was the Turkish monarch at the head of his court, and other troops to
the number of thirty thousand infantry and cavalry. The second was his
eldest son, Baiesit, who had a following of another thirty thousand,
with his position on the right of his father. The third was his second
son, Mustafà, who also had thirty thousand men, among whom were twelve
thousand Wallachians from the Basha of Wallachia, under a chief named
Bataraba, and this column had its position on the left of the Turk. The
fourth was the Beglerbeg of Roumania, named Asmurat,[370] of the family
of the Palæologi; and, as he was young, Maumet Bassà was given him as
an adviser, as he was the first, and considered the most prudent man
of the whole empire of the Turk; he was a counsellor of the sovereign,
as he had also been of Amurat, the father of the present monarch. This
column was sixty thousand strong, comprising many Christians, Greeks,
Albanians, and Sorians in their number; and this column had its post in
front of the Turk. The fifth commander was the Beglerbeg of Natolia,
named Daut Bassà, a man of authority and mature discretion. The column
was forty thousand strong, including Mussulman infantry and cavalry, and
their post was behind the Grand Turk; so that the Sultan, with his court,
remained in the midst surrounded by the four abovementioned columns. And
the commands were that they should pitch their tents, which are very
numerous, according to their rank, but without disturbing the order of
the march, or leaving their own divisions, arranging close together like
a fortified place; but, that they should always leave roads for passage
in the camp, and in the middle of each column a large space for a square,
since in each column was a market for cooked foods, forage, and other
comforts. There were besides in each column seneschals and marshals
with full powers for keeping order and providing against disturbances.
Each of these four commanders was obliged to send out sentinels and to
keep guard in his division. Besides the five columns we have mentioned,
there was also another of the Aganzi,[371] who are not paid, except by
the booty they may gain in guerilla warfare. These men do not encamp
with the rest of the army, but go traversing, pillaging, and wasting the
country of the enemy on every side, and yet keep up a great and excellent
discipline among themselves, both in the division of the plunder and in
the execution of all their enterprises. In this division were thirty
thousand men, remarkably well mounted, and as a commander they had given
them a valiant chief named Maumut Aga.
CHAP. V.
The supplies of provisions made by the chief, Arphaemiler, that
the army might be in plenty.
In the matter of provisions great care and diligence were required to
keep the army in plenty, and for this, two Arphaemiler (as the chief
commissariat officers are called, who have two hundred and fifty men
under each) were appointed. Their duty is, when the Grand Turk takes the
field to send word on a day in advance, to let the people know that the
army is about to encamp in that region. And the governors and rulers of
those districts provide abundant provisions for the army; and people
of every condition come willingly in order to find a market for their
produce, as well as for the sake of fellowship and a welcome, being
perfectly sure that no violence will be offered them; and woe to anyone
who dares to do them violence, as he would be severely punished. There
also follow the camp many sutlers, as butchers, bakers, cooks, and many
others, who go about buying goods, and bringing them to the camp to make
a profit, and in this traffic great and rich men also engage. And those
who pursue this trade are favoured and protected by the authorities in
all the things they do for the accommodation of the camp; so that at all
times when the army is in the field, if the roads are not blocked up by
the enemy, there is the greatest abundance.
When the Turkish monarch wishes to go against the enemy and begins to
leave his territories, and plenty of provisions are not easily obtained,
they determine on the road they are to take, as when in this case against
Ussun Cassano we entered the country and advanced ten days’ journey from
the Turkish frontiers. All safe communication with the frontiers was cut
off for three months; so that Gien Sultan, his son, to whom was left the
Government of the State at Constantinople, remained more than forty days
without news of his father or of the army. At length it was rumoured that
we were all routed and cut to pieces, which he believed, and endeavoured
to gain over to his allegiance the governors of the fortresses as well
as the other magistrates, with which the Turk became so indignant, that
he put to death the counsellors who had advised Gien to do so. One of
these was named Carestra Solciman and the other Nasufabege. Now, when it
happens that the army is past the frontiers and in the enemy’s country,
and there is need of provisions, these Arphaemiler have the charge of
sending to all parts of their sovereign’s dominions, where they know
there is plenty of grain, and of ordering each city to send so many
camel loads of corn and barley. The cities, with their territories, are
bound to obey and to furnish their overseers with the quantity of corn
and barley which has been imposed upon them. Besides, they must send
sufficient provisions for the use of the men and animals, who convey it
on the way, so that the victuals ordered by these lords for the army be
not aught diminished, but that at the time of distribution there be found
as much as was ordered, otherwise, the communities would suffer reproofs
and loss. When these overseers arrive in the camp at their appointed
time, they present themselves to the officials of the abovementioned
masters of the camp, who, taking note of their arrival, assign to them
their places of encampment. Similarly, they take note of all the loads of
provisions, and do not touch them without the order of these Arphaemiler,
and do not distribute them while they can obtain provisions in any
other way. And when the roads are blocked up, and there is a want of
provisions, the seneschals of the camp go to these Saraphaemiler masters
of the camp, and mention that such and such districts are in want of corn
and barley, and these lords consign one or more of the overseers with his
convoy to them, sending one of their clerks with them, while sometimes a
commissary of the seneschals of the camp accompanies them, when, putting
the provisions into the market with prices set upon them, they thus sell
them, taking equally good reckoning of the quantity of grain as of the
money received, lest they should be cheated. After the sale, the money is
handed over to the overseer in the name of the community, and receipts
taken for the quantity of supplies sold, and of the money consigned.
When the overseer arrives at his home he hands over the money to the
community, which is distributed in proportion to the quantity of supplies
each man has forwarded to the camp, and as such good order reigns, the
supply of necessaries is easy. And it is a thing almost incredible to
those who have not witnessed it, to see the vast numbers of camels
carrying provisions, more especially in this expedition against Ussun
Cassano; in which the Turk, in addition to the ordinary pay, gave an
advance of three months, that is, one quarter, according to the person’s
rank. He also gave assistance to the paymasters, as they have the payment
of the incomes assigned to them.
CHAP. VI.
The Grand Turk holds a consultation as to the route to be
followed by the army on leaving Amasia; of the places passed on
the way; and of the dromedaries bringing presents from the Lord
of Sit and the Soldan.
Everything necessary for the journey being got ready, they held a
consultation about the route to be followed in going against Ussun
Cassano. There was at this consultation the great chief, Jussuf, with
other great captains of Ussun Cassano, who, as I have mentioned before,
were taken prisoners the previous year, 1472, when the army was routed at
Begisar; the Grand Turk had promised to liberate them, if he found that
they told the truth about the things that were asked them of the route
to be pursued; nevertheless, they were conducted with the army under a
safe escort, and were often questioned about the passes, provisions,
water, and encampments. The Turk, also by means of his attendants,
treated with and brought to his camp some merchants and other persons
accustomed to this journey; and they also were examined separately on
these matters. Similarly, the Aganzi,[372] scouring the country and
making prisoners of people well acquainted with the country, sent them to
the court, where they were likewise examined, and the information given
by all being then weighed, they advanced with the greatest caution.
All the necessary preparations being made, the Grand Turk moved the
army from the Plain of the Goose and from the city of Amasia,[373] and
advanced towards Toccat, a city of Cappadocia; and the army following its
route arrived at the city of Civas,[374] situated near the mountains,
and near it crossed a large river named the Lais,[375] flowing from the
mountains of Trebizond, over which is an immense stone bridge. Leaving
this city on the left, and having crossed this river, we entered a valley
of Mount Taurus and arrived at a fortress called Nicher,[376] belonging
to King Ussun Cassano. Here the Aganzi were attacked by the enemy, and a
small skirmish took place, in which as many were killed on one side as
on the other, and twelve prisoners were brought to the headquarters of
the Turk. The rest of the garrison, not waiting to be attacked, departed,
leaving the castle undamaged, where the army arrived, but not delaying to
besiege fortified places, proceeded on its way, leaving on the left not
very far distant a city called Coiliuasar,[377] situated among mountains
in a valley surrounded by many villages. Still advancing, we arrived on
the slope of a high mountain at another city named Careafar,[378] where
alum is found; the army encamped half a mile from this city, and the
cavalry scoured and ravaged the country, so that the greater part of the
peasants, with their cattle and goods, fled to the strongholds in the
mountains and other safe places. Having raised the camp and continued our
march, we arrived at a large plain, in which is the city of Argian,[379]
on a site a little elevated above the plain, which is called the country
of Arsingan.[380] But, as the city was not fortified, the inhabitants
had fled across the river Euphrates. Nevertheless, some few remained,
among whom was found, on the arrival of the Aganzi, an aged Armenian,
in a church, surrounded by many books; and, although those who found
him called to him several times, he did not answer, but continued most
attentively reading the books before him, and the anger of the soldiers
being aroused, he was killed and the church burnt over him, with which
the Grand Turk, on hearing it, was very indignant; as it was said that
this man was a great philosopher.
Continuing our journey through this country of Arsingan, which is a part
of Lesser Armenia, and approaching the river Euphrates not very far
from Malacia,[381] which journey we performed in eight days, and the
army having already halted about the hour of nine, behold there arrived
eleven dromedaries coming with presents from the lord of Sit, and from
the Soldan, and on these dromedaries were men closely wrapped up in white
cloth, as otherwise they could not bear riding these animals, as the
great pace would shake their persons too much. Of these eleven men some
were white, and others black, and the first of them had in his hand an
arrow, on the point of which was fixed a note; all the others had before
them a covered box, with various sweetmeats inside; others carried bread
and cooked meat, which was still hot. When they arrived at the pavilion
of the Turk, without alighting or stopping, they put down the note and
the boxes, and said that they had come ninety miles in six hours. Their
answer was given them without speaking, in another note fixed on the same
arrow; and when they departed, it seemed as if they disappeared before
our eyes, so marvellous is the speed of those animals.
CHAP. VII.
The Grand Turk, arriving at the river Euphrates, determines
to cross, and orders Asmurat to force a passage with his men,
whereupon he is defeated by the Persians.
Now on arriving at the river Euphrates, and marching north-east along its
bank, we perceived that Ussuncassano had arrived with his army on the
other side, at the spot where he thought that the Turk would cross. The
river was wider in this place—divided into many streams by banks of mud;
here the armies encamped opposite each other, with the stream separating
them. Ussuncassano had an immense army, and with him were three of his
sons, the first named Calul,[382] the second Ugurlimehemet,[383] and the
third Zeinel, and also Pirahomat, the prince of Caramania, and many other
lords and men of various nationalities, namely, Persians, Parthians,
Albanians (?), Georgians, and Tartars. On Ussuncassano’s seeing the
Turkish army encamped, he was quite astonished at the multitude, and
stood some time without speaking, and then said in the Persian language,
“Baycabexen nede riadir,” which means, “O, son of a whore, what a sea!”
comparing the Turkish army to an ocean. On the same day that the armies
encamped in this place, about nine, it was decided to attempt a passage
and to attack the enemy, and that Asmurat,[384] Beglerbeg of Romania
should attempt it with all his men, and, as he was young, Mahumut Bassa
was given him as a colleague. Then having raised the standards, sounded
the drums, the naccare, and other warlike instruments, they began
to cross, swimming over certain streams, and going from sandbank to
sandbank, and so arrived nearly at the other side of the river.
