swearing solemn
oaths to these monarchs, that he intended no harm to their dominions, but
was only marching against his enemy Aliduli. After a halt of forty days,
Ismael set out from Arsingan against the enemy, with his 60,000 men. It
is only a four days’ march from Arsingan to the country of Aliduli; but
Ismael took another route, passing by the Turkish city of Cesaria[652]
in order to obtain supplies which he intended to pay for honestly. On
his arrival, he caused proclamation to be made that everyone who brought
provisions for sale should be liberally paid, and forbade his men under
pain of death to take even as much as a handful of straw without paying
for it, as it was a friendly city; having remained there four days,
Ismael continued his march to the beautiful district of Bastan, where
there is a fine river and numerous villages, just one day’s journey
from Aliduli’s capital, a city named Marras.[653] Ismael having first
ravaged Basten,[654] moved upon Marras, from whence Aliduli had fled with
numerous followers to the high mountain named Caradag,[655] to which
there was access by only one narrow pass. Ismael devastated the country,
killing numbers of people, among them some of the sons of Aliduli who
from time to time used to descend from the mountain to fall upon the
Suffaveans, but were easily cut to pieces by them, as their descent was
betrayed by the numerous scouts kept by Ismael, and also by some secret
Suffaveans among the Alidulians themselves. It was the 29th July, 1507,
when Ismael entered the country of Aliduli, where he remained till the
middle of November, when he was forced to leave from want of provisions
in the country, and from the snow and cold which prevented a winter
campaign.
CHAP. XVIII.
Amirbec makes a prisoner of Sultan Alumut, who had admitted him
with his soldiers into Amit, and leads him in chains before
Ismael, who cuts off his head with his own hands. He then takes
the city of Cartibirt, with the son of Aliduli, whom he puts to
death; after the winter he returns to Tauris.
During my stay in Malacia,[656] a city belonging to the Soldan of Cairo,
on my return journey from Cimiscasac[657] and Arsingan to Aleppo, I met
Amirbec the governor of Mosulminiato, a great adherent of Ismael’s,
who wore two gold chains, covered with rubies and diamonds, round his
neck, to which was attached the seal of Ismael, a mark of his greatest
confidence. When the latter required to seal anything it was Amirbec’s
duty to do so with his own hands. To do a favour to Sultan Ismael, he had
put a number of lords to death, and while I was in Malacia, I found that
he had captured, in the following manner, the young Sultan Alumut, who
had been defeated by Sciech Ismael; he set out from Mosul with 400[658]
men to Amit where Sultan Alumut lived, pretending to be coming to his
aid as he was doubtful about Ismael’s return, wherefore Alumut received
him courteously as usual, for Amirbec had been one of his chiefs. Thus
confiding in him, and having allowed him to enter the city with his 400
men, Amirbec suddenly placed his hand on the shoulder of the unfortunate
young man, saying—You are the prisoner of Ismael Sultan. Leaving a
governor in the city, he put him in chains and took him with him to meet
Ismael at Malacia (where I then was), being the nearest place on the road
to the country of Aliduli where Ismael was engaged in war. He remained
there a day and a half with the 4,000 Suffaveans he had with him, and I
myself saw the young Alumut bound in chains in a tent. Amirbec leaving
took him as a grateful gift to Ismael, who had him brought into his
presence and cut off his head with his own hands; he then hurried back to
his own country for fear of the snow, passing through Malacia, where he
only rested one day to supply his troops with provisions; he then crossed
the Euphrates, which is only ten miles distant from Malacia, and encamped
before Cartibert;[659] which was governed by a son of Aliduli named
Becarbec, and well furnished with troops and provisions; but all was of
no avail, as Ismael took the place, cut off the young man’s head with
his own hands and then proceeded in great haste on his way to Tauris. On
the six days’ march to that city, the snow and cold caused great loss
in men, horses, and camels, and they had to abandon part of the booty
they had made in the country of Aliduli. But nevertheless Ismael rode on
to a beautiful palace he had built at Coi, where he remained until the
Naurus,[660] that is the new year, when he determined to march against
Muratcan Sultan of Bagadet. Returning to Tauris he found that his two
brothers whom he had left in charge of the city had not thoroughly
observed his commands, so he was very nearly putting them to death; but
in accordance with the entreaties of many of his lords the young men
escaped, but were banished to their native province of Ardouil which they
were not allowed to leave, being granted a train of only 200 horsemen
each.
CHAP. XIX.
Ismael sets out with his army against Muratcan, many of whose
lords and soldiers desert to Ismael; Muratcan, offering to
become his vassal, sends an ambassador to him, whom Ismael
causes to be cut to pieces with all his train; Muratcan then
flies, and finding shelter nowhere, goes to Aliduli, who gives
him one of his daughters in marriage.
At the new year Ismael collected thirty or forty thousand fighting men,
with whom he set out on his march to his city of Casan;[661] remaining
there a few days he proceeded to Spaan,[662] a large and populous city
belonging to Moratcan, who foreseeing the storm had on his side assembled
an army of 36,000 fighting men. He came to Siras,[663] a larger and
more beautiful city than Cairo in Egypt, so that both were prepared,
Moratcan in Siras and Ismael in Spaan. Ismael had a large army all of
Suffaveans and brave men; on the contrary, Moratcan’s army came to the
field compulsorily and with reluctance; hearing of Ismael’s force they
knew it would be impossible to resist him in the fight, as with a fewer
number of men he had routed and cut to pieces the host of Muratcan 30,000
strong in the plains of Tauris, in the former battle. On this account,
many of the chiefs and soldiers doubtful as to the issue fled to Ismael’s
camp. Moratcan perceiving the desertion sent two ambassadors with a
train of five hundred to Ismael, followed by spies to learn the result
of the embassy, which was to declare himself Ismael’s vassal and that he
was willing to pay him tribute. Ismael caused the ambassadors and their
suite to be cut in pieces, saying “if Moratcan were willing to become my
subject, he would have come in person and not have sent an embassy.” The
spies seeing the result, reported the news at once to Moratcan, who took
to flight with all his belongings, as the rumour had spread throughout
his camp, many of his chiefs donning the red caftan. Moratcan fearing
to be made captive in the same manner as Alumut, chose a guard, three
thousand in number, of the adherents he thought most faithful, and with
them he fled towards Aleppo from the fury of Ismael, who hearing of his
flight dispatched six thousand Suffaveans in pursuit. After crossing a
river by a stone bridge he caused it to be broken down, so on the speedy
arrival of the Suffaveans on the opposite bank all further action was
useless; Moratcan pursuing his route came to a castle, governed by one of
his slaves, who seeing his master in flight, or having some understanding
with Ismael, refused to admit him, for which, enraged by the loss of
his treasure in the castle, Moratcan caused the inhabitants of a small
town beneath the castle to be slaughtered. Advancing towards Aleppo, in
a few days he arrived within thirty miles of the city, and waited till
he sent to Cairbec, the governor,[664] to ask for a safe conduct, which
was courteously granted, and a grand reception accorded him. He further
sent some of his lords to Cairo to demand a safe conduct from the Soldan,
who for some reason or other would not grant it, but sent information as
to where he would find Aliduli. On joining the latter, he was heartily
welcomed, Aliduli condoling with him for his losses from the Suffaveans,
and Moratcan doing likewise on his side. Aliduli also, notwithstanding
his condition, gave him one of his daughters in marriage.
CHAP. XX.
Ismael takes Bagadet and then returns to Spani to oppose the
Tartars; after one year he re-enters Tauris, where great
rejoicings were held with archery sports for fifteen days. A
description of his qualities is given.
Ismael having seen the total destruction of his enemy proceeded to
Siras and then to Bagadet, making great slaughter among the wretched
inhabitants. About this time the great Tartar Iesilbas[665] had invaded
Persia with a vast army, had over-run Corasan,[666] and taken the
city of Eri,[667] a populous and commercial place, also Stravi,[668]
Amixandaran,[669] and Sari, towns on the shores of the Caspian towards
the East, and bordering on the new conquests of Ismael, who being alarmed
at the news returned with his army to Spaan. The Tartar endeavouring to
outwit Ismael, asked leave to pass through his territories on his way
to Mecca, as he pretended he wished to make a pilgrimage to his prophet
Mahomet, but Ismael perceiving the snare not only refused a passage,
but sent insulting messages in reply and remained one year in Spaan to
meet the Tartars. The great Tamerlane once took this very country with
the whole of Persia and Soria, and there still remain memorials of him
in Soria. At the end of a year Ismael returned to Tauris, where on his
arrival great rejoicings took place; I happened to be there myself,
having gone to recover debts from the traitor Chamainit of Casvene. For a
fortnight Ismael continued to join in archery every day with his lords in
a maidan, in the midst of which was a pole, on which was placed a golden
apple (twenty apples, ten of gold and ten of silver, being provided for
the days’ sport), at which, they shot from their bows while running, and
whoever hit it took it for his own. Every time one was hit they rested
for a time, drinking delicate wines and eating sweetmeats; during the
sports two beautiful youths stood beside the monarch, one holding a gold
vase, and the other two plates of sweetmeats; the lords having their wine
and sweetmeats separately. When Ismael rests, the youths approach with
the wine and sweetmeats; he does so sometimes, even when no apple has
been hit. He always has a guard of a thousand soldiers to attend him at
these sports; besides there is a crowd of about thirty thousand people,
composed of citizens and soldiers, round the maidan. At the entrance of
the garden nearest the palace there is a large saloon, where a supper
is prepared for the lords who have joined in the sports, while Ismael
retires to his repast in the palace Astibisti. Then all the lords sing
in praise of their master Ismael, extolling his graciousness towards
them. At present he is about thirty-one, very handsome, of a magnanimous
countenance, and about middle height; he is fair, stout, and with broad
shoulders, his beard is shaved and he only wears a moustache, not
appearing to be a very hairy man. He is as amiable as a girl, left-handed
by nature, is as lively as a fawn, and stronger than any of his lords.