Ussuncassano, seeing that the Turkish troops began to cross, and were
already near his bank, sent a body of his own men against them, who also
entered a good way into the river; but as a deep stream separated them,
they began the fight with arrows. Still the Turks, wishing to cross, made
great exertions; and a part of them crossing the stream, came to blows
with the Persians, the fight lasting more than three hours, with great
slaughter on both sides. The Persians being nearest their bank of the
river, easily received support from their own people; while the Turks,
being only able to cross by a narrow ford, arrived a few at a time,
swimming over with their horses, many also being drowned by the rush of
water which carried them away from the ford. At length the Turks were
overcome by the Persians, and made to retreat, recrossing the stream
in their flight. Mahumut Bassa, who was on a bank, half a mile distant
from the place where they were fighting, not only did not give them
assistance, but retreated across several streams to another sandbank. The
Persians pursued the Turks, killing and taking prisoners; and the Turks
in their flight got into disorder, and blocked up the passage, many being
drowned by falling into the whirlpools of which there are a great many in
this river, and among others Asmurat, Beglerbeg of Romania. When he, with
many others, fell into a large whirlpool, the Turks, and in particular
his slaves and retainers, endeavouring to assist him, made head, and
attacked the Persians again. And numbers of them being killed and
drowned, the Persians crossing several streams in pursuit of the Turks,
arrived at a muddy bank on which Mahumut Bassa had formed many squadrons,
and where the contest was renewed.
But the Persians, with all their efforts, could gain no ground in the
hand to hand fight that ensued with the troops of Mahumut, neither party
gaining the least advantage. And as the evening began to come on, and
the day to close, the Turk, who the whole time with all the rest of the
army had been under arms on the bank of the river, sounded a retreat, and
Ussuncassano, who had been also under arms on the other bank, did the
same. And the retreat being sounded on both sides, each withdrew without
any further attack; still Ussuncassano had the best of the fight, as of
his men fewer were killed, but few drowned, and not one taken prisoner.
But on our side, when the muster was made, there were twelve thousand men
missing, among whom were several persons of note. Sentinels were posted
on the banks of the river, the Persians doing the same, as both parties
were apprehensive of an attack.
The Turkish monarch was very indignant that Mahumut Bassa had retired
from one bank to another instead of giving assistance to Asmurat, and
suspected that he had done so on purpose, not being very friendly
with him. Nevertheless, the Turk did not at this time show ill-will
towards Mahumut, as neither the time nor place appeared convenient, but
principally because this Mahumut[385] was beloved by all; dissimulating
now, he awaited the time that he could punish him without risk to
himself, which happened six months later, when he caused him to be
strangled with a bowstring.
CHAP. VIII.
Ussun Cassano pursues the Turk, who, after his defeat, returns
to his country, and a battle takes place, in which, by the
flight of Ussun Cassano from the army, the Persians are routed,
and the Grand Turk remains victorious.
Having suffered this defeat, the Turk became very apprehensive, and
determined to lead his army back to his country by the shortest route;
and, to console his soldiers, besides their usual pay, he gave them
another advance, making them a present of the former one which he had
given at his departure. Also he liberated all his slaves that were in the
camp, on the condition that none should abandon him, but should serve him
like the other troops, who are not slaves, and who can do what they like
with their own; he made many other concessions to the captains. The army
having started, we marched along the bank of the river, and the Persians
did the same on the other side, not attempting to cross, but keeping on
their guard, seeing that the Turkish army was still larger than theirs;
nevertheless, as was afterwards reported, Ussuncassano was incited by
his sons and the other commanders to cross the river and attack us, as
we were in flight in consequence of the defeat we had sustained, many
consultations being held about it. At the end of about ten days the
Turkish forces, having turned away from the river, with the city of
Baybret[386] on their right, among the mountains which separate Greater
and Lesser Armenia, took their way towards the north-west, entering
a valley on the route to Trebizond. At the second halt we made after
entering the valley, at the end of August, at the fourteenth hour of the
day, behold the Persians appeared on the mountains on our right.[387]
Then the Turk faced round towards the enemy, and gained the heights, but
first fortified the camp, leaving the brother of the ruler of Scandeloro,
named Eustraf, to guard it and the baggage-waggons. All the arrangements
being made, he marched by the mountains towards the enemy, placing Daut
Bassa Beglerbeg of Natolia, with his whole column, and all those of
Romania who remained from the first rout in the van, Bajesit, the Grand
Turk’s eldest son, being on the right of his father, and Mustafa, the
second, on the left. Thus marching over mountains and rocky ground, we
arrived at a valley on the other side of which the Persians were drawn
up, with a very extended line, opposite which the Grand Turk had his men
arrayed. Then both sides sounded a countless number of naccare, drums,
and other warlike instruments, the noise and din being so great that one
had to hear it to imagine it. The slopes of the valley where the armies
fronted each other were easy of ascent and descent; it was a quarter of a
mile wide and rather long, in a wild situation among mountains.
Here began a stubborn contest, first one party and then the other
repulsing the enemy, each giving assistance to their own side wherever
the need was greatest, until Pirahomat, prince of Caramania, who was on
Ussuncassano’s right, after a fierce resistance, was defeated by Mustafa,
son of the Grand Turk, and recoiling on the flank of Ussuncassano, who,
fearing to be surrounded, which might easily have happened, from the
superiority of the Turks on every side, and principally on the right,
where the great captain Mustafa fought, began to get very much afraid,
mounted an Arab mare, and in a very short time took to flight. In this
way they were routed and chased as far as the tents, which were nearly
ten miles off in a plain, and some of the prisoners taken at the rout
of the fords were rescued.[388] The tents were also plundered and an
immense booty taken, and among the slain was a son of Ussuncassano named
Zeinel, whose head was presented to the Turk by a foot-soldier who had
killed him in the battle; since this prince Zeinel, leaving his father
when he mounted the mare, entered among the infantry, and was surrounded
and slain with many of his followers. This was a great rout, about ten
thousand of the Persians being killed, and many more taken prisoners, of
whom some were put to death each day.
The night was all spent in rejoicing, with bonfires, and music, and
shouting. But because Mustafà the Sultan’s son had pursued Ussun Cassano,
and it was now the second hour of the night, the Turk became anxious, and
sent some couriers after him, with whom he returned. His father came out
of his tent with a cup of gold full of julep, which he presented to him
with his own hand, kissing him and commending him greatly for his bearing
and valour. This battle lasted eight continuous hours before the Persians
were put to rout, and if it had not been for Mustafà and Ussun Cassano’s
cowardly flight, they might not have lost. In this battle, of Turks there
were in all about one thousand killed.[389] There were found in the
baggage-waggons of Ussun Cassano some vases of gold, with their sheaths
covered with copper, and other vases of gold and silver; there were also
some fine suits of armour, made at Syras,[390] quite masterpieces, like
mirrors, with gilt borders wonderfully polished and a marvel to behold.
They also captured a thousand horses and a great number of camels. I must
not omit to mention that in this battle Ugurlimehemet, Ussun Cassano’s
second son, came with a great number of men to assail our camp, but he
also was repulsed by the lord Cusers[391] and the rest of the garrison,
and so much so that he narrowly escaped being taken prisoner, but got
away through his acquaintance with the country. Thus if Ussun Cassano had
remained content with his first victory, the Turk would have gone away
ignominiously, and he would not have lost the territories he did.
Having rested the army for three days, the Turk resolved to go back again
by the way he had come. Therefore, raising his camp, he marched towards
Baibret,[392] where, on account of the rout of Ussun Cassano, he found
that the inhabitants of this city and of the surrounding country had
fled to the strongholds in the mountains. Nevertheless, the Aganzi took
some prisoners and plunder, and some of these Aganzi were assailed by
the Persians, and the prisoners and booty recaptured. On being pursued
they retired to the city of Baibret. And the Persians following in
pursuit, the Aganzi defended the place, the whole of one night and half
of the following day, until the news came to the army, when relief was
sent to them. The Persians hearing this, went off, not wishing to await
the attack. Proceeding on the march, we arrived on the banks of the
great river Euphrates, finding the castles and villages all abandoned,
and a good many of them burnt. Coming to the ford, the Aganzi crossed
without opposition, and traversed the country on the opposite shore for
one day’s journey in distance, seizing some small flocks as booty. When
they returned to the camp we directed our route towards Erfenia,[393] a
city in front, which had been abandoned; here we fixed our camp for one
night, and four days after leaving it we arrived at Carassar,[394] which
is situated on a black mountain, and has a very strong natural position,
from having high precipices all round, except on one side, where there is
one place that one can get up to the gate by a tortuous and rocky path.
Having encamped here, the people of the place stood silently on the walls
provided with sharp pikes and many bows; at first they would not listen
or speak to any one, but fired and hit everyone who approached, so that
they were obliged to direct five cannon against them. Two of these were
drawn up a hill not very far from the city, and did great harm. And after
they had bombarded it fifteen days, and killed a considerable number
of the people of the place, the latter were obliged to capitulate. The
governor of it was named Aarap,[395] a retainer of prince Zeinel, the
son of Ussun Cassano, who was killed in the above-mentioned battle, and
who possessed this Sangiacato[396] or territory. Aarap, hearing that his
master was dead and his head being shown him, wept bitterly, and then,
with some of the inhabitants, determined to make sure of his life and
property. The Turk promised him the conditions, and the seventeenth day
after we encamped they surrendered the place, and we returned, taking
Aarap with us, who, however, was shortly afterwards restored to liberty,
the Turk giving him a Sangiaccato on the borders of Hungary. In fact, if
he had held out eight days longer, we should have been forced to raise
the siege from want of provisions, and principally of fodder for the
horses, which had to be fed on oak leaves and twigs cut small.
The army, marching thence, came to the city of Coliasar,[397] which town,
hearing that the strong fortress of Carcasar had surrendered, and that
prince Zeinel had been killed, sent ambassadors and surrendered to the
Turk, while Nieser[398] did the same. All necessary provisions having
been made for their government, the army proceeded and arrived at Sivas.
CHAP. IX.
Assambei, being defeated, returns to Tauris; the following year
he goes into the country; his son rebels, and flies to the
Grand Turk; but Ussun Cassano, causing a report to be spread of
his death, induces him to return to Tauris, where he causes him
to be put to death.
After this defeat Assambei returned to Tauris. In 1473 M. Josaphat
Barbaro arrived, who relates that the lord Assambei, after remaining
quiet that year, in the following year, 1474, determined to go with his
people into the country, as was his wont. He accordingly asked this
M. Josaphat if he would accompany him, and as he said he would, they
therefore set out together. In the month of May, therefore, the lord
Ussun Cassano set out with his troops, the number being twenty-five
thousand foot-soldiers, eighteen thousand country-people, three thousand
tents, six thousand camels, thirty thousand baggage mules, five thousand
riding mules, two thousand baggage horses, five thousand women, three
thousand boys and maid-servants, and many animals of different kinds.
These all went into the country, and found plenty of pasture. This was
his standing army; I leave you to judge of the number he could levy on an
emergency.
While the lord Assambei was in the country near Sultania, the news came
to him that Ugurlimehemet, his son, had seized Syras. The king Assambei
having heard this, immediately raised his camp and marched towards
Syras. His son, hearing that his father was coming against him with a
large army, fled, and leaving his dominions, escaped with his wife and
all his family into the Turkish territory, where he sent messengers to
beg a safe-conduct from the Sultan Baiesit, who had his residence not
far from Ussun Cassano’s frontiers. Baiesit immediately sent to let his
father know, who approved of giving the safe-conduct, but told him that
by no means should he go out of the territory of Amasia to meet him, but
should show him every other honour, while still keeping an eye upon his
actions, from fear of Persian treachery. And you may know that the city
of Syras,[399] which this same Ugurlimehemet had taken from his father,
is the most important city of Persia on the frontiers near Chirmas,[400]
and is walled with stone. It is twenty miles in circumference, and has
two hundred thousand inhabitants. It has a great trade, with manufactures
of arms, saddles, bridles, and all equipments of men, as well as horses,
and supplying Soria,[401] Constantinople, and all the East with them.
Ugurlimehemet having thus escaped to Sivas, sent his wife with his small
family in advance, to avert every suspicion his coming might awaken,
while he himself followed with three hundred horsemen. He was favourably
received by Baiesit, who embraced him and made sumptuous feasts in his
honour. Some days after, Ugurlimehemet left with his troop, and having
arrived at Usuhuder, the Grand Turk sent a guard of honour to meet him,
with whom he proceeded to Constantinople. Here he was honourably lodged,
and provided with sustenance both for himself and suite at the expense
of the Grand Turk, who then opened his court, and arriving at the place
in which he was accustomed to give audiences, Ugurlimehemet came to the
court to visit the monarch whom he had not yet seen. The Grand Turk
sent councillors and captains to meet him, and commanded that he should
be permitted to come on horseback into the second seraglio, which it
is the custom for no one to enter except the monarch; and that when he
dismounted he should be admitted to his presence girt with his sword,
which no one is permitted to wear, however great a lord he may be, not
even the princes themselves. On the entry of Ugurlimehemet, the Grand
Turk rose from his seat, and greeted him kindly, and made him sit down
beside him, where they conversed on different subjects for the space of
an hour, Mahomet calling him “son”, and making many proposals to him.
On this occasion he left without asking any safe-conduct or any other
favour; but after visiting the monarch several times, he thought fit to
ask for a command on the Hungarian frontiers, promising to be always a
good and faithful subject. The Grand Turk replied that he would make
him King of Persia in the room of his father, who was his enemy; and
giving him troops and means of commencing operations, sent him to Sivas,
on the boundary between the Grand Turk and Ussun Cassano. Ugurlimehemet
having arrived on the frontiers, was but a short time before he began to
make inroads and forays, doing great damage to his father’s territory,
who sent troops to protect his dominions, without, however, showing much
interest in this expedition against his son. On the contrary, he feigned
great grief and mortification on account of his rebellion, and then gave
out that he had fallen ill. He then retired to his apartments for some
days, and would not allow himself to be visited by anybody but those in
whom he could trust. While thus dissembling, a report was spread abroad
to Constantinople, that Ussun Cassano had fallen dangerously ill from
melancholy, on account of the rebellion of his son, and a rumour of
his having got worse being whispered about, some of his most faithful
adherents, as had been arranged, announced his death, while messengers
were sent to Ugurlimehemet with letters and tokens, as is customary,
giving information of the death of his father, and begging him to return
and take possession of the throne, before either of his brothers, Halul
or Jacob,[402] could do so. And in order to give greater semblance to
the affair, funeral rites were paid, and his death was really believed
in throughout the country. Ugurlimehemet having received three different
messages, with secret pledges such as are used in affairs of state,
thought it safe to go to Tauris. He arrived there in a few days with a
small escort, and on going to the palace to make himself sovereign, was
taken to where his father was in perfect health, who ordered him to be
confined, and afterwards put to death, without showing any consideration
for his being his son.
CHAP. X.
Assambei goes to ravage the country of the Georgians, and
having made them pay tribute, returns to Tauris, where he dies.
One of his captains defeats the Mamelukes.
These things happening in the year 1475, Assambei remained at peace till
1477, when he assembled a large army, giving out that he was going to
attack the Ottoman, when in fact he meant to ravage Georgia. His troops
consisted of about twenty or four and twenty thousand horsemen, and
about eleven thousand foot soldiers. I have already made mention of the
numbers of women, children, camp-followers, and others; so I shall say
nothing about them. Marching for seven days in a westerly direction, they
turned off to the right towards Georgia, which country the king wished
to plunder, because the Georgians had given him no assistance in his
war with the Turk. According to their custom, he sent forward his light
cavalry, about five thousand strong, who on their march went burning and
cutting down the woods, as they had to cross mountains and pass through
immense forests. After two days’ journey through Georgia[403] we found
a castle named Tiflis, commanding a pass, but deserted, which we took
without any resistance. And advancing to Geri[404] and other places
in the vicinity, he sacked them and also ravaged a great part of the
country. The chief, Pancratio, with the King of Congiurre, which borders
on Georgia, and seven other lords, sent to sue for peace, and agreed
to pay a tribute of sixteen thousand ducats, while Assambei promised
to leave the country free, except Tiflis,[405] which he wished to keep
from the importance of its position. The prisoners taken were about
five thousand. The peace being made, and the payment of tribute being
settled, Assambei returned to Tauris, and died in the year 1478, leaving
four sons: three by one mother and one by the Princess of Trebizond.
This prince, who was twenty years of age, was strangled by his three
brothers, who divided the realm among them, after which the second, named
Jacob Patissa,[406] made a coalition with the eldest, named Marco;[407]
whereupon the youngest fled, and Jacob made himself sovereign, ascending
the throne in 1479.
In the year 1482 (?) it happened that the people of Amit,[408] the
principal city of Diarbec, heard that the Mamelukes had seized and
plundered Orfà,[409] doing great damage to all the country. The general
of Assambei determined to go against them, crossed with his troops some
mountains between Amit and Orfà, and entered the plains of Orfà, three
days’ journey from Amit. The Mamelukes hearing this put themselves in
order of battle, and the two armies marching to meet each other, at
length joined battle, the contest lasting till midday. Though both armies
in turn repulsed the enemy, the Persians came off victors, cutting to
pieces more than half of the Mamelukes, with many lords. The Persians
following up their victory, advanced to Albir,[410] and took it with many
other fortresses, finding immense booty; they then returned to Tauris,
where they found that the King Assambei had died on the eve of Epiphany
in the year 1487 (1478).
CHAP. XI.
Jacob, the son of Assambei, on ascending the throne takes a
wife of a wicked disposition, who, to raise her paramour to the
throne, gives the king poison, which also causes her own death
and that of her son.
Jacob Patissa, as I have already mentioned, after the death of his
father, made himself master of Tauris and Persia, and took for wife a
daughter of the lord of San Mutra, who was of a lascivious disposition,
and being enamoured of one of the principal lords of the court, sought
wickedly to put her husband to death, that after his decease this
lord might succeed to the throne. Then, having arranged a plan with
her paramour for murdering Jacob, she prepared poison. The adulteress
prepared a bath, as usual, with perfumes, knowing her husband’s habits,
who, with his son of eight or nine years of age, entered the bath and
remained from the twenty-second hour of the day, till sunset. When
Jacob Sultan came out and entered the ladies’ seraglio, his wife, who
had prepared a poisoned cup, knowing that Jacob was always accustomed
to drink on coming out of the bath, came to meet him with a gold cup in
which she had put the poison, appearing more friendly than usual. But he,
seeing her face rather pale, became suspicious, as he had already seen
some evil symptoms in her that day; but the wicked woman had dissimulated
and excused herself so well, that he partly believed her, although his
suspicions were not altogether cleared up. Therefore, when the lady
came to meet him with such a pallid countenance holding the cup, Jacob
commanded her to taste it first. The terrified woman could not refuse,
and after she had drunk, her husband drank also, giving some to the
little boy. This happened at the twenty-fourth hour of the day, and so
noxious was the beverage, that by midnight they were all dead. The death
of these three personages being announced the following day, all the
great lords were thrown into consternation, and also the whole of Persia.
Many of Jacob’s relatives seized different places, as you shall hear.
After the death of Jacob Patissa, there being no other son of Assambei,
the throne was seized by a lord, a relation of Jacob, named Julauer,
who, although he reigned three years, did nothing of importance. To him
succeeded a Baysingir,[411] who reigned two years. Rustan, a youth about
twenty years of age, succeeded him and reigned seven years; in his time
the father of the Sophi was killed, as the king himself was afterwards by
the hands of a lord with the connivance of his own mother, with whom this
lord, named Agmat,[412] was in love, who, after the death of Rustan, made
himself king, and reigned five months. After Rustan’s murder his troops
joined one of his captains, named Carabes, who lived at Van, and who,
hearing of the king’s death and the succession, after biding his time,
marched to Tauris, met this Agmat, and cut him to pieces. The kingdom now
came to a youth named Aluan,[413] a relation of Ussun Cassano, who lived
at Amit, whence he was summoned by the popular voice, and made king, but
reigned only a short time, being expelled by the Sophi.
CHAP. XII.
Secchaidar, the father of the Sophi, marches against Rustan
King of Persia, but is defeated and slain; Rustan sends to take
his wife and three sons, and gives them in custody, but the
latter escape.
During the reign of Rustan in Tauris, Sechaidar,[414] the father of the
Sophi, who had married a daughter of the King Assambei, through his
wife, became rightful heir of the realm of Persia.[415] He resolved
to raise an army and drive out Rustan, and for this purpose collected
a number of Suffaveans, who all followed him as their chief and also
because he was considered a saint; he was accustomed to reside in the
city of Ardouil,[416] three days’ journey distant from Tauris, towards
the East, like an abbot with a number of disciples. Having assembled
an army of twenty-two thousand men, he marched towards Tauris;[417]
but the King Rustan having heard of the preparations of the enemy, had
also raised an army of fifty thousand men, and as he himself was very
young, he gave the command in this enterprise against Sechaidar to one
of his captains, named Sulimanbec. Sechaidar, hearing that the hostile
army was more powerful than his, retreated to a place named Van, near
Coi,[418] expecting to be joined from the West by some other chiefs,
hostile to Rustan. But such was the rapidity of Sulimanbec, Rustan’s
general, that Sechaidar was forced to join battle without waiting for
further reinforcements, and a fierce contest began.[419] The Suffaveans
fought like lions; nevertheless, at length after numbers of men had been
killed on both sides, those of Tauris came off victorious, Sechaidar
being killed with numbers of his men. After the rout they sought out
the body of Sechaidar, which was found by an Armenian priest and taken
to Ardouil to be buried. In Tauris the victory caused great rejoicings.