In the archery trials at the apple, he is so expert, that of every ten
knocked down he hits six; during the sports, music is played and dancing
girls perform after their manner, singing the praises of Ismael; after a
stay of a fortnight at Tauris he went with his army to Coi where he abode
for two months.
CHAP. XXI.
Sermangoli breaks the treaty with Ismael, sets out to ravage
the country a second time, sending two captains on this
expedition, while he himself, leaving Canar, marches towards
the Caspian, taking many places, and among them the great and
famous fortress of Derbant.
During his stay at Coi, Sermangoli the king of Servan,[670] a tributary
of Ismael’s, broke the treaty between them. Then Ismael, filled with
anger, assembled his troops and marched against the country for the
second time, having on the former occasion taken the country from this
Sermangoli who was the ruler, but having restored it to him on his
promising to be a faithful subject; for his deceit he now set out to
take it away from him. He first marched to Carabacdac,[671] a district
more than a thousand miles in extent, in which is a large fortress named
Canar, subject to which are many villages famous for the culture of silk,
which from this place is named Canarese; here he remained some days as it
was a fertile district. Here he appointed two captains, one named Lambec,
and the other Bairambec the conqueror of Van, as I have before related,
and a brother-in-law of Ismael’s as he had married one of the latter’s
three sisters, Custagialutbec another, and Sultan Calil of Asanchif the
third. These two captains being appointed, they were despatched against
Sumacchia, which town they found quite deserted on their arrival, as the
inhabitants had fled to a large and impregnable fortress named Culustan,
situated on the summit of a mountain. It was held by a brave officer,
devoted adherent of the king of Servan, who had given orders to him on
the approach of Ismael to retire to it from the city, which is only half
a mile distant. Lembec and Bairambec seeing that every one had retired to
the castle, sat down with ten thousand men to besiege it, but could make
no impression upon it as it was inaccessible on every side, and they had
no artillery or engines. While they were engaged in the siege, Ismael
left Canar and came to Maumutaga, which was immediately surrendered
to him as the inhabitants had on a previous occasion experienced his
cruelty; all the wealth found in the place was given to the soldiers. He
further set out on his march along the shore of the Caspian, to subdue
the other fortresses of the province of Servan, which extends from
Maumutaga to Derbant, a seven days’ journey. There are three large cities
and three fortresses along this shore: the first is Sumacchia, which is
a day’s journey from the sea, but the others, Maumutaga and Derbant,
are close to it. The first castle he came to was called Baccara,[672]
which was immediately given up to him; a day’s journey further was a
fine castle named Sirec on the summit of a mountain, which detained him
three days while treating for terms, which Ismael granted, reinstating
the former governor, but sending sixty Suffaveans to hold it, who by
their arrogant conduct towards the inhabitants were all massacred by the
latter, who then fled to the mountains by night, from fear of Ismael,
who finding no one on whom to wreak his vengeance, caused the place to
be demolished. Advancing a little further they came to a castle and a
large unwalled town named Sabran, which was deserted, as the king of the
country caused it to be wasted that Ismael might not procure supplies;
however, fresh provisions reached the latter every day from Carabacdac.
After four days’ march, Ismael arrived at Derbant[673] where he found the
inhabitants fled, either to the mountains or to Circassia, while only the
citadel held out, which was very strong as I have already described, and
defended on every side by men with lances and banners. This castle has
only two gates, well built with stone and mortar. Ismael, who had arrived
in about fifteen or twenty days, remained eleven days with his whole army
forty thousand strong before the castle; they made two mines, neither of
which succeeded. At last they made a large mine under a tower, digging
out all the foundations, and supporting it with beams of wood; then
filling the hollow with dry wood they set fire to it hoping that when the
beams were burnt the tower would fall. The dry wood soon burnt and flames
soon poured out of the hollow, but had little effect as they were choked
in the cavern. But the governor fearing greater damage and the loss of
the place, sent a messenger at midnight to Ismael, offering to yield the
castle if lives and property were spared. Ismael having seen the ill
success of the fire gave the promise as required to the messenger, and on
the following morning the gates were opened and the castle surrendered.
They found in it great quantities of arms, stores, and provisions, which
were brought before Ismael, who remained eight or nine days to refresh
his troops, during which stay many chiefs gave in their submission, and
put on the red caftan.
CHAP. XXII.
Ismael returns to Tauris; great sports and feasts are prepared
for his arrival; of the affection his soldiers bear him, and
how he is adored almost as a God; of their clothes and armour;
of the disgraceful act committed by him, and how he sets out
for the second time with his army against the Tartar.
During these latter events I was at Tauris, endeavouring to hasten the
recovery of my debts, for which I had to summon Camaidit of Casvene, but
could not get satisfaction from him, as he had gained the favour of a
friend of his, an usher of the court. I was then advised to have recourse
to Ismael, so having drawn up a memorial I set off on horseback to find
him, which I did in the midst of his army beneath the ruined citadel of
Zirec. Finding some lords whom I had known in Tauris, I acquainted them
with my wants, asking them to procure me an audience of Ismael, but they
advised me to wait till he had subdued Derbant, when in his joy for his
victory he would be inclined to grant anything I might ask, which counsel
I took and remained the whole time in the camp. When the fortress was
taken and the conquest completed, I sought out those lords, and giving
them the memorial with the papers proving the debt, the matter was shown
to Ismael, who despatched me immediately to Tauris with orders to all the
officers that right should be done me. The decree was written in Ismael’s
name in large letters, and sealed with his seal with a sign resembling
a Z, by the hands of Mirbec, the ruler of Mosul, who wears the seal of
Ismael on a chain round his neck; it is made out of a diamond set in a
beautifully worked ring of gold; it is about half the size of a nut, and
is engraved in minute letters with the name of Ismael surrounding the
twelve sacraments of their sect.[674] On my arrival in Tauris I found I
could do nothing as my adversary had fled, so I determined to proceed
to Aleppo, but before I left, Ismael returned with his army, for whose
coming there were great preparations made, and all the shops decorated
for the festival and triumphs. He came every day to the maidan to divert
himself with archery with his lords who received many gifts from him. And
there was dancing, music and songs in honour of the great Sultan Ismael
when he was present in the maidan. This Sophy is loved and reverenced
by his people as a god, and especially by his soldiers, many of whom
enter into battle without armour, expecting their master Ismael to watch
over them in the fight. There are also others to go into battle without
armour, being willing to die for their monarch, rushing on with naked
breasts, crying “Schiac, Schiac.” The name of God is forgotten throughout
Persia and only that of Ismael remembered; if any one fall when riding
or dismounted he appeals to no other god but Schiac, using the name in
two ways; first as god Schiac; secondly as prophet; as the Mussulmans
say “Laylla, laylla Mahamet resuralla,” the Persians say “Laylla yllala
Ismael vellialla;”[675] besides this, everyone, and particularly his
soldiers, consider him immortal, but I have heard that Ismael is not
pleased with being called a god or a prophet. They are accustomed to
wear a red caftan and above that a high conical turban made with a
dozen folds, representing the twelve sacraments of their sect, or the
twelve descendants of Ali; besides this, they neither shave either their
beard or whiskers. Their dress has never changed; their armour is of
beautifully worked and carved steel cuirasses, besides coats of mail,
helmets like those of the Mamelukes; their harness is very strong, bound
with cotton; sometimes it is of the fine steel of Siras, and sometimes
of copper, but not like ours, but all in pieces like that of Soria: they
have other helmets or headpieces of heavy mail. Everyone rides, and so
there are no foot soldiers; they use lances, swords, and slings, besides
bows with many shafts.
On his second arrival in Tauris, Ismael committed a most disgraceful act,
as he caused twelve of the most beautiful youths in the town to be taken
to his palace of Astibisti for him to work his wicked will upon them, and
gave them away one by one to his lords for the same purpose; a short time
previously he had caused ten children of respectable men to be seized in
like manner. When he returned from Sumacchia three Georgian ambassadors
arrived and were well received, and a damsel given them as a present.
While engaged in these rejoicings, news came that the Usbecs, that is the
subjects of the Tartar, had over-run the country of Gesti,[676] whereupon
he had to decide to march against him at once, so he took the field and
mustered his troops, ordering all his lords to assemble their retainers
which they had to maintain during the campaign. In this way forces came
together from all sides in numbers sufficient to meet Jeselbas,[677]
a great many being necessary as the Tartar was a mighty monarch. I
left Tauris on the 1st of May, 1520,[678] during the levying of this
army, taking the route to Aleppo, and in spite of some dangerous fellow
travellers, and by the favour of God arrived at Albir[679] on the 2nd
July, 1520.[680]
FOOTNOTES
[530] Alla ed Douleh.
[531] Erzingan. See p. 7, Caterino Zeno.