Rustan, hearing the news of the defeat of the enemy, and the death of
Sechaidar, sent immediately to Ardouil to seize his wife and three sons,
and wished to put them to death; but to please some lords, they were
liberated, keeping them, however, in charge in an island in the lake of
Astumar,[420] inhabited by Armenian Christians. There are there more than
six hundred houses, a church named after the Holy Cross, in which are
more than a hundred priests governed by a patriarch. Here, then, were
sent the three sons of Sechaidar, but the mother remained in Tauris, and
was married for the second time to a lord who was an enemy of her former
husband. The sons remained three years in the island; but Rustan, being
apprehensive of their escape, and being persuaded by some of his friends
to put them to death, sent to take them. The day that the messenger asked
for them on behalf of Rustan, they were given up to him by the Armenians,
although very reluctantly, as they were very much beloved, especially
Ismael the second, for his beauty and pleasing manners. After they had
given them up (notice well the influence of Providence to carry out what
it has determined) one of the principal Armenians addressed the others,
saying, “We have given up these boys to this messenger without having
seen any command from the King Rustan; it may easily happen that we have
been deceived, and that they may be taken away and escape somewhere, so
that we would receive great blame, and our sovereign might well say,
‘Where is my order’. Thus it is my opinion that we ought not to deliver
them to him unless he brings credentials in writings, which we may keep
for security.” All the others agreed to this, more especially because
they were very loth to give them up. Then they told the messenger to
bring credentials from the king; and as it was some distance thence to
Tauris, he was more than seven days before he returned. During this
time the boys and their[421] mother were conducted in a boat from the
island to the country of Carabas[422] on the east. This country borders
on Sumacchia[423] and Ardouil, which belonged to the father of these
boys, and its inhabitants are for the most part Suffaveans, and had
great reverence for the father. Here they were hidden without anyone
hearing anything of them for the space of five years. Ismael at this
time was nine years old, and when he attacked Sumacchia was not quite
fourteen.[424]
CHAP. XIII.
How Ismael, the son of Haidar, was born and brought up; he
becomes a captain, attacks and defeats Sermangoli, possessing
himself of his realm; he marches against, and takes Tauris.
During these five years these boys were incited by many of their father’s
friends, who came to visit them, to assemble troops to recover his
possessions; having collected five hundred brave and faithful men, and
the whole country being friendly disposed towards them, they elected
Ismael their captain, as he was a fiery, brave, and courteous youth.
This Ismael, when he was born, issued from his mother’s womb with fists
clenched and covered with blood: a remarkable fact, and when his father
saw him, he said, “Surely he will grow up a bad man”; and agreed with his
mother that he should not be reared; but God disposed otherwise, as when
they sent him away to be put to death, those who were charged with the
deed, touched by his beauty, had pity on him and brought him up. After
three years the boy giving great promise, they determined to show him to
his father, and when an opportunity occurred they placed him before him,
and when, he being taken with him, asked who he was, they told him he was
his son, at which he was delighted, and received him with great show of
affection.
Then, having assembled five hundred horse and foot soldiers, they
crossed a large river called the Cur,[425] flowing in the direction of
Sumacchia,[426] into the Caspian Sea; then marching towards Sumacchi they
received intelligence that the lord of that place, named Sermangoli,
was assembling his chiefs to collect an army against them. One of
these chiefs said, “Sire, leave the business to me, and I will engage
to bring you this fellow’s head”; and, then collecting seven thousand
men, marched against him. The Suffaveans, seeing the Sumacchians coming
against them in great force in a plain, retreated to the top of a hill.
The Sumacchians surrounded it to besiege the enemy, but fortune was
propitious to the Sophi, who attacked them in the weakest quarter, and
intending to fall sword in hand, their assault was so impetuous that
fifteen hundred of the enemy surrendered at once, the others being cut
to pieces. The Suffaveans provided themselves with arms and horses from
the booty, and followed up their victory, by marching towards Sumacchia.
The king, hearing of this defeat, issued into the plain with the rest of
his men; but, being without discipline, they were routed, and the King
Sermangoli taken prisoner. Ismael spared his life, and having captured
the city, made great presents to his soldiers; he also took the other
numerous fortresses in the country of Sermangoli. Ismael having made
himself lord of this country, besieged a castle called Pucosco on the
way to Tauris, a very rich place, which he took by assault (his younger
brother, Bassingur, being killed in the fight), and gave all the wealth
they found in the place to his soldiers. Hence, the fame was spread
abroad, that Ismael, the son of Sechaidar, had recovered his dominions,
and that his liberality to his men made them devoted to him; and an
almost incredible number of people joined him; thus, having about forty
thousand men[427] under him, he determined to march on Tauris. Before he
set out he inquired what the Greeks did, when they held the empire of
Persia; and hearing that they would not harm the country in anything, but
were friendly to everyone, he then marched to Tauris, committing such
severities that everyone was thrown into mortal terror and dared not
take up arms against him. Aluan, who was then king, seeing that he could
not defend himself from the fury of the enemy, resolved to fly. Taking
with him his wife and treasure, he went to Amit, his former city.[428]
Thus, in 1499, in the same year, and six months from the commencement of
the war, the Sophi made himself master of Tauris. On his entry he used
great cruelty towards the opposing faction, as he cut to pieces many
people, doctors, women, and children; wherefore, all the surrounding
places sent in their allegiance, and all the city wore his ensign, that
is, the red caftan; in this war more than twenty thousand people were
killed. He then caused the bones of several lords who were already
dead to be disinterred and burnt; he put to death his own mother,[429]
recollecting, as he had been told, that she had wished to kill him after
his birth, and also because she was by birth of the opposing faction.
CHAP. XIV.
Ismael raises war against Moratcan, defeats him, and makes
himself king. After his victory he is advised to marry, which
he does, and then attacks Bagadet, is victorious, and thus
becomes master of many countries.
Ismael having remained all the winter at Tauris, in 1500, early in the
year, determined to go against a certain Moratcan,[430] who had seized
the country of Erach[431] after the death of Jacob, which country
comprises Spaan, Ies, and Syras,[432] with many other cities, which used
to be under the dominion of the kings of Persia. He therefore assembled
an army of twenty thousand men, all brave Suffaveans, and, marching
towards the enemy’s country, he heard that Moratcan was prepared to
receive him with fifty thousand men. Nevertheless, he continued his
route to Chizaron, having advanced a long way from Tauris, and from
thence to Syras, bordering on the country of Carason[433] or Gon. Here
they met in battle, and at length Moratcan was killed[434] and his
men defeated and dispersed, when Ismael made himself master of all
those realms. After this victory, before returning to Tauris, all his
friends counselled him to marry; but while he was considering this step,
they could find no lady worthy of such a match. At length, after many
discussions, they said that a certain lord had a lady in his house,
a granddaughter of Sultan Jacob, the son of Ussun Cassano, who was
beautiful, and named Taslucanum; wherefore, he sent to the lord demanding
her of him. The lord replied to the messengers that she was not there;
but Ismael, insisting on her being sent, the lord had another dressed
up instead of her, saying he had no other in the house. The messengers,
seeing that she did not correspond to the description given of her, said
that it was not this one that they wanted, and ordered all the girls to
be brought, among whom was Taslucanum, but went away without recognising
her. The Sophi ordered them to return and have the girls shown again,
which they did, and recognised her this time, and had her dressed up
and brought with them. Ismael, when he saw her, said “This is she I was
told of”; and took her for wife. But, as the king was very young, only
fifteen or sixteen years old, he gave her to a lord to take care of.
After three years the king asked for her, and said to the lord, “You
have been able to do just as you liked with her during three years.” He
replied, “Sire, do not believe it; I would sooner kill myself”. The Sophi
said, “You have been a great fool”; and took her as his wife. After the
Sophi had conquered the country of Erach, he returned to Tauris in 1501,
and caused great rejoicings to be made on account of his victory. The
following year he determined to invade the country of Bagadet, three
hundred miles distant from Tauris towards the south and south-west, a
large district, and having assembled an army, he set out. The lord[435]
of the country held himself in readiness with many troops, not in the
field, but in the city of Baldac,[436] anciently called Babylon the
Great, through the midst of which flows the river Euphrates. The king,
arriving two miles distant from it, one night a great part of the wall
fell down, and caused so great a panic in the city, that everyone fled.
The lord also was forced to fly across the sandy plains of Arabia
Deserta, sixteen days’ journey in extent, from Baldac to Damascus, and
thence to Aleppo, where, after residing some time, the Prince Aladuli
gave him his daughter in marriage, and settled him there. The Sophi
remained in Baldac and took the land of Bagadet, and afterwards Mosul
and Gresire,[437] a large city, through which the river Tigris flows.
This is also called the country of Mesopotamia. The Sophi having made
these conquests in 1503, returned to Tauris and made great feasts and
rejoicings in honour of his victory. While he was in Tauris, after his
return in 1504, he heard that while he was away at Mosul and Bagadet the
King of Gilan had rebelled, and, determining to be revenged, he prepared
an army and marched against him. Hearing this the King of Gilan sent
ambassadors to him immediately, asking pardon. With great reluctance,
after many entreaties, the Sophi pardoned him, but doubled the tribute.
He then returned, and remained in peace and quiet till the year 1507.
CHAP. XV.
Ismael goes against Alidoli; ruins his country and people.
Aluan, who had escaped from Tauris, is taken prisoner. The
son of Alidoli is killed at the capture of the city. Then,
repulsing the Great Khan of Tartary when invading Persia, he
returns to Tauris, and causes great feasts and rejoicings to be
held.
The Sophi, having under his sway a part of the country of Diarbec, that
is, Orfa, Moredin,[438] Arsunchief,[439] and other places, and hearing
continually that Abnadulat[440] was ravaging that part of the country,
and had taken the city of Cartibiert,[441] placing one of his sons in
it, determined to make an expedition against this Abnadulat; since these
places had always been under the sway of Persia, until this Alidoli,[442]
after the death of Jacob, while Persia was in a state of anarchy, had
seized them. Then, having assembled seventy thousand men, he marched
towards Arsingan,[443] a fine city on the borders of Trebizond and
Natolia. Having arrived here, he halted forty days, fearing lest the
Ottoman and the Soldan should take into their heads to defend Alidoli,
as his country was on the frontiers of both. While in this doubt, he
sent two ambassadors, one named Culibech,[444] to the Ottoman Emperor
of Constantinople; and the other named Zaccarabech,[445] to the Soldan
of Cairo, swearing by his head and other oaths that he would do them
no harm, but that he only wished to destroy his enemy Alidolit. After
forty days Ismael left Arsingan, from which place it is four days’
journey to the country of Alidoli. But he would not take the ordinary
route, but went to Caisaria,[446] a city belonging to the Ottoman,
where he supplied himself with provisions, paying for everything, and
proclaiming abroad that everyone might bring supplies to the camp for
sale, and that anyone taking anything without paying for it, would be
put to death. In this city he remained four days, and then advanced
to Albustan,[447] situated on a river[448] and in a beautiful plain,
and belonging to Alidoli. From this to Maras[449] is a journey of two
days, and after burning the country of Albustan, he advanced to Maras.
But Alidoli had disappeared, and retired to some strongholds in the
mountains. These mountains are called Carathas,[450] and have only one
very difficult pass. Ismael ravaged the country, and cut to pieces many
soldiers, who from time to time descended from the mountains to attack
the Suffaveans, but who were discovered by his sentinels and by the
people of the country. It was in the month of July 1507 that Ismael
entered the country of Alidoli, and he remained there till the middle of
November. Then, on account of the snow and cold, he determined to return
to Persia, and on his way to Tauris arrived at Malacia,[451] where he
met one of his adherents, named Amirbec,[452] who wore the seal of the
Sophi, and was a man high in authority. He had taken Sultan Aluan, who
had escaped from Tauris, prisoner, in the following manner: he set out
from Mosul with four thousand fighting men to support the Sophi, and
passing by Amit,[453] where Sultan Aluan was, he gave out that he had
come to assist him against the Sophi, and was thus received in Amit.
Having entered Amit, he threw Aluan into chains, took him prisoner in
the name of Ismael, and conducted him to Malacia, where he was shortly
afterwards put to death; and I myself saw him in chains there. After
this, Ismael proceeded and crossed the Euphrates, which river is ten
miles distant from Malacia on the east, and advanced to Cartibiert,[454]
which was governed by a son[455] of Alidoli. This place was well provided
with men and provisions, but these were of no avail, as the place was
taken, and the governor put to death. They then advanced towards Tauris,
but were overtaken by snow six days’ journey distant from Coi,[456] so
that many men, horses, and camels died of the cold, and a great portion
of the booty they had taken in the country of Alidoli was lost. At last
they arrived at Coi, where was a magnificent palace built by Ismael,
and there they remained till the spring. He then returned to Tauris,
where he rested that summer, and in the following year was forced into
another war, as Jesilbas,[457] the ruler of Samarcand, called the Grand
Tartar, whose people are named after the green caftans, had assembled an
immense army, and entered the country of Corasan and Strave,[458] places
belonging to Persia, and then seized the lands of some neighbouring
chieftains to be able to advance against the Sophi. But Ismael was in
readiness, and went with an immense camp to Spàan,[459] fourteen days’
journey distant from Tauris towards the east, and there halted. The
Tartar, hearing this, advanced no further, but thought to outwit Ismael
by demanding a free passage to Mecca through his territory; but the
latter perceived the stratagem, refused him a passage, and while the
Tartar was in Corasan, Ismael remained in Spàan, watching the movements
of the enemy. At the close of the year 1508 the Tartars returned to their
country, and Ismael likewise to Tauris. In honour of his return they
arranged and ornamented the bazaars and palaces, causing great feasts
and games to be held, as you will hear. The Sophi had a high pole or
mast erected in the maidan, that is, in the piazza, on which was placed
a golden apple, and whoever running past could knock it down with their
arrows or other missiles, took it for their own. After the golden one
they set up a silver one, and so on, twenty in number, ten gold and ten
silver; between the knocking down of each apple, Ismael rested a short
time, drinking several confections and delicate wines; and while he was
amusing himself, there stood before him two beautiful boys: one of whom
held a vase of gold with a cup; and the other, two jugs of refreshing
drinks. At his sport he has a guard of a thousand soldiers, besides whom,
a crowd of perhaps thirty thousand soldiers and citizens stand by to
see the game. After his recreation he goes with his lords to sup in a
palace[460] in the country built by Sultan Assambei, but the lords sup
apart. This Sophi is fair, handsome, and very pleasing; not very tall,
but of a light and well-framed figure; rather stout than slight, with
broad shoulders. His hair is reddish; he only wears moustachios, and uses
his left hand instead of his right. He is as brave as a game cock, and
stronger than any of his lords; in the archery contests, out of the ten
apples that are knocked down, he knocks down seven: while he is at his
sport they play on various instruments and sing his praises.
CHAP. XVI.
Ismael being with his army in the country of Carabas,[461]
sends two captains to invade Sumacchia, while he himself went
towards the Caspian Sea, taking many places, and among others
the castle of the city of Derbant, an important place.
Ismail having remained fifteen days in Tauris, set out in 1510 with his
camp to Coi, where he remained two months, and whence in the year 1509
he determined to attack Sermangoli, to whom, besides his life, he had
presented for the second time the realm of Servan and Sumachia;[462]
but who, when he was engaged in the war with the Tartars, had broken the
conditions of peace. Therefore, having assembled his army, he marched
towards the country of Carabas, where there is a plain of immense extent,
in which is situated a fortress named Canar, with many villages belonging
to it. Here they manufacture the silk which is called Canarian, after the
name of the place. As this region was very rich, he halted here eight
days, and having nominated two captains, one named Dalabec and the other
Bairabac,[463] he gave them charge of the expedition against Sumacchia,
making them a present of the city. When they arrived there, according to
their instructions, they found the city deserted, the king having fled
to Culustan, a large and well fortified castle, situated on a mountain,
but whose governor had orders to surrender it if Ismael appeared in
person. The two captains, with ten thousand valiant men, encamped round
this place, which is half a mile distant from the city, but were not
able to assault on any side, as there were no engineers or artillery
with them. About this time Ismael left Canar and went to the castle of
Maumutaga, a port on the shores of the Caspian Sea, eight days’ journey
distant from Tauris, which he took, and with it much booty. He then
marched along the coast to take possession of all the other fortresses of
the country of Servan. From Maumutaga to Derbent is seven days’ journey
along the coast, on which are many towns and castles, Sumacchia being one
day’s journey distant. On our march we reached a place named Baccara,
four days’ journey from Maumutaga, and two from Sumacchia. It is also
called Baccuc,[464] and is one of the ports of Tauris, with an excellent
harbour; it was anciently the principal place on the sea, which is
called the Sea of Baccuc after it, although others call it the Caspian,
from the Caspian mountains; others, the Hyrcanian Sea from Hyrcania, now
called the country of Strava,[465] from whence comes the silk of Strava.
One day’s journey further from Baccara is a fortress named Sirech,
situated on a mountain. The inhabitants held out three days before coming
to terms with Ismael, who, at length agreeing to their conditions, sent
in sixty men, leaving the former governor; but these sixty Suffaveans,
behaving outrageously, were cut to pieces by the former occupants, who,
from fear of the consequences, fled by night to the heights of the
mountains; the castle was in consequence demolished. A little further
was an unwalled city, named Sebran, which we found deserted, as everyone
had fled: some in order to lay waste the country, and others from fear.
Leaving this, we arrived at Derbant[466] in four days, and found all the
people fled: some to the country of the Tartars; some to the head of the
Caspian Sea; and some to the heights of the mountains: so that only the
castle, which is large, well-built, and strong, held out; the towers were
all newly erected, and on their summits were men with lances, slings,
bows, etc. This castle has two gates, which are walled round with immense
stones, like flint; and while about this city, I will give a description
of it before going on to anything else. The city of Derbant, called by
some Tenicarpi,[467] is situated on the Caspian Sea, near a high chain of
mountains, called the Caspian Mountains, the only pass into Tartary or
Circassia being in this place. Near this mountain there is an open bit
of sea-beach of about a mile in extent, from the sea to the mountain,
enclosed by two walls, commencing at the sea and going as far as the
mountain, half a mile distant one from the other. These walls project
into the sea up to six feet depth of water, so that no one either on foot
or horseback can pass except by the gates. Between these walls there are
numerous houses, as this place is a port with many ships, which trade
to Citrachan[468] and other places. They used to have large ships of
eight hundred tons burden, but now only those of two hundred can enter.
On the mountain is an almost impregnable castle, before which the Sufi
monarch encamped. Passing this city towards the west, one has the sea
on the east for a space of sixty miles, and when it bends round to the
left the mountains recede from the sea, near which place, on the summit
of a mountain, is the Church of Saint Mary of the Caspian Mountains.
But I will not relate anything more about this, as it is not the proper
place for it. The Sophi remained besieging the castle for twenty days,
having dug three mines without any effect. They then excavated under the
foundations of a tower, and filled the hollow up with wood; having set
fire to this, a great smoke rose in the air, which, being seen by the
governor, he sent to Ismael at midnight and proposed to capitulate on
condition of safety for their lives and property; Ismael, seeing that
very little was gained by the fire, was satisfied and agreed to their
request. The following morning he took possession of the castle, in which
was a great quantity of provisions, ammunition, and arms; and I myself
saw many of the suits of armour which were brought into the presence of
the sovereign.
CHAP. XVII.
Many chiefs give in their allegiance to Ismael, who, after his
return in great triumph to Tauris, makes a second expedition
against the Lord of Sammarcant, defeats, and puts him to death;
he makes his sons swear fealty to him, but, having released
them, they revolt.