[532] Tchimish Gazak, or birthplace of Zimisces; identified by the
Armenians with the ancient Hierapolis, though called by its present name
after the birth of Zimisces, the Byzantine Emperor; it is now a town of
about five thousand inhabitants, but without any relics of the Roman
period.
[533] Schamachi.
[534] Shirvan.
[535] Irak-Ajemi.
[536] Bir, on the Euphrates; formerly a large town. It was taken and
destroyed by Timour, the ancient Apamea.
[537] Kaiid Beg.
[538] Devetdar, an officer of Mamelukes. Tomant Bey, the last of the
Soldans of Cairo, defeated and put to death by Selim I. in 1517, after a
gallant resistance to the Turkish arms; he succeeded Campson Gauri.
[539] Orfa, anciently called Edessa by the successors of Alexander, and
more recently Rhoa. It became a Roman colony, and one of their chief
strongholds against the Parthians. At the time of the Crusades it was the
residence of the Courtneys, who were called Counts of Edessa, and was
taken from them by Saladin. Timour sacked it in 1426; it is now subject
to Turkey. Kinneir, in his _Geographical Memoir of Persia_, says:—“It is
situated in a barren country, sixty-seven miles from Bir and two hundred
and thirty-two from Diarbekr. The town is surrounded by a stone wall
and defended by a citadel. The ditch, which is broad and deep, is hewn
out of the rock, and, when necessary, can be filled with water from the
river Scirtus. The houses are well built, and the inhabitants, who are
composed of Turks, Arabs, Armenians, Jews, and Nestorians, are said to
amount to about twenty thousand souls. The chief ornaments of the city
are a magnificent mosque consecrated to Abraham, and the cathedral of
the Armenians, now fallen to decay. On a mountain, which overlooks and
commands the citadel, are the ruins of a building called by the Arabs
the Palace of Nimrod, and several extraordinary subterraneous apartments
apparently of great antiquity.”
[540] Nimrod.
[541] Now the mosque of Ibrahim al Khaleel.
[542] The same tradition prevails now, and the fish alluded to seem as
plentiful as ever, it being held sacrilege to catch them.
[543] The region is now very barren.
[544] Bagdad.
[545] Syria.
[546] Jemeleyn.
[547] Kara Amid, or Amid-Diarbekr. See Zeno.
[548] An error. The Emperor Constantine repaired the old Roman walls only.
[549] These towers were built at various periods by the chiefs of the
different dynasties that reigned there. There are inscriptions from
Valens down to Sultan Selim, that each successive possessor placed on the
walls.
[550] This was the emblem of the Ortokide and Eioobite rulers, and not
the Imperial arms.
[551] Despina Khatoon, the latter word meaning “lady” or “madam”, and so
“queen”.
[552] Calo Johannes, or Black John. See p. 42, Zeno.
[553] Now the Ooloo Jami.
[554] A stone seat fastened to a wall.
[555] It has only four now.
[556] The Tigris, or Shat (Arabic for river). After the junction of the
Euphrates and Tigris, the river, on its way to the Persian Gulf, goes by
the name of the Shat ul Arab.
[557] Hisn Keyf and Jezireh.
[558] Kara Amid-Diarbekr.
[559] Kharput, called by Arabic historians Khutburt and Hisn Ziyad, now
Mauooriet el Azeezeh in Turkish official documents. It was a chief seat
of the Orlokides, and here it was that Balak, the son of Behram, the
son of Ortog, confined the gallant crusaders, Jocelyn de Courtenay and
Baldwin du Bourg, after they had been liberated by their conquerors,
Dejekermish and Soukman Ibn Ortok. Balak destroyed all his prisoners,
with the exception of the royal captives, by throwing them over the
battlements. It is now fast falling into decay, the fine old castle in
the lower part of the town being now in ruins.
[560] Diarbekr.
[561] Mardin, the ancient Roman colony of Marde, still a prosperous town.
Kinneir says, “Although in so elevated a situation, it has within itself
a plentiful supply of the finest water; and, as the vine is cultivated
with success in the recesses of the mountains, wine and brandy (arrack)
are made by the Armenians in considerable quantities. The houses are
all built of fine hewn stone, and appear to be very old. The windows
are small, grated with iron, and, from the position of the town on a
declivity, added to the narrowness of the streets, the buildings seem,
progressively, to rise one on the top of the other. The population of
Merdin amounts to nearly 11,000 souls, of which fifteen hundred are
Armenians and two hundred Jews; the remainder are Turks, Arabs, and
Kurds. The Armenians have here several churches, and a patriarch who was
educated at Rome; he is a well-informed man, highly respected even by the
Turks. The walls of the city are kept in tolerable repair, and a few old
pieces of cannon are mounted on the towers of the castle, which is now in
a very dilapidated state, and has never been completely repaired since
the place was taken by Timour. Merdin is forty-six furlongs from Mosul
and eighteen from Diarbekr. It is the frontier town of the Pashalik of
Bagdad, towards Constantinople, and under the government of a Mussaleem
appointed by the Pasha.”
[562] According to Kinneir this is not the case now. See preceding note.
[563] Jezireh, on the Tigris, representing the old fortress of Bezabde,
was an important town till the invasion of Timour, by whom it was taken
and destroyed. It was a chief seat of the Atabegs, the ruins of whose
castle still exist.
[564] Hesn Keyf.
[565] Sultan Khalil, the Eioobite. His tomb exists there yet. Hesn el
Kahef or Hesn Keyf, three hours and a half from Redhwanis, mentioned by
Procopius as Ciphas, while an Armenian author, writing about the first
crusade, speaks of it under the name of Harsenko, and says that after the
defeat of Baldwin de Bourg, Count of Edessa, and Jocelyn de Courtenay
by Dejekermish and Soukman, which resulted in the capture of those two
chiefs, Jocelyn was sent a prisoner to Hesn Keyf, while Baldwin was
incarcerated at Mosul. They were ransomed for a considerable sum, but
fell into the hands of Balak the son of Behram, the son of Ortok, who
confined them at Kharput. The modern town is perched on the top of a
steep and nearly inaccessible rock, having at the eastern end the old
castle built by the Ortokides on the ruins of a more ancient edifice. In
a small plain at the foot of the mountains that here press down upon the
Tigris, are the ruins of the old town of the same name, the seat of the
Ortokides and Eioobites. A noble bridge of three large and three smaller
pointed arches, but now in ruins, spanned the river close under the town.
But by far the most interesting relics of the place are the myriads of
grots that stretch for three miles in one direction, and occupy the sides
of six other separate ravines, scooped out of the hills to the east of,
and round the town. They exist, tier above tier, in parallel lines all
up to the top, communicating with each other by stairs and by a narrow
zigzag path, that passing each cell reaches from the highest cave to the
plain. In the same manner the water of some springs on the top of the
hill was conducted by a narrow channel past each of them and within easy
reach of their inhabitants.
[566] Tigris.
[567] It is now a miserable village of one hundred and fifty houses only.
[568] Brother-in-law.
[569] Kizzilbashes, or red-heads. The seven Turkish tribes who bore this
name were the “Oostkajalu,” “Shamlu,” “Nikallu,” “Baharlu,” “Zulkudder,”
“Kajar,” and “Affshar.”
[570] Khatun “lady” or “princess.”
[571] Irak Ajemi.
[572] From the courtyard of the old castle at the eastern end of the
modern town, a curious covered way, containing a winding stair of two
hundred steps, is scooped out of the solid rock, leading down to the
river. A little farther on are the remains of a similar stair, which,
like the former, was evidently used by the townspeople to supply
themselves with water from the Tigris. Where the stairs are at all
exposed to the attack of an enemy from the opposite side, they are pitted
with innumerable small holes, probably caused by flights of arrows that
had been shot against these exposed parts to prevent any communication
with the river.
[573] The foundations are Parthian. The only remaining arch fell in last
year—1869.
[574] Tchimishgazak. In ruins now.
[575] Now Keffendo. The ruins are situated in the narrow gorge of the
Bitlis valley.
[576] Saert, on the Bohtan Su or Eastern Tigris, also called Asaerd and
Mobaelra, has been identified by d’Anville and Kinneir as the ancient
Tigranocerta, though Mr. Ainsworth more recently has combated that idea,
as no ruins are to be seen above ground. Tacitus and Strabo both place
Tigranocerta near Nisibin; but coins of Tigranes are to be found here.
[577] Sassone.
[578] Arzen, on the Huzu Arzen, near the village of Giri Hassan, has
fallen into ruins, which are still very extensive. Numerous coins have
been found here.
[579] Orfà, Kara Amid (Diarbekr), Mardin, Jezireh, Hesn Keyf, and Saert.
[580] Jemeleyn.
[581] Keffendo.
[582] The Bitlis Tchai, rising near the Van Lake, flows into the Bohtan
Su or Eastern Tigris.
[583] Modern travellers give a very different account of this region.
[584] Caravan Bashi.
[585] Bitlis. See Zeno, p. 8.
[586] The Bitlis Tchai. See p. 156.
[587] Sheibani Khan, Yeshilbash. See Zeno, p. 55.
[588] Yezd.
[589] Sheibani Khan was a descendant of Gengis Khan, and an enemy of the
house of Timour.
[590] Tadvan, on the Van Lake.
[591] Van, the ancient Artemita, according to Kinneir, is situated two
miles from the lake. “It is surrounded with a good wall and deep ditch,
and has four gates: one, corresponding with the palace of the governor;
another, to the east, called the Gate of Tauris; the third, to the
south, called the Middle Gate; and the fourth, fronting the lake, known
by the appellation of the Gate _Sinla_. On the north is a castle built
on a high and perpendicular hill, which rises abruptly from the plain.
This fortress can only be approached by one passage, so narrow as to
admit only two persons abreast; it is always supplied with corn and
military stores, and in the centre of the works stands the palace of
the Aga of the Janissaries. This city is abundantly supplied with water
and provisions; the houses are built of stone and tile; the streets are
spacious and well paved; and the population is said to amount to fifty
thousand souls, two-thirds of which number are Turks, and the remainder
Kurds and Armenians. The air is pure, and the environs of the city
delightful.”
[592] Peygri, now Beygir Kellah, hardly on the lake, but a short distance
from it, on a small stream falling into the same.
[593] Arjish, Ardh-el Jivaz.
[594] Iklat, a very ancient Armenian town. Subsequently it became the
seat of the Eioobites, and then of the Ak-koinloo.
[595] Arjish (the ancient Arzes) is a town containing six thousand
inhabitants, situated on the north-west side of the lake, three days’
journey from Van.
[596] Island of Ak-Tamar, the seat of the Catholicos of the Armenians,
described by Layard.
[597] Vastan in ruins to the south of the lake, nearly opposite the
island of Aktamar.
[598] There are numerous cuneiform inscriptions on the castle walls, of
which it is curious he should make no mention.
[599] Khoi.
[600] Marand, a town about halfway between Tabreez and Khoi, seems, by
the name, to denote the town mentioned; but the traveller here expressly
states that it is between Van and Khoi; so we must look for it somewhere
on the blank space of Kiepert’s map to the east of Lake Van.
[601] Doulet Khaneh.
[602] Harem.
[603] Marand. See p. 164.
[604] Sofian, on the Ak Tchai, a tributary of the Aras, on the direct
route to Tabreez.
[605] Hassan Beg.
[606] Tauris, or Tabreez, as it is now called, is supposed by most to be
the ancient Ecbatana. Kinneir says:—
“The Persians conceive Zobeida, the celebrated wife of Haroun-ul-Rashid
to be its founder; but, as they are in general very ignorant regarding
the history of their cities, little reliance can be placed on any
information obtained from them. That Tauris was a favourite residence of
Haroun-ul-Rashid cannot be denied, and, although he might not actually
have founded the city, he may yet have improved and embellished it to a
considerable degree. It was, in the days of Chardin, one of the largest
and most populous cities in the East, and contained, according to that
traveller, five hundred thousand inhabitants. But no town has experienced
to a greater degree the ravages of war. Situated towards the frontiers of
contending empires, it has alternately been in the hands of the Turks,
Tartars, and Persians, and has been taken and sacked eight different
times; but its ruin has been chiefly owing to the number of earthquakes,
which have at different times levelled its proudest edifices with the
dust.
“Tabreez does not now contain more than thirty thousand inhabitants,
and is, upon the whole, one of the most wretched cities I have seen in
Persia. It is seated in an immense plain at the foot of a mountain, on
the banks of a small river, whose waters are consumed in the cultivation
of the land. It is surrounded with a decayed wall, and the only decent
house in the place is a new barrack, erected by the Prince for the
accommodation of his troops. The ruins of the ancient city are very
extensive and very mean, being nothing but a confused mass of old mud
walls.
“The observations of the gentlemen of the Mission give the latitude of
Tabreez in 38 deg. 10 min. N., and 46 deg. 37 min. E.”
The population and trade of Tabreez have greatly increased since
Kinneir’s time, partly owing to the intercourse with Russia; it has now
nearly eighty thousand inhabitants.
[607] The followers of what is called the “Shiah sect”, curse the
memories of Abu Bekr, Omar, and Othman, whom they look upon as usurpers
of Ali’s rights; and they despise all the “Soonee”, or body of traditions
collected during their reigns, which are venerated by all orthodox
Mahometans. They believe that Ali, the beloved son-in-law of Mohammed, is
almost equal to the Prophet himself; and that if Mohammed is the Apostle,
Ali and his descendants, the twelve Imaums, were the Vicars of God. These
Imaums all suffered martyrdom, except Mahadi, the last, and he is said
to have mysteriously disappeared, and is believed to be still alive. The
twelve Imaums are—
1. Ali, the son-in-law of Mohammed.
2. Hassan } his sons.
3. Hossein }
4. Zein al Abudeen. Put to death by Caliph Walid I.
5. Mohammed al Badkir. Put to death by Caliph Hashem.
6. Jaffier al Sadiek.
7. Moôssâh Kazim, from whom the Suffavean } All put to death,
family is descended. } generally by order
8. Ali Riza; buried at Meshed. } of the Caliphs.
9. Mohammed al Takec. }
10. Ali al Nukec. }
11. Hassan Askeri. }
12. Mohammed al Mahadi. Mysteriously disappeared.
[608] The Lake of Urumea, into which the Adschy Tchai, the river close to
Tabreez, flows.
[609] From the Caspian.
[610] Ghilan.
[611] Bagdad, Kashan, and Yezd.
[612] Caravan serai.
[613] Ormuz.
[614] Hesht Behesht, eight heavens.
[615] Calo Johannes. See Zeno, p. 9.
[616] “Queen Despina.”
[617] Uzun Hassan, at the time of his marriage with Despina, was not King
of Persia but only Prince of Diarbekr. Trebizond was taken by Mahomet II,
Grand Turk, in 1461.
[618] He was strangled by his half-brothers after Uzun Hassan’s death.
[619] Tocat, Malatia, and Sivas. See Zeno.
[620] Amida Diarbekr. See Zeno, p. 6.
[621] Orfà (Edessa). See Zeno, p. 98.
[622] Kalat en Nejm.
[623] A son of Yakoob Sultan; his brother, Murad Khan, disputed the
throne with him, and seized Fars and Babylonia.
[624] Sheikh Hyder. See Zeno, p. 42.
[625] Ardebil.
[626] Martha.
[627] Schamachi.
[628] Derbend.
[629] Demir Kapoo, or “iron gate”, it is sometimes called.
[630] The island of Ak Tamar, the seat of the Armenian Catholicos.
[631] Arminig.
[632] Ghilan.
[633] Pyrcall.
[634] See Zeno, pp. 48, 49.
[635] Astrabad, Sari.
[636] See Zeno, pp. 50, 56.
[637] Schamachi. See Zeno, p. 56.
[638] See Zeno, p. 46.
[639] Stepmother, according to others.
[640] Perhaps Alanja, near Maragha, on a small stream falling into Lake
Urumia; but Zeno says it was to the north of Tauris.
[641] This is rather a contrast to his previous assertion, that he was
one of the most bloodthirsty tyrants that ever existed. See p. 191.
[642] Murad Khan, brother of Alumut.
[643] This by no means equals the slaughter caused by Timour at Ispahan.
[644] See Zeno, pp. 53, 54.
[645] Sultan Khalil, the Eiobbite.
[646] Hesn Keyf. See p. 108.
[647] Ajem.
[648] Jemeleyn.
[649] Kharput.
[650] Alla-ed Douleh, named Becarbec.
[651] See Angiolello, p. 108.
[652] Kaisarieh.
[653] Marash. See Zeno, p. 54.
[654] El Bostan or Albistan. See Zeno, p. 54.
[655] Kara Dagh, Black Mountain.
[656] Malatia.
[657] Tchimish Gazak.
[658] Next page says 4000.
[659] Kharput.
[660] Nevruz, New Year’s day, at the vernal equinox.
[661] Kashan.
[662] Ispahan, which rose to its greatest prosperity under Shah Abbas.
[663] Shiraz.
[664] Caierbec, notorious for his treachery against Khafoor el Ghouri,
the Soldan of Egypt, in his war with Selim I. See Angiolello, p. 122.
[665] Sheibani Khan. See Zeno, p. 56.
[666] Khorassan.
[667] Herat. See Zeno, p. 56.
[668] Astrabad, a city of about fifty thousand inhabitants, is situated
near the mouth of the river Ester, on a bay of the Caspian. It is
the capital of a small province of the same name often included in
Mazanderan; it is also a treasure city of the reigning family, being the
centre of their hereditary possessions.
[669] Probably one of the ports of Mazanderan; perhaps Balfrush. Zeno.
[670] Shirvan.
[671] Kara Bagh Dagh, or Mountain of Kara Bagh.
[672] Baku, after which the Caspian is sometimes named.
[673] Derbend. See Zeno.
[674] Probably the names of the twelve Imaums.
[675] La Illaha illa Allah. Ismael Wely Allah.
[676] Yezd.
[677] Sheibani Khan.
[678] The battle of Merv took place in 1514.
[679] Bir or Birajik.
[680] He does not mention the Turkish invasion of Persia, under Selim
I, in 1514, which must have come under his notice, if, as he says, he
remained in Tauris till 1520.
NARRATIVE
OF THE
MOST NOBLE VINCENTIO D’ALESSANDRI,
Ambassador to the King of Persia for the Most Illustrious Republic of
Venice.
VINCENTIO D’ALESSANDRI.
[Sidenote: Introduction.]
I have now undertaken to give an account to your most Illustrious
Government of the regions and kingdoms which are in Persia, of the
produce, of the character of the people, of the person of the king, and
the qualities of his mind, the government of the Court, the manner and
custom of determining the affairs of State, of things of importance in
the administration of justice, of the revenue and expenditure, of the
number and quality of the Sultans, who are nothing but commanders of
the soldiery, and in fine of all that may appear to me worthy of your
greatness.