Having made himself master of the castle he remained there eight or nine
days to rest his men, and during this time many of the neighbouring
chiefs came to give in their submission to him, putting on the red
caftan, and swearing obedience to the Sophi. After that he returned
to Tauris, where, on his arrival, the bazaars were richly decked out,
a triumphal procession taking place in the city and rich banquets
being held, according to custom. This monarch is almost, so to speak,
worshipped, more especially by his soldiers, many of whom fight without
armour, being willing to die for their master. They go into battle with
naked breasts, crying out “Schiac, Schiac”,[469] which, in the Persian
language, signifies “God, God”. Others consider him a prophet; but it
is certain that all are of opinion that he will never die. While I was
in Tauris I heard that the king is displeased with this adoration, and
being called God. Their custom is to wear a red caftan, coming half a
cubit over the head, which widens at the part which covers the head; it
gets narrower towards the top, and is made with twelve fringes, a finger
in thickness, symbolising the twelve Sacraments[470] of their religion;
neither do they ever shave their beards or moustachios. They have made no
change in their dress; their armour consists of cuirasses of gilt plates
made of the finest steel of Syras. Their horse-armour is of copper: not
like ours, but in pieces like those of Soria;[471] they also have helmets
or head-pieces of a great weight of metal. Everyone of them rides on
horseback: some with a lance, sword, and shield; others with bow and
arrows, and a mace. While Ismael was in Tauris in the winter, there came
three Negro ambassadors, who were received with great honour by the Sophi
monarch, and having fulfilled their mission, returned to their master
with many presents. Ismael, while resting, as we have related, received
news that Jesilbas,[472] the Lord of Sammarcant, with an Usbec chief,
with an immense army, was ravaging the country of Hirac,[473] that is,
Iespatan[474] and other places. He determined to take vengeance, and
taking the field, ordered all his troops to assemble at Cassan,[475] a
place twenty days’ journey to the east of Tauris; he chose this city
for the muster, as it abounded in provisions. This city is walled with
stone, and is three miles in circumference; there are great manufacturers
of silk and cotton. After he had collected a hundred thousand men,
learning from an Armenian Bishop of his adversary’s immense army, he
set out to meet him, having a deep grudge against these Tartars; as,
on the previous occasion when peace was made with them, they broke the
treaty before the year was out. Thus Ismael marched against the hostile
army, which was at Strava,[476] on the confines of Hirach, in the year
1501. Leaving Cassan with his army, he went to Spaàn, four days’ journey
from Cassan, then hurried eagerly forward in pursuit of the enemy, who,
hearing that Ismael was coming, retired to a river named Efra, anciently
called Iarit,[477] rising in a lake called the lake of Corassan. In the
middle of the river is a town named Chiraer, in which the Tartars took up
a position, making head against the Suffaveans, who, on their arrival,
encamped close to them, and prepared for battle; Ismael exhorting his
troops and making such great promises, that all were eager for the fight.
Then the Suffaveans were arrayed in three columns, the first being given
to Busambet,[478] Lord of Sumacchia; the second to Gustagielit;[479]
while the king commanded the third in person; the Tartars doing likewise.
The following morning the Sophi ordered all his martial instruments to
be sounded, while everyone shouted, “Long live Ismael our king”. In this
manner, at the first hour of the day the two armies engaged, and, at the
first assault, the Tartars repulsed the Sophi’s division, and cut numbers
to pieces. The Tartars still gaining, the Sophi seeing his destruction
imminent, threw himself into the front rank of the battle, fighting
bravely and giving new courage to his soldiers, who were confused by
the rout of the first division; so that they, seeing their monarch in
danger, made head and fought bravely against the Tartars for four hours.
At length they put to flight the division commanded by Usbec, the others
following the example; so that the Sophi gained great honour by his
victory over the Tartars, and by showing in this, as in his previous
enterprises, his great valour and generalship. Usbec and Jesilbas were
taken prisoners with their sons; the heads of the two former were
immediately cut off and sent, one to the Soldan, and the other to the
Turk. In this battle there was greater slaughter on both sides than has
ever taken place in Persia. He did not put the princes to death, but
threw them into prison, and took away their realm: Strava,[480] Rassan,
Heri, and other neighbouring places coming under his sway. When the
Sophi was about to set out on his return journey, he caused the sons
of Jesilbas to be brought before him, and said to them: “You are the
sons of a great monarch, who, having broken his faith, and ravaged my
territories, forced me to attack him; I have conquered him, and put him
to death; but I will spare your lives, and allow you to return to your
country on condition that you wear the red caftan, and that this river be
your boundary.” The young men replied, “Sire, we are content with what
pleases your majesty, and will give in our submission.” Thus they were
released, and went to Sammarcant, while we returned to Cassan[481] and
remained there all the winter of 1510.[482] When the young men returned
to Sammarcant, the report reached their maternal uncle that they had
promised allegiance to the Sophi. This uncle was one of the seven Soldans
of Tartary, and came to them, and said: “Oh, fools, you have disgraced
our name by wearing the ensign of a dog, who is neither Christian nor
Mahometan,” being exceedingly enraged with them. The young men answered:
“We did all in our power, seeing our father dead, ourselves captives,
our realm seized, and the troops dispersed.” They then recanted, and
put on the green caftan, while their uncle promised to assist them with
troops against the Sophi. The year 1512 these princes, with their uncle,
collected an immense army and entered the country of Corassan, belonging
to the Sophi, and took the city of Chirazzo, cutting to pieces the
Suffaveans, and, following up their victory, took several other places.
The news coming to the Sophi, who was with his army at Coraldava, he set
out immediately against the wearers of the green caftans, and chased them
out of the country of Corassan, beyond the river Efra[483] into some
mountains near the Caspian Sea, where he did not think it prudent to
follow them, and so returned to Chirazzo, leaving one of his sons, four
years of age, with a wise and brave general. He then went on to Tauris,
leaving his whole army behind him from apprehension of the return of the
Tartars.
CHAP. XVIII.
Some Persian noblemen invite the Ottoman to attack the Sophi in
Persia, which he does with a great number of men, and having
joined battle gains the victory, and thereupon returns to
Amäsia.
While the Sophi was in Tauris, some of his tributary chiefs in the
territory bordering on the Turks seeing that the army was away in
Corassan, came to an understanding with the Ottoman, and invited him
to attack Persia; but for which invitation the Turk would never have
mustered courage to do so. Being summoned by such great chiefs and
principally by the Curds, who were enemies of the Sophi monarch, who
inhabited the mountains of Bitlis,[484] knowing the power of the Tartars,
and thinking that the Sophi would be in difficulties, he determined in
1514 to form an army and invade Persia, apprehensive that if the Sophi
were victorious against the Tartars, he would make an alliance with the
Soldan for his destruction. Hence he set out from Constantinople, and
made his way with a great number of men to Amasia. Having provided all
that was necessary in this place, he marched towards Toccat in the month
of May. Here it will be convenient to recount the distance in miles of
some places one from the other. First, then, from Constantinople to
Amasia there are five hundred miles. Thence to the river Lais,[485]
that is, Sivas, passing through the country of Toccat, are a hundred
and fifty miles. From Lais, the frontier of the Sophi’s dominions, to
the Euphrates,[486] are a hundred miles; thence to Carpiert[487] eighty
miles; to Amit fifty miles; thence to Bitlis two hundred and forty
miles; from Bitlis to the lake[488] fifty miles; the lake is a hundred
miles long; from thence to Coi[489] are fifty miles; and from Coi to
Tauris seventy-five miles. Through the Sophi’s dominions seven hundred
and forty-five miles to Tauris, to Constantinople, in all 1395 miles.
Having crossed the Toccat, he reached Sivas, and then the country of
Arsingan,[490] making great booty, and sending many people to Amasia and
Constantinople, principally artizans and skilled workmen, and also men of
rank. The Sophi, who was in Tauris, hearing this, as his army was still
in Corassan, determined to collect as many men as he could. Therefore he
hastily sent two great generals, one called Stugiali Mametbei, the other
Carbec Sampira, into the country of Diarbec, who collected about twenty
thousand men and marched with them to the fords of the Euphrates. But
hearing that Selim was coming in great force, they did not feel strong
enough to oppose him, but returned to Coi, where there is a wide valley
or plain named Calderan. Here they halted, and the Sophi joined them
in person. While they were here the Turk kept on advancing, so that he
arrived not far from that place, ravaging and burning all the country
he passed through. The Sophi monarch having left for Tauris in order
to assemble more troops, the two generals seeing the enemy approaching
so near determined to attack them. On the other hand, the Turks fought
with desperation, as their provisions were failing, and if they had been
defeated all would have perished. On the 23rd[491] of August, therefore,
in the year 1514, the first division of the Suffaveans under Stugiali
Mametbei, with half the troops, began the fight by routing those opposed
to them, who were all inhabitants of Natolia, dispersing and cutting them
to pieces. But Sinan Bassà, with his troops, who came from Roumania,
coming up, many on both sides were killed, and at length the squadron of
Stugiali was defeated, he himself being taken prisoner and his head cut
off, which was afterwards sent to the Sophi. At this moment the second
division of the Persians came up, and fought so valiantly, that they put
the enemy to flight, so that the Turk was compelled to retire with his
whole force to where the janissaries and the artillery were, his troops
being in confusion; but the genius of Sinan Bassà rallied them, and the
Suffaveans were routed and all the camp taken, together with one of the
Sophi’s wives. The whole army being lost, both generals were killed; but
one of them named Carbec, before he died, was taken before the Turk, who
said to him: “O, dog, who art thou, who hast had the courage to oppose
our majesty; knowest thou not that my father and I are vicars of the
prophet Mahomet, and that God is with us?” The captain Carbec replied:
“If God had been with you, you would not have come to fight against my
master the Sophi; but I believe that God has taken away his hand from
you.” Then Selim said: “Kill this dog;” and the captain replied: “I know
it is my hour now, but you, Selim, prepare yourself for another occasion,
when my master will slay you as you now are slaying me;” upon which he
was immediately put to death. The Turk, after his victory, rested at Coi,
as many of his troops had been killed; the news of the defeat came to the
Sophi in Tauris, who immediately set out with his men who had escaped,
his wife named Tasluchanum, and his treasures, to Casibi,[492] in order
to collect another army to oppose the Turk. This place is seven days’
journey to the east of Tauris. The people of Tauris, seeing their king
escaping, were in dread of the Turk, and sent two ambassadors to him
with presents. The Turk then came to Tauris, and immediately seeking out
seven hundred families of skilled workmen, sent them to Constantinople.
He remained in Tauris three days when, being in want of provisions and
fearing lest the Persians should attack him in great force, he departed;
on his journey he was greatly distressed for want of supplies and
harassed by the Iberians, but at length arrived at Amasia.
CHAP. XIX.
The Sophi sends ambassadors to the Soldan, to Alidolat, and the
Iberians, making a league with them against the Turk; to whom
he also sends ambassadors, ironically making rich presents to
him, and threatening him. The Turk, having attacked Alidolat,
defeats him, and puts him to death, with two of his sons.
On the return of the Sophi to Tauris he determined to send ambassadors
to Cairo, to Alidolat, and to the Iberians, this happening in the month
of October. Those sent to the Soldan[493] arrived in December, and made
known to him the object of their mission, to which the Soldan replied
that he would be well satisfied to assist the Sophi and make an alliance
with him against the Turk, sending him aid in troops and trying their
fortune together. The Sophi, however, made it a condition, that if the
Turk sent any ambassadors to him he should not receive them, either
publicly or secretly, or else the peace would be broken between them;
and thus was the alliance concluded between the Soldan and the Sophi.
The other ambassadors who went on the same mission to Alidolat, had the
same success, and equally so with the Iberians, who besides agreed to
assist Ismael with the largest force they could raise every-time he went
against Selim. After this the Sophi sent legates to the Turk in Amasia,
with a sceptre of gold ornamented with jewels, a saddle and a sword
likewise covered with jewels,[494] and a letter, saying: “We, Ismael,
Lord of Persia, herewith send you these regal presents, equal in value
to your realm; if you are a man, keep them well, as I shall come and
take them back, and not them only, but also your throne and life.” Selim
hearing this wished to put the ambassadors to death, but his Pashas
dissuaded him, and so contenting himself with cutting off their noses
and ears he let them go, saying: “Tell your master that I treat him as a
dog, and that he may do his worst.” [The countries I am about to mention
are under the sway of the Turk, kept in subjection by his janissaries.