[Sidenote: Ismail, King of Persia, by breaking his word, seizes the
kingdom.]
This king, named Tamas,[681] is of the house of Scili, a family
illustrious from an antiquity of 980 years, coming in a direct line from
Ali,[682] who was the son-in-law of Mahomet their Prophet. He was the
son of Ismail the First, the father of whom was named Serdiadar,[683]
a man of great goodness and learning, and considered by his people a
saint, saying that it had been predicted a thousand years before, that
his son should yet be king. Thus, Ismail, after having promised the
kingdom to the son of the daughter of the King Ussuncassano, with no
fear of God seized it for himself, causing the head of the aforesaid
son to be cut off. In this way, although much harassed by the Ottoman
Emperors, fortune was favourable to him, as he was the first who began to
reduce the greatness of that power, and to recover some of the principal
fortresses from Sultan Selim, who was the father of Sultan Suliman. This
prince took possession of Coninut,[684] a populous city of the greatest
importance, a centre of manufactures, in a most beautiful situation,
which being strong by nature, is now made almost impregnable by the
industry of the Ottomans, governed by a Pasha of high rank. Dependent on
this place are plains and fortresses which are all called Dirabech[685]
by this same Ismail. Ismail had three other sons besides the present
king, who was the eldest,—Elias Mirisce,[686] Saine Mirisce, and Baiaram
Mirisce. Elias was a man of great valour and daring, who during a peace
with the king, Barcam, King of Sirvan,[687] took both his city and
country, which is very large and of great importance on the shores of
the Caspian Sea.[688] All this territory came into the hands of his
brother, who failed to show his gratitude towards him for the acquisition
of so vast a region, and so was the cause of his becoming his enemy, and
joining the Ottomans. He excited Sultan Suliman to march with a great
army against his brother, taking in his country the town of Vam, then
the principal fortress of Persia, six days distant from Tauris. For this
reason the king caused him to be killed, as he had already done to Saine
Mirisce, his second brother, fearing lest he also should rise against
him, and as their father had already died a natural death, there only
remained one brother, who had a principality in India.
And the king, wishing to marry him to one of his daughters, sent to
summon him, but the people would never consent to let him go to Casmen,
fearing lest he should do him some harm. The sons of this king are
eleven, born from different wives, eleven say sons and three daughters;
the eldest, named Cababinde[689] Mirisce, aged forty-three years, is
a man of a quiet disposition, and does not trouble himself about the
affairs of this world, contenting himself with a small domain given him
by his father in the region of Carasam, called Cheri. This Cababinde
has three sons, the eldest of whom[690] is fifteen years of age, of
noble aspect and lofty spirit, and is tenderly loved by the king for his
virtues, and also because none of his other sons have children.
Ismail, the second son, is forty-one years of age, of robust frame and
daring spirit, of great courage, and loving war; he has proved his valour
on many occasions against the Ottomans, and particularly against the
Bassa of Esrom,[691] as, with a small force of cavalry, he broke the army
of the Bassa, which was very numerous; and if the latter had not quickly
retreated, would have made himself master of the city. On this account,
Maesum Bech, the chief vizier of the king, perceived that this young man
had ambitious views, and that he had assembled an army without leave from
his father, and entered the country of the Ottomans in a time of peace;
considering this a want of obedience, he showed the king some letters
sent to the Sultans throughout the provinces, inciting them to rise for
a war against the Ottomans. In this way he persuaded the king to place
him in a fortress, with a guard of Sultans and many soldiers. It is now
more than seventeen years ago since he was thrown into prison, and this
very year they have taken away the guard, but not set him at liberty.
The king, wishing to gratify him, has sent him many beautiful women
to be companions to him, but he never will have any intercourse with
them,[692] saying that he will support with patience his imprisonment by
his father, but that it would be too heavy a burden for him to see his
children prisoners too; and that slaves are not worthy of ladies.
And this same Ismail is particularly beloved by his father, but his fear
of him is great, seeing how ardently he is desired as ruler by all the
people; and the Sultans are especially afraid of him from his too proud
disposition; so that if he ever comes to succeed to the throne he may
have to replace a great number of the chiefs of the soldiery, and to
oppose all his brothers, who have taken possession of many portions of
the kingdom.
Sultan Caidar Mirisce,[693] the third son and Lieutenant of his father,
is eighteen years old, of small stature, most fascinating and handsome
in appearance, and excelling in oratory, elegance and horsemanship, and
most beloved by his father; he is very fond of hearing people discourse
about war, although he does not show himself much fitted for that
exercise, from his too delicate and almost feminine nature; he is of good
intellect, for his age is grave enough, and shows that he understands the
affairs of government, and knows how the other monarchs of the world rule.
[Sidenote: Negligence of the king.]
[Sidenote: Tyranny of the ministers.]
Sultans Mustaffa, Umircan, and Ennit Mirisce, are all three between
fourteen and fifteen years old, and show great talent; the others also,
between eight and eleven years, are at Carassam for instruction, except
a young one of five years, who is with his father, as at that age he is
very cheerful and pleasing. The daughters are all married to relations,
to whom great possessions are given with them as dowries. The king is in
the sixty-fourth year of his age, and the fifty-first of his reign, is of
middling stature, well formed in person and features, although dark, of
thick lips, and a grisly beard; he is more of a melancholy disposition
than anything else, which is known by many signs, but principally by
his not having come out of his palace for the space of eleven years,
nor having gone once to the chase nor any other kind of amusement, to
the great dissatisfaction of his people, who according to the customs
of that country, not seeing their king, can only with the greatest
difficulty make their petitions, and cannot have a voice in the decisions
of justice; so that day and night they cry aloud before the palace for
justice, sometimes a thousand, more or less. And the king, hearing the
voices, usually orders them to be sent away, saying that there are
judges deputed in the country, with whom rests the administration of
justice, not taking into consideration that these things are against
the tyrannical Judges and Sultans, who usually wait in the street to
assassinate the people, seen by me as well as by many other people. I
have been told as a fact, that in the book of lawsuits there are written
more than ten thousand persons who have been killed during the last eight
years. This evil comes principally from the Cuzzi,[694] who, as they do
not receive pay, are forced to take bribes, and do so the more, as they
see that in the matter of law affairs the king takes no thought or care.
Hence it arises that throughout the kingdom the roads are unsafe, and in
the houses themselves one runs great dangers, and the Judges nearly all
allow themselves to be corrupted by money.
In truth, one may say that this king never had any inclination for war,
although he talks a great deal as if he did, being a man of very little
courage. And if, indeed, in any case he has shown himself with an army in
the field, he did not do so from freewill, but of necessity; never having
dared to show his face to the enemy, so that, to his infinite disgrace,
he has lost in his reign the important city of Babilonia, near the river
Euphrates, which belonged to a lord Scharafbech,[695] ruler of some
people who are called Chinedi,[696] who as he was not afforded assistance
against the Turks, was chased away by them. Besides, near this is a place
called Bichillas,[697] a pass of great importance, and the key to the
following cities and regions, namely, Chilach, Ergis, Vastan, Adalgeras,
Berghieri, Cassan, and Van,[698] a city and fortress of much importance,
and a great extent of country belonging to the above-mentioned places,
which would be enough for a great Principality, all of which were lost.
But what above all is his greatest enjoyment, are women and money, and
these women have acquired such an influence over his mind, that he
remains a long time with them deliberating and consulting about affairs
of state; and although this king is miserly by nature, with them one
may say that he is a spendthrift, giving them money, jewels, and things
in great quantities. The women at times have permission from the king
to come out of the palace; those, indeed, who have children, under the
pretext of seeing them when they are ill. And I saw the mother of the
Sultan Mustaffa Mirisce, who was slightly indisposed, come out with her
face covered with a black veil, riding like a man, accompanied by four
slaves and six men on foot.
[Sidenote: Great avarice of the King of Persia.]
This king uses many contrivances for promoting his pleasures, and for
this keeps people on purpose; and those who do most for it are greatly
rewarded. He also gives women slaves to the Sultans, that they may not
be an expense to him, and when he orders them to be brought to him, they
are ornamented with jewels and rich garments. Although, in the things
mentioned, the great avarice of the king is plainly to be seen, I shall
go on to give to your Excellencies some particulars which will make it
more evident. This king sent to the East for Boscasinian cloth, and to
Carassam for close velvets and other silken fabrics, and to Aleppo for
woollen cloths, and from these stuffs he had clothes given as payment
to the soldiers, at ten times their value. He will accept any sort of
present, however small, nor does he always make one in return. As another
instance, a soldier, in time of war, captured the son of a certain
Orbech, one of the king’s greatest enemies, who has great power on the
frontiers of Cinasari, and to whom the king is forced to give every year
four hundred talleri, which in our coinage make eight thousand scudi,
that he may not molest the caravans coming from India. Another soldier
offered to give this soldier, for his prisoner, a village and a thousand
scudi, but he would not give him up, and presented him instead to the
king, hoping to obtain a greater reward; the king, however, only gave
him a horse in exchange for a prisoner of such importance. He shows the
greatest liberality in making provisions for people, by appointing them
to places which are never paid, except by force of great obligations and
presents. He gives up, as a favour, many kinds of tribute, and taxes, but
for the most it is not so in reality, since after two or three years, he
generally requires all the arrears at once, as he did at the time when I
was at his Court, in the territory of Zutta, inhabited by Armenians, who
were all exempted from tribute. He suddenly required all the arrears,
which caused the ruin of these poor Christians. Sending the majordomo of
Sultan Caiadar Mirisce,[699] lieutenant of the king, to collect these
moneys, he required twenty-five loads of cloths and shawls in addition,
as he is accustomed to change his garments fifty times a day, which are
afterwards distributed to the people at ten times their value. And no
one dares to show reluctance in taking these clothes, but rather to be
grateful to be allowed to have them.
[Sidenote: Very heavy tolls in Persia.]
[Sidenote: Service of the king.]
[Sidenote: Seraglio.]
This king sells jewels and makes other bargains, buying and selling with
the cunning of a small merchant. It is true that six years ago he did a
magnanimous act, having taken away all the tolls in his kingdom, which
were greater than any others in the world, since he takes a seventh part
of the merchandise, besides what is taken by the officials. It has,
however, been said, that he had a dream in which the Angels took him by
the throat, and asked him whether it was becoming to a king, surnamed the
Just, and descended from the house of Ali, to get such immense profits by
the ruin of so many poor people; and then ordered him to free the people
from them. The king on waking, and full of fear, commanded that in all
parts of his empire the tolls should be taken off. By this deed it is
evident that he repented; as in the time past, in order to accumulate
money, he did thousands and thousands of actions unworthy not only of a
king but of a man, which I will not particularize for fear of wearying
you with their length; but will go on to speak of his court, which is
divided into two departments, one the service of the king, and the other
the council of state. The king’s service is divided into three classes;
first, the women, daughters of Sultans, bought by the king, or received
as presents into his harem, which is thus called from them, the Seraglio,
as the abode of the women. They are all Georgian and Circassian slaves,
and he is attended by them when he sleeps in the palace. When he sleeps
out, he is attended by slaves in the lower duties, as in dressing and
undressing; these are of the number of forty or fifty, and keep in order
the tents and the larder.
[Sidenote: Pay of the attendants.]
[Sidenote: Loans.]
The third class of people who attend him are the noble sons of Sultans,
who do not sleep in the royal palace, but come morning and evening from
their houses to their attendance, and generally are about one hundred in
number. The king is served by them in turn, by handing water to him,
by presenting to him his robes, and by following him when he walks in
the gardens. Pay is given by the king to the servants who attend him,
from fifteen years of age to twenty-five and even thirty, as long as
they have no beard. In this manner, in proportion to their service, he
lends some twenty, some twenty-five, and some fifty thousand scudi, at
twenty per cent., to some for ten, and others for twenty years, receiving
for himself the interest from year to year. They then lend it on good
security, at sixty and eighty per cent. to nobles of the Court who are in
expectation of receiving rank and appointments from the sovereign, and if
it happens that those who have borrowed the money do not compound for the
capital with him who has advanced the money, they sell their houses and
possessions, nor is any compensation to be had afterwards.
[Sidenote: Rewards of the nobles.]
The rewards of service of the nobles are the appointments of the Court as
centurions and captains of the king’s guard, also Sultanates, which mean
governorships of the provinces; these all belong to the service of the
person of the king.
[Sidenote: Order of the Council.]
[Sidenote: Council.]
The Council is really one body, in which the king is the sole President,
with the intervention of twelve Sultans, men of long experience in
affairs of State. It is remarkably well attended by those Sultans who
from time to time come to the Court, and who all enter the Council,
which is held every day except when the king goes to the bath, or has
his nails cut; the time of this council in summer as well as winter is
from the twenty-second hour of the day, and according to the matters in
hand, continues till the third, fourth, and sixth hour of the night. The
king sits upon a Masthean, not very high from the ground, and behind his
shoulders his sons sit when they are at Court, especially Sultan Caidar
Mirise,[700] who, as Lieutenant of his father, does not leave the king’s
sight. The Sultan Councillors, who are four in number, named viceroys,
sit in front. The king introduces the subjects, and discourses about
them, asking their opinions from the Sultans, and each one as he states
his opinion, rises, and comes near the king, speaking aloud, that he may
be heard by his colleagues. If, in the course of argument, the king hears
anything which strikes him, he has it noted by the grand Councillors, and
very often takes a note of it with his own hand; and thus in their order
in which the king inquires of them, the Sultans give their opinions. When
the king has no doubt about the matter in question, it is settled at the
first Council; and if he has doubts, he hears the arguments of the full
Council, and then settles it after private consideration. In the number
of the consulting Sultans is included the Curzibassa, chief of the king’s
guard, although he may not be a Sultan. The grand Councillors have no
vote, and can say nothing unless they are called upon by the king; they,
although of great dignity, cannot rise to the rank of Sultan, nor to any
other appointments belonging to the military service, even if they are
nobly born.
[Sidenote: Knighthood.]
Knighthood is really more for deserving than for noble persons. While the
Council is sitting every night, there is also a guard of three hundred
armed Curzi, who, when the Council is up, do not leave, but remain to
guard the king.
As it seems to me that I have at last discoursed enough about the king’s
court, I will go on to speak of the guard of the state, of the government
and capitals of the provinces and the pursuits of the people.
[Sidenote: Boundaries of Persia.]
[Sidenote: Kingdoms possessed by the King of Persia.]
[Sidenote: Metropolitan cities.]
The country possessed by the King of Persia is bordered on the east by
the Indies, which are between the rivers Ganges and Ondo (Indus); on
the west by the river Tigris, which divides Persia from Mesopotamia,
now called Diarbech, and running towards the frontiers of Babilonia
enters the Euphrates,[701] then flowing together in one bed through
Bolsora,[702] into the Persian Gulf, towards the south; on the north by
the Caspian Sea, called also the sea of Baccu,[703] and by Tartary of the
great Cattai. In this country there are the following regions possessed
by this king, namely, Sunan,[704] the ancient kingdom of the Medes, Aras,
near Greater Armenia, Carassan, Chiessen,[705] Cheri,[706] Diargomet, and
Gilari,[707] which is now in a disturbed state, owing to an insurrection
of the people. There are fifty-two cities in this realm: the chief are
Tauris, metropolis of the whole kingdom, Carbin, Curassam, Naesimen,[708]
Samachi,[709] and others I will not name, but must mention that there
is not one in the whole kingdom which is walled, but all are open; the
buildings are wretched, and the houses all of mud and cut straw, mixed
together; neither are there mosques nor anything else to adorn these
cities, although their sites are generally beautiful. The roads are
disagreeable, from the great quantity of dust and mud by turns, rendering
them difficult for travelling.
[Sidenote: Abundance of corn.]
[Sidenote: Agriculture or irrigation of the fields in Persia.]
There is a very great abundance of corn, and generally the plains are
beautiful; in the country they are accustomed to conduct the water to
irrigate the fields, one week in one place, and the other in another,
and thus they give sufficient water to the grain and vines. In spite
of the scarcity of rain, in the ascents and other places, where water
cannot be brought, they grow grass. There is also a great quantity of
live stock, and particularly of sheep, of such a size, that I had seen
some in Tauris, whose tails weighed ten bisti, or rather ten battuarii,
which in our weights make nine pounds. With all this the supply has to be
immense, as no people in the world eat more than the Persians, it being
the custom for both old and young to eat four times a day, the excellence
of the water helping the digestion.
[Sidenote: Women and their habits.]
In the cities and towns they do not use many ornaments; everyone sleeps
on the ground, and those who are of some position use a mattress on the
carpet, others a simple mat. The women are mostly ugly, though of fine
features and noble dispositions, their customs not being so refined as
those of the Turkish ladies. They wear robes of silk, veils on their
heads, and show their faces openly. They have pearls and other jewels
on their heads, and on this account pearls are in great demand in these
regions, as it is not very long since they came into use.
[Sidenote: Love and reverence of the people of Persia for the king.]
[Sidenote: Superstition of the Persian people.]
[Sidenote: Factions at Tauris.]
The reverence and love of the people for the king, notwithstanding the
things mentioned above, which make one think he ought to be hated,
are incredible, as they worship him not as a king, but as a god, on
account of his descent from the line of Ali, the great object of their
veneration. Those who are in sickness or hardships do not call to aid
the name of God so much as that of the king, making vows to present him
with some gift, and some go to kiss the doors of the palace, that house
being considered fortunate which is able to get some cloth or shawl from
the king, or else some water in which he has washed his hands, which they
consider a preventive of fever. To pass over many other things I might
say about this matter, I will only mention that not only the people,
but his own sons and the sultans speak to him as if they could not find
epithets worthy of such greatness, saying, “Thou art the living faith,
and in thee we believe.” And not only in the neighbouring cities can
one observe these signs of reverence, but also in the distant towns and
places many hold that besides having the prophetic spirit, he has the
power of raising the dead and of working other like miracles, saying
that, as Ali, their chief saint, had eleven male children, this king has
received from the Majesty of God the same favour as Ali. It is true that
in the city of Tauris he is not held in such veneration as in the other
places, for which reason it is said that he has left it and gone to stay
at Casin,[710] seeing that he was not esteemed there as he wished. The
city is divided into two factions, one called Nausitai, and the other
Himicaivartu, which comprehend the nine municipal districts, five in one
and four in the other, and all the citizens, about twelve thousand in
number. These factions had always been at enmity, and slaughtered each
other every day, nor could the king or any others put a stop to it, as
the hatred between them had lasted more than thirty years.