They rule over the country of Arsingan and Baibiert,[495] where there
are many towns and castles; these countries are the Turkish frontiers
towards Trebizond,[496] and are both in Lesser Armenia. Thence from the
Euphrates, the country of Diarbec, the metropolis of which is Amit, in
Greater Armenia; also, the land of Mosul and the great plain as far as
the borders of Bagadet, being part of Mesopotamia.] Matters being at this
crisis, the Turk came to the Toccat and to Amasia in 1515, with a few
of his troops, as he had divided his forces into two parts. One he had
given the command of to Scander, sending him to attack a city belonging
to Ismael called Tania,[497] of a hundred and fifty thousand inhabitants.
With the other division he set out on an enterprise against Alidolat,
who had taken up a position in the strongholds of the mountains. The
latter prince hearing of the intention of the Turk, sent ambassadors to
him, saying that he had always been his friend, and that he did not know
his reasons for seizing his dominion; but, nevertheless, he resolved
to die like a brave man. The Turk replied that he wished to give him a
lesson as to what business he had to receive ambassadors from the Sophi,
and promise him aid against himself. The general Scander took Tania by
assault with great slaughter. The Ottoman marching towards Cassaria,[498]
near Alidolat, the Alidolians attacked him, but were repulsed and roughly
handled, Alidolat[499] being taken prisoner with two of his sons, and
their heads cut off; the others fled to the mountains. Thus the Turk
gained a great victory, and the captain, Scander, an equal one, as he
caused a great massacre among the people of Tania. Having achieved these
successes, the Turk determined to leave his sons in Amasia, while he
himself returned to Constantinople.
CHAP. XX.
The Turk makes an expedition against the Soldan, and meeting
him in battle, defeats him, the Soldan being slain.
In the year 1516, the Turk hearing of the agreement between the Soldan
and the Sophi, and seeing that Ismael was hard pressed by those of
the green caftans, determined to set out with a large army against
the Soldan. In the same year, in the month of May, he sent his troops
across the strait into Natolia under his general Sinan Bassa, with
a number of arquebusiers and artillerymen, commanding him to march
towards Caramania. Traversing the country of the Turcomans he arrived
at a place named Albustan, and remained there several days to refresh
his troops. The Sophi hearing this sent envoys to the Sultan of the
Mamelukes, Campson, named the Gauri, to tell him that he would advance
from one quarter and that the Gauri should do the same from the other,
and together crush Sinan Pasha. The Soldan agreed to all, and, having
assembled a great number of soldiers, leaving Cairo, went to Aleppo; the
Turk hearing this, set out from Constantinople on the 5th June, 1516, to
join Sinan Bassa, and while on the journey sent forward as his envoys
the Cadi Lascher,[500] and Zachaia Bassa to enquire of the Soldan his
reasons for coming in this unexpected way to Aleppo. But he received
no satisfactory answer, which plainly shewed an understanding with the
Sophi. Therefore the Turk summoned all the Doctors and learned men, and
enquired of them the will of God. They answered that it was his duty
first to root out that obnoxious thorn, and then to follow the path in
which God would guide him. Hearing the reply he marched toward Aleppo
with an immense army, and great rejoicings, and on his arrival there
encamped in a beautiful plain near the venerated tomb of the prophet
David, sending the vanguard in advance in four divisions; so that the
troops were under arms both night and day. The Mamelukes, arriving
the following day, arrayed themselves in order of battle.[501] The
Turk having information of this, rose to his feet in his tent, making
supplication to God, beseeching him for his great name’s sake and the
reverence they bore him, that he would give the victory that day to the
army of good Mussulmans. Having ended his prayer, he mounted his horse
and went to exhort the Bassas to put their troops in array, which was
done; the different pieces of artillery, both large and small, being
put in order, they began to march; all his pages, about twelve hundred
in number, mounted on horses and clad with rich vests, while attentive
to their rank and order, made prayer to God for the success of their
Sovereign. The monarch also arrayed himself, having in attendance a noble
youth named Mergis, and three thousand men clad in dresses embroidered
with gold, and armed with bows, who were his slaves. On the left were
three thousand five hundred of the men of his court, then seventeen
hundred Solacchi and the white roses of the garden of the camp, and
thirteen thousand janissaries with arquebuses and pieces of artillery.
On the left of these were the troops of Natolia, armed with lances, at
the head of whom was their Sangiacco[502] named Sachinalogier, chief of
the Turcomans. On the right were the fighting men of Greece with their
captain Sinan Bassa, and the Begliarbei of the newly acquired territory
of Azimia, named Buichimehemet, with all the warriors of Amasia sword in
hand. Arrayed in this manner on the 24th[503] of August, at the third
hour of the day they joined in a fierce and sanguinary contest which
lasted till mid day. Opposed to the Greeks was the ruler of Damascus,
a great chief named Sibes,[504] and opposed to the Natolians was
Caierbec[505] the ruler of Aleppo; Sinan Bassa fighting bravely drove
back those opposed to him as far as their standards, and the other troops
seeing the valour of the Bassa followed up their success, both parties
bearing themselves bravely, and repulsing the enemy in turn five or six
times. At last the ruler of Aleppo turned his back, and fled with all his
troops, when the Bassa turned his arms against the ruler of Damascus,
who was not able to resist any longer and fled to the great Soldan. He
was pursued by one of the Grecian warriors, who cut off his head, and
shortly afterwards the Soldan[506] Campson the Gauri was slain. Their
army being routed, abandoning their tents, arms, and treasures, a great
number of the Mamelukes fled to Aleppo, and having remained there a short
time went on to Damascus and Cairo. The Turkish monarch coming to Aleppo,
remained there some time in order to make himself master of several
castles in which he placed garrisons of janissaries, and then sent Janus
Bassa,[507] with some of the Greek troops to pursue the enemy. Having
overtaken them near a city called Caman, Caierbec, the lord of Aleppo,
and another chief named Algazeli approached. The lord of Aleppo advanced
to meet the Bassa, promising allegiance to the great Turkish monarch;
Algazeli fled to Cairo, and Caierbec came to the presence of the Sultan,
by whom he was well received and presented with rich gifts of gold, silk,
wool and cotton, and made to sit down with the great lords. The monarch
rode towards Damascus, and, before entering it, had his tent erected near
the city, and held a court with great splendour and magnificence, as
there were people speaking seventy-two different languages in the city.
This court was one of the most splendid ever seen. Having rested several
days in the city he ordered two of the Greek captains named Mametbei and
Scanderbei, to advance with their troops to Gazzara[508] on the frontiers
of the district, and to halt there. Setting out with this command, they
were on the journey greatly harassed by Moors and Arabs, but nevertheless
arrived at Gazzara and entered the place, expecting to enjoy themselves.
CHAP. XXI.
Tomombei, the new Soldan, hearing of the victory of the Turk,
sends Algazeli against the Turks in Gazzara; but Sinan Bassà
going to their assistance, confronts and defeats him. The Turk
leaves Damascus and goes to Jerusalem, where he gives alms and
offers sacrifices.
The new Soldan of Cairo, the great Diodar[509] surnamed Tomombei,[510]
was quickly informed of this victory; and Algazeli who was a brave
General, on his arrival at Cairo asked permission to go and attack
this force. The Turks who had arrived at Gazzara stood firm, and this
Algazeli, setting out from Cairo with five thousand well armed Mamelukes,
hurried through the country raising troops. The Turks at Gazzara became
apprehensive, but nevertheless determined to perish sword in hand; the
Grand Turk, on receiving the news, determined to reinforce the troops
at Gazzara, and for this purpose send Sinan[511] Bassà with fifteen
thousand men. Algazeli having left Cairo arrived at Catia, and after
crossing the sandy desert and coming to a caravanserai or villa where
he halted, received intelligence of Sinan’s arrival at Gazzara; though
this was to his great disgust, as it prevented him accomplishing his
object, he nevertheless plucked up spirits, and exhorted his men to
fight valiantly, promising them the victory. Having arranged an assault
on the Turks during the night, news of this determination came to the
ears of the enemy, and Sinan Bassà arrayed his troops for the battle,
and resolved to conquer or die; there being no other alternative left
them, as they were surrounded by such a number of Moors. That night they
held great rejoicings with salutes and bonfires, praying to Allah for
victory, and set out on their march; hence the people of Gazzara imagined
that they were retreating to join their sovereign, the Grand Turk, and
therefore they put to death all the wounded in Gazzara, and informed
Algazeli that our troops had fled. This caused him great satisfaction,
but at the third hour of the day, seeing the dust made by the army which
he thought had fled, coming to meet him in battle, his satisfaction
was turned to disgust, and he seemed struck with astonishment. Our men
drawing near, dismounted, tightened the girths of their horses, and
then asking forgiveness one of another, they shook hands, embraced,
and commenced praying to God for the sake of his prophet Mahomet, and
his four vicars, Abu Beker, Omar, Osman, and Ali, and all the other
prophets, his predecessors, that he would give the victory to the army
of the true Mussulmans. Then Sinan Bassà, turning to the army, exhorted
them all, saying that they had often before routed larger armies and
gained more important battles than these;[512] telling them that they
should stand firm, as he who was destined to die would perish even if
he fled, and he who was not destined to fall would not do so even if
he fought on; and that as male wethers are proper for sacrifices, so
ought they to fight for their sovereign. “Let us avenge our friends,
whom these dogs have slain at the first outset, whose corpses, if they
could speak, would cry, ‘Slay, slay’; if you conquer you will receive
great rewards from our ruler, and obtain great fame, as many of you who
are now of low rank will be promoted.” They all replied, saying: “God
give long life to our sovereign; may the whole earth be subjected to
him; and let him who does not submit be put to death. Forward! forward!”
Having marched, therefore, and the two armies having met, the Circassians
resisted our attack with great courage and daring, each side repulsing
the other in turn several times from the third hour till noon, numbers
being slain. At last the Circassians were routed, while our troops were
highly elated with the victory and immense booty; the Mamelukes fled to
Cairo, pursued by some of our men. The others returned to Gazzara with
Sinan Bassà, stuffing with straw the heads of the dead chiefs, while the
others they fixed to the palm trees in memory of the battle. The great
monarch sent two hundred Solacchi to meet Sinan Bassà, and request him
to ride forward and meet him in a certain place. But not finding the
Bassà, they set out on their return. On the march, numbers of them died,
and being again attacked by the Arabs, all but six were killed. These
rejoined the great monarch and reported that they had heard nothing
of Sinan or of his army. The Sultan hearing this rose up in a great
fury to march to the rescue of the valiant Greeks; but just then there
arrived some Moors with the news of the rout of Algazeli by the Turkish
troops, who had returned in triumph to Gazzara. The Moors were rewarded
for their tidings, and the emperor was in the highest spirits; marching
from Damascus he came to Peneti, where the two hundred Solacchi were
slain, which place he sacked and burnt. He then went to Jerusalem, but
had a great deal of rain and bad weather on the road, which caused much
suffering and the death of many. In Jerusalem the monarch bestowed much
money on the poor of the city, and also made offerings of good rams; so
that the sacrificing priests were satisfied with his bounty. Proceeding
on the route to Gazzara they arrived at a fearful gorge,[513] where only
two horses could advance abreast. The Arabs had seized the defile and
had collected huge stones above to roll down when the Sultan was passing;
they had also numerous archers. The monarch having heard this, ordered
the artillery and the arquebuses to be prepared; but when the need came
they could not be discharged, owing to the wind and rain. Nevertheless,
the valiant janissaries managed to make use of the arquebuses and put to
flight the Moors with great slaughter. When we approached Gazzara the
valiant Greek troops, fully armed and sumptuously clad in the spoils of
the enemy, came a bowshot out of the city to meet their sovereign. The
Moors seeing this great array were filled with astonishment, while the
Sanzacchi dismounted to kiss the hand of the Sultan, and the whole army
separated into two parts, having the monarch in the centre, and saluted
him. Then he met Sinan Bassà, and thanked him, the army, and the Spachi,
which means noblemen, and made them many presents. Having remained four
days at Gazzara, they advanced to Casali, where they had not been able
to go previously from want of water. But the desert being full of water
from the rains, they proceeded at their ease, and immediately on arriving
Casali was given up to pillage, in retaliation for the attack on the
Sultan in the valley above mentioned.
CHAP. XXII.
The Turk marches on Cairo, and the Soldan, with Algazeli,
confronts him; but in the battle is defeated and flies in
disguise; while the Turk enters the capital of the Soldan.
We then set out on the straight route to Cairo, where the newly created
Soldan Tomombei[514] was making preparations by digging moats and raising
embankments of earth[515] with a great number of labourers. He also
posted pieces of artillery with the design when our army appeared of
sweeping it all away, and by a sally of fourteen thousand Mamelukes and
twenty thousand auxiliaries to rout it utterly. When we arrived in the
country six thousand Mamelukes deserted, and informed the Grand Turk
of everything. Therefore he turned suddenly into another road, which
was unguarded, and in which he could not be molested by the enemy’s
artillery. The Circassians and the Soldan seeing that the Sultan was
advancing by another route, attacked us with great shouts and yells:
Algazeli against the Greek troops, a vizier named Allem[516] against
those of Natolia, and the Soldan against the Grand Turk himself; so
that, from the morning till mid-day, there was a fierce fight. And in
the battle, unfortunately, Sinan Bassà was killed,[517] and with him a
great number of his retainers who had partaken of his bread and salt, and
who, clad in garments he had given them, devoted themselves to death with
their master. They bathed him with their tears, and having enveloped him
in a fine cloth, and having sprinkled him in some water called Abzenzom
found at Mecca,[518] they buried him in a grave they dug for him. Mustafà
Bassà, seeing that all depended on him, with loud shouts and great valour
began the combat, which being seen by the men of Natolia, at the head
of whom he was, they got so enraged that they cut down the Circassians
like grass in the most marvellous manner. The troops of the monarch and
of Greece also fought bravely, but at the hour of evening prayers each
retired from fatigue, and the Circassians, wearied out, were put to
flight, part into Cairo and part to the open country.[519] The Greeks
pursued them till night, plundering and slaughtering them; the monarch
remained that night on the field of battle, and ordered all the prisoners
to be put to death, which was done. They remained here three days, and on
the fourth reached the river Nile at a place called Bichieri, where they
halted two days. The Mamelukes who had advanced joined the Soldan to the
number of nine thousand, planning a night attack; but the Sultan, hearing
this, ordered the troops to remain under arms all night. But the enemy,
hearing this, changed their plan and determined to attack us by day, and
thus came on with fearful yells. The janizzaries fought bravely, and the
troops of Greece mounted and fought on horseback. Still, not being able
to conquer the enemies that day, both armies retreated. The following
morning the great monarch rose with the dawn, and, having returned thanks
to God, ordered all the army to be put in array, all mounting, moving
with great solemnity and display against the Circassians, who, with
their usual cries, began the battle, one side being soon hidden from
the other by the dust. The Mamelukes[520] were desperate, and wished
for nothing better than to die sword in hand, it appearing to them a
disgrace to escape and leave all their possessions in the hands of the
enemy, a calamity from which God preserve every one, and more especially
all good Mahometans. The monarch, seeing that he could not destroy the
Circassians, ordered the city to be set on fire, which the janizzaries
did in several places. The Mamelukes, seeing this, cried out for quarter
with loud and terrible yells; and the Sultan, having pity on them,
ordered the fire to be extinguished, it being almost by a miracle that
the whole city was not burnt down. The Circassians renewed the contest
with such vigour that the arrows fell like rain; and so many fell on
both sides, that the streets of Cairo ran blood, the fight continuing
the entire day. At night, the Circassians, being faint and exhausted,
retired into a mosque, in which as a citadel they kept up a gallant
defence for three days and three nights. But at length, a grand attack
being made, the mosque was taken by storm. The Soldan Tomombei escaped
in disguise, when the great monarch went to rest and his followers to
get booty and prisoners; the heads of these prisoners were afterwards
cut off by the banks of the Nile. Algazeli, who had been away from Cairo
in order to collect forces of Arabs, was already approaching the city
when he was informed that the Turk had proclaimed a free pardon to all
the Circassians who came in in the course of three days. Hence many
Circassians who had been concealed presented themselves and received
gifts; Algazeli also did the same, and gave in his submission to the
king. And to him also were presents made. After this the Grand Turk, with
the great white standard, with drums, fifes, and naccare, went to the
residence of the Soldan; while on the way, they discovered a conspiracy
of some Mamelukes who wished to escape, for which some were put to death,
and others confined in certain prisons till some days afterwards, when
they were drowned in the Nile. In this manner did this monarch Sultan
Selim revenge himself on his enemies; also, when at Cairo, hearing that
the people of a town named Catia had insulted our soldiers who had
been sent there, he commissioned Algazeli and a Beglerbei to go and
chastise the Moors and to plunder the city. This being done and the Moors
being all put to death, the other places in the vicinity became quite
submissive.
CHAP. XXIII.
The Turk sends Ambassadors to the Soldan, who had fled,
advising him to submit; but, these men being killed by the
Circassians, he sends Mustafà with an army to revenge them. The
Soldan is defeated; and, being pursued by Mustafà, is taken
prisoner, and brought to the Grand Turk, who causes him to be
impaled by one of the gates of Cairo.
We remained at Cairo alert to all the movements of the Soldan, who had
crossed the Nile and taken flight into the country of the Saettò.[521]
As he wished to be informed of what the Turks were doing, he sent secret
emissaries to Cairo to stir up the citizens to molest our troops. While
things were in this train, Omar,[522] a lord of the Moors, came secretly
to kiss the hand of the Sultan, told him all, and was rewarded by a
good Sangiacato in the regions of the Saettò. Sentinels were posted
everywhere, and artillery to command the river, so that not even a bird
could have crossed. They then determined to send two chiefs with the
Cadis of Cairo to the Soldan to advise him to submit himself to the
Grand Turk, who promised to give him the government of Cairo. But the
Circassians, when they got the ambassadors into their power, put them to
death. The monarch, hearing of this cruelty, caused bridges to be erected
over the river, and commanded Mustafà to cross with the entire army,
which was reported to the Soldan, who, with five thousand Circassians
and ten thousand Arabs, advanced to meet them by forced marches in one
day and one night. At this juncture part of the Greek troops had crossed
and others were crossing, not having any intelligence of this; but
God so willed it that those who were seeking a good spot to pitch the
Sultan’s tent, saw the dust raised by the approaching squadrons, and,
being utterly amazed, rode off to tell the news. The monarch ordered
Mustafà to mount and set the army in array. The Circassians charged and
drove back our troops as far as the standard, but, being reinforced, we
repulsed them; the Circassians, seeing this, again closed and drove us
back with such slaughter that the blood ran in rivers. The Moors fought
only to give the Circassians time to rest, so that our men were at a
great disadvantage, fighting on bravely still, but with immense loss. The
Bassa, who was in attendance on the Sultan, seeing this, and that the
day was in a way to be lost, seized his scimitar and bosdocan furiously,
and rushed towards the Soldan, intending to cut the life out of his body
before dying himself. The Greeks, seeing this act of valour, struggled
on to assist their chief. And it is certain that if their courage had
failed them then, they would have lost their lives, as they would all
have been cut to pieces. But their bravery showed the Soldan that they
would gain the victory, and, seeing that from a great and rich monarch
he would become a poor and solitary outcast, looking up to heaven he
bewailed his sad lot with such bitter words as to make all who heard him
pity him. After many words, accompanied with tears, he took to flight,
riding night and day till he reached a bridge, where he rested a short
time. Mustafà[523] and the Greeks pursued him, but he managed to keep in
advance of them. The Turk set out from Cairo, and halted half a day’s
journey distant from Mustafà, who had pursued the Soldan for four days
and as many nights, till he forced him from fatigue to take refuge in
a Casal of the Moors. Our men, also being very much fatigued, could
not get possession of him; so they determined to write to the people
of the Casal ordering them under pain of fire and sword to prevent the
Soldan proceeding any further. Thence the chief of the fortress, named
Sheikh Assaim, told all his men, and Tomombei and the Circassians were
surrounded by the Moors, so that they could not escape till the arrival
of our men, who soon got them into their power. The Circassians threw
themselves into a neighbouring lake, while our soldiers cut some of them
to pieces and made prisoners of the others. Tomombei was taken standing
up to his knees in water, and conducted to the Bassà, who despatched a
troop to the monarch with intelligence of all that had occurred. The
messenger on his arrival was received with great rejoicings, and all the
Sangiacchi and the lords kissed the Grand Turk’s hand. The Soldan was not
brought to his presence, but kept in good custody in a tent near his.
After this there was another battle with the Moors in another fortress
near the Nile; the inhabitants and some Mamelukes were continually
killing and robbing our men. Mustafà set out and destroyed the fortress,
and, after remaining four days, returned to the Turk, who was holding
a court, and had commanded that Tomombei Soldan[524] should be led
through the country of Cairo on a mule, with a chain round his neck,
and that at a gate of the city called Bebzomele he should be impaled,
which was immediately done. This was the termination of the kingdom of
the Mamelukes and the commencement of the greater power of Selim Sultan.
The history of this last expedition of Selim