[Sidenote: A curious and remarkable case.]
Certainly, one may say that the chiefs of districts are more masters of
the city than the king, since the origin of their discord was that the
price of meat having risen a little higher than usual, the chiefs of the
districts went to the palace of the sultans and killed all the servants,
and the sultan himself, if there was anything against him; then they went
to the houses of those servants who were not present, broke in the doors,
killed them, and carried their heads to the palace. Nor did they do these
things secretly, so that from that time no attempt has been made against
their freedom; so much so, that in past times they have slain sultans
only to preserve some one of their privileges.
[Sidenote: Situation of the city of Tauris.]
And since this city is the metropolis of the whole empire, it seems to
me that I ought to say something about it.[711] This city, therefore,
is situated in a large plain not far from some hills, and in the
neighbourhood of a height where used to be an ancient castle, as may be
seen from the ruins; its circumference, although it has no walls, is
fifteen miles and more in a long shape. From a place called Nassa, as far
as the gate of the city, towards Casbin, is almost a short day’s journey
in distance, with, however, numberless gardens and open places. The
streets are forty-five in number, and in each there is a grove of trees,
so that one may say that there is a garden for every street. The air is
most salubrious in winter as well as summer. The fruits surpass those of
every other country in goodness and quality. This city is commercial, as
in it the goods and caravans of all parts of the kingdom come together,
but its business has suffered much from war. As, for instance, in the
past, two (loads) of silk, with which the country abounds, were worth
more than four hundred sequins, and are now worth only two hundred.
The merchandize which comes viâ Ormus, is taken care of by no one, as
the route used to be through Aleppo, where there is now no traffic.
They are still brought to Constantinople by land, and thence taken to
Bogdania,[712] being dispersed through Poland, Denmark, Sweden, and other
places, but the expenses are so great, that the profits are very small,
in spite of the risk, as told me by some Armenians whom I met in Tauris,
and afterwards in Tripoli. Commerce was still on the downhill road, until
an English gentleman,[713] named Mr. Thomas, of London, arrived in this
city with a great quantity of cloth through Muscovy, with the title of
ambassador from the queen. Having died, the ruler of Siruan[714] took
away all his things, so that his companions had to spend a great deal
of money to get them back; so that, on this account, one cannot hope to
negotiate or continue traffic with these countries.
[Sidenote: Silken goods.]
[Sidenote: Mines.]
In the kingdom of Carassam[715] they worked cloths of silk and especially
velvets, which are equal in excellence to the Genoese; in other parts
they work on smooth stuffs and damask, but not with the finish they have
in Italy. In this country of Persia there are no mines of gold and silver
or of copper, but only of iron; so that those who introduce silver from
Turkey gain twenty per cent., gold fourteen and fifteen per cent., and
copper sometimes eighteen and sometimes twenty per cent.; it is true that
there are great expenses, as the exportation of metals is forbidden.
[Sidenote: No duties in Persia.]
[Sidenote: Taxes on houses.]
[Sidenote: Male animals do not pay tribute in Persia.]
[Sidenote: Income and expenditure of the King of Persia.]
This king, unlike other states, gets none of his revenues from duties,
as they do not exist in this kingdom, but has a sixth part of the
produce of the land, of corn and other plants; on vines and grass land,
for one thousand archi of ground an annual payment of sixty-six pieces
of gold, which is rather more than four sequins of gold. Archi are a
measure, of which ten go to an ordinary field; so that one pays less
than half a ducat for a field, and houses pay five per cent. on their
rent. Christians in some regions pay five, in others seven and eight
ducats, per house, according to the goodness and wealth of the country
they inhabit. And on animals, for every herd of forty sheep he receives
a tribute of fifteen bisti a year, which make three ducats of our money,
but which male animals do not pay; for every cow they paid the sum of two
ducats a year of our money, and so on; these make up the income of the
king, which is said to amount to three millions of gold. The expenditure,
which really comes from the treasury, is very small, as he is under
obligation to pay only five thousand soldiers, called Curzi, who act as
his body-guard, and are selected from the best and finest men in the
realm; nor these even does he pay in money, but gives them uniforms and
horses, putting on them whatever value he thinks fit in advance for their
salaries.
[Sidenote: Soldiery of the King of Persia easily brought together.]
[Sidenote: Persian arms.]
He has eleven sons, and each of them has a sumptuous and separate court,
but no one knows what he gives them. There are fifty sultans, by whom
all the soldiery of the kingdom is made up, as it is divided into fifty
parts, except that which he and his sons keep, which is not subject to
governors. These same commanders have the charge of from five hundred
to three thousand horsemen each, and from the regions assigned to them
get as large an income as will support their retainers and cavalry, and
enable them to muster them frequently; so that the king, in case of war,
has nothing else to do but to send messengers to the sultans a month or
two before, who, as they are always prepared, come without difficulty
to the rendezvous. In all, they may amount to sixty thousand cavalry,
notwithstanding that on paper the muster is much higher. They are
generally men of fine aspect, robust, well-made, of great courage, and
very warlike. They use for arms swords, lances, arquebuses, which all the
soldiers can use; their arms also are superior and better tempered than
those of any other nation. The barrels of the arquebuses are generally
six spans long, and carry a ball a little less than three ounces in
weight. They use them with such facility, that it does not hinder them
drawing their bows nor handling their swords, keeping the latter hung
at their saddle-bows till occasion requires them. The arquebus then is
put away behind the back, so that one weapon does not impede the use of
another.
[Sidenote: Persian horses and how they were introduced.]
The horses are so well trained and are so good and handsome that there is
now no need to have them brought from other countries; this has happened
since the arrival of Sultan Bayazeth,[716] who fled into Persia with some
magnificent Caramanian and Arab horses, which were given away throughout
the country, and afterwards when he was executed by order of the king,
there were a thousand horses and mares in existence. On this account
there has never been so fine a breed, and the Ottomans even have not got
one like it. This Bayazeth also brought thirty pieces of artillery, which
were taken to San Marco, towards the Caspian Sea; but not so the money
and other spoils.
[Sidenote: Strength of the King of Persia.]
The strength of the king lies in his having caused them to lay waste the
country on the frontiers of the Turk on every side for six days’ journey
in distance, and to pull down every castle in the district, in order to
strengthen himself by the Turks having no inclination to seize and hold
it. I shall now speak of the relations and understandings between him and
the neighbouring princes.
[Sidenote: Claims of the King of Persia to countries taken from him by
the Ottoman.]
[Sidenote: Allegiance and dependence.]
This king has pretensions and claims to the countries taken from him by
the Ottoman emperors, on one side from the river Euphrates to Babilonia,
on the west to the countries of Benbech[717] and Lesser Armenia, in which
are comprised Urfa,[718] Merdin,[719] Bira,[720] Adiligus, Bitis,[721]
Van, Vastan, Cassan,[722] Calasci, Haligan, Baiiburdt,[723] and other
places. This king has the allegiance and dependence of a Christian named
Lentul[724] Deghi, Prince of the Georgians, who is his tributary, and
pays every year twenty thousand ducats; he has his state near the Caspian
Sea. This prince, in case of war with the Ottomans, could assist with ten
thousand Georgian horse, all robust and valiant men.
[Sidenote: Chindi, inhabitants of the mountains of Armenia, and their
forces.]
There are also some Turkish chiefs named Chindi inhabiting certain
mountains in Lesser Armenia, towards the Mediterranean;[725] and these
Chindi, when all united, may amount to seven or eight thousand cavalry,
of great excellence, and always eager to fight against the Turk.
[Sidenote: Conclusion.]
This is all, most Serene Prince and most Illustrious Noblemen, that in
the space of one and twenty months passed since the day I left the feet
of your Highnesses to go to Persia, till my return, I have diligently
observed of the affairs of that realm.
FINIS.
FOOTNOTES
[681] Tamasp.
[682] See Zeno, p. 48.
[683] Sheikh Hyder.
[684] Kara Amid Diarbekr. See Zeno, p. 6.
[685] Diarbekr.
[686] Mirza, “prince”.
[687] Shirvan.
[688] In 1549, Knolles says:—“Solyman had now almost three yeares taken
his rest, when it fortuned that Ercaces Imirza, King of Sirvan, moved
with the often injuries of Tamas, his brother, the great Persian king,
fled to Solyman at Constantinople, to crave aid of him against his
brother. Solyman, glad of such an occasion to worke upon, entertained
him with all courtesie, and promised to take upon him his quarrell and
to protect him against his unnaturall brother; and when he had made all
things readie for so great an expedition, passed over into Asia; and
after long and painfull travell entered at last with a puissant armie
into Armenia, and there, in the borders of the Persian kingdome, first
besieged the citie of Van, which, after ten daies’ siege, was yeelded
unto him upon condition that the Persian souldiors there in garrison
might, with life and libertie, depart with their armes as souldiors;
which was at the first by Solyman granted, and so the citie surrendered.
From thence, Solyman sent his chiefe commanders, with a great part of
his armie, to burne and spoile the enemie’s countrey, which they for a
time cheerfully performed, and running farre into the countrey strive,
as it were, among themselves who should doe most harme; where Imirza,
among the rest, for whose sake Solyman had undertaken this warre, was
as forward as the best to wast and spoile his brother’s kingdome,
sparing nothing that came to hand. The best and richest things he got
he presented to Solyman, to draw him on still in that warre. But that
served not his turne to recover againe his kingdome of Sirvan; for Tamas,
without shewing any power to withstand the Turks, had, after his wonted
manner, caused his people to withdraw themselves far into the mountainous
countrey, leaving nothing behind them in that wast countrey to relieve
them but bare ground; so that the farther the Turks went the more they
wanted, without hope of better successe than such as they had before to
their losse made proofe of, in their former expeditions into that great
kingdome. The conceit whereof so much pierced not the common souldiors
only, but even the captaines themselves: that to make an end of that
long and unprofitable warre, taken in hand for another man’s good, they
consulted among themselves either to kill Imirza, or else to disgrace
him with Solyman; which they so cunningly wrought: some suggesting false
suspitions of his treacherous dealing in the proceeding of that warre;
and others, with like craft, under cover of friendship, giving him
warning in secret of the danger he was in: the one filling Solyman’s head
with distrust, and the other, Imirza’s with fear. Briefly, to shut the
matter up in their owne tearmes, _they persuaded the hare to flie and
the hounds to follow_. Imirza, doubting some sudden mischiefe, fled for
succour to an old acquaintance of his, one of the princes of Chaldea,
who most treacherously sent him in bonds to Tamas, his brother, his most
cruell enemie, who, glad to have the author of all his troubles with the
Turks delivered into his hands, cast him in prison, and that Solyman nor
any other should in his behalfe further prosecute the warre, or by his
means hope for victorie, caused him to be in prison murthered. In this
expedition against the Persian king Solyman was occupied a yeare and
nine months: all which time the Turks endured great troubles and were
oftentimes hardly distressed by the Persians; untill, at last, Solyman
himselfe, wearie of that tedious warre, wherein he had got neither honour
nor profit, thought it best to make an end; and thereupon returned againe
to Constantinople in the yeare 1549.”
[689] Mahomet Khodabundah Mirza, Prince Mahomet, the slave of God.
[690] Afterwards Shah Abbas, the Great.
[691] The Pasha of Erzeroum.
[692] When he came to the throne he gave way altogether to debauchery.
[693] Hyder Mirza.
[694] Judges.
[695] Sherf Beg.
[696] Khunneydec Kurds in the Bohtan mountains, near Mosul, tribesmen of
Sherf Beg.
[697] Bitlis.
[698] Ikhlat, Arjeesh, Van, Ardel, Jiraz, Pergri, all on the Van Lake.
Ikhlat was the summer seat of the Akkoniloos, and its burial ground is
full of the tombs of their chiefs.
[699] Hyder Mirza.
[700] Hyder Mirza.
[701] Called then the Shat-ul-Arab.
[702] Basrat or Bassora.
[703] Baku.
[704] Shirvan.
[705] Yezd.
[706] Herat.
[707] Ghilan.
[708] Nakshivan.
[709] Schamachi.
[710] Kasween.
[711] See Angiolello.
[712] Moldavia.
[713] Alcocke, or Anthony Jenkinson, who came with a letter from Queen
Elizabeth to Shah Tamasp in 1561.
[714] Shirvan.
[715] Khorassan.
[716] Bayezid, the son of Suleyman, after his rebellion in 1556, fled for
safety to the Court of Tahmas, who received him with favour at first;
but, his mind becoming embittered against him, caused his followers to be
dispersed and slain, and Bayezid himself to be cast into prison. Suleyman
used all the means in his power to have Bayezid delivered into his
hands, but Tamas would not consent; but afterwards, in consideration of
a large sum of money, agreed to allow him to be made away with. Bayezid,
accordingly, was strangled, with his four sons. (From Augerius Busbequius
Legationis Turcicæ, epist. 4.)
[717] Diarbekr.
[718] Orfa.
[719] Mardin.
[720] Bir.
[721] Aradh el Jivaz and Bitlis.
[722] Kashan.
[723] Baiboort.
[724] Lentul Ogli, or Levent Ogli.
[725] These I suppose to be the Kizzilbashes of the Deyrsun and Kara
Dagh, near Marash. They are still inveterate enemies of the Turks, though
inhabiting their territory. Their religious tenets assimilate more with
the Persians.
ERRATA AND NOTES.
Page 5, Note, _for_ “taneel”, _read_ “tawil”, long. Uzun means long in
Turkish, and Zeno is right in giving it the secondary sense of great; the
Turks claim Artaxerxes Longimanus to have been of Turkish race, because
with them long arms are esteemed a sign of power and greatness.
Page 8, _for_ “Ikindjis”, _read_ “Akinjys”.
Page 24, “ne dentider”, probably “neh deria-dir”, what a sea it is,
Turkish, not Persian.
Page 70, “Occota Can”, probably “Oktai Khan”.
Page 79, Note, _for_ “Quzbvassi”, _read_ “Kas-ovahsy”.
Page 81, “Arphaemiler”, Arpa-eminy, master of the barley.
Page 136, “bosdocan”, buzdugan, a mace, a word nearly obsolete in
Constantinople; it is preserved in Wallachia.
Page 143. These columns are still standing, and have some inscriptions,
apparently Phœnician, upon them.
Page 207. Sheibani Khan; for an account of his life and death, see M.
Vambery’s _History of Bokhara_.
INDEX.
Amasia, 37
Amida (Diarbekir), 6
Ardebil, 42
Astrabad, 113
Astrakhan, 114
Barbaro, 15, 21, 33, 93
Bitlis, 8, 157
Calo Johannes, 9, 178
Casimir, King of Poland, 33
Chalderan, battle of, 59-61, 120
Contarini Ambrosio, 33
Derbend, 44, 113, 185, 186
Despina, wife of Uzun Hassan, 9, 13, 14, 18, 41, 42, 71, 146, 178, 179
Erzingan, 7
Gaza, battle of, 128-130
Genealogy of Kara Yusuf, 1
— — Shah Ismail, 5
— — Shah Abbas, 48
Hassan Beg or Uzun Hassan, 1, 73, 183
Hyder Sheikh, 42, 43, 73, 100, 101, 184
Ismail, Shah, 46, 48, 103, 122, 137, 152, 187, 190, 191, 211
Jezirah, 150
Kafur el Ghouri, 126
Kharput, 148
Khoi, 165
Kurds, 157
Malatia, battle of, 25-29, 86-88, 181, 182
Mamelukes, 129, 133
Mardin, 148
Matthias Corvinus, 34
Mazenderan, 49
Morenigo, Pietro, 21
Murad Khan, 53, 55, 105, 192
Orfa, 98, 143, 144
Pancratio, 97
Persian army, 16, 17, 65
— games, 111
Selim Sultan, 58
Sert, 156
Shebban Kara Hissar, 23
Sheibani Khan, 55, 110, 115, 117, 158, 207
Sinan Pasha, 128, 132
Suleyman Sultan, 213
Tabriz, 166, 178-224
Tahmasp Shah, 211
Tiflis, 97
Tomant Bey, 127, 131
Turkish army, 22, 62, 79, 83
Van, 159, 187
Vastan, 161
Violante, wife of C. Zeno, 9
Yakub, son of Hassan Beg, his death, 99, 183
List of amendments made to the text
In “Travels to Tana and Persia”:
Page 13, “ꝑerchaunce” changed to “perchaunce” (perchaunce to trym̄e)
Page 24, “sigfieth” changed to “signifieth” (signifieth a bulter)
Page 39, “thtt” changed to “that” (that is to wete, viij in every galey)
Page 39, “Wherepon” changed to “Whereupon” (Whereupon I went streight to)
Page 41, “comannded” changed to “commanded” (commanded Mʳ. Vettor)
Page 41, “morʳneng” changed to “moʳneng” (early in the moʳneng)
Page 45, “ꝑecaue” changed to “ꝑceaue” (being as ferre as I coulde ꝑceaue)
Page 66, “goskawkes” changed to “goshawkes” (houndes, a thousande,
goshawkes, Lᵗⁱᵉ)
Page 74, “xxˡⁱᵉ” changed to “xxᵗⁱᵉ” (very great, of xxᵗⁱᵉ myles compasse)
Page 117, “acording” changed to “according” (acted according to their
usual custom)
Page 154, “despared” changed to “despaired” (had despaired of seeing me)
Page 155, “mumbers” changed to “numbers” (in considerable numbers)
Page 155, “numerons” changed to “numerous” (supposed to be very numerous)
Page 168, “porvided” changed to “provided” (escorts were provided for me)
Index, the “K” section was partly duplicated, this has been fixed
In “A Narrative of Italian Travels in Persia”:
Page xi, “rebelion” changed to “rebellion” (after his rebellion in 1556)
Page 101, “son” changed to “sons” (to seize his wife and three sons)
Page 191, “Christains” changed to “Christians” (villages inhabited by
orthodox Christians)
Page 199, “vasaal” changed to “vassal” (Muratcan, offering to become
his vassal)
Page 199, “Spain” changed to “Spaan”, twice (he proceeded to Spaan /
Ismael in Spaan)
Page 203, “fortrèss” changed to “fortress” (a fortress named Canar)
Footnote 405, missing word “of” added (the present capital of Russian
Trans-Caucasia)
Footnote 486, “Knaneh” changed to “Khaneh” (At Gumish Khaneh)
Footnote 668, “Maganderan” changed to “Mazanderan” (often included in
Mazanderan)
Index, “Sbah” changed to “Shah” (entry for Genealogy of Shah Ismail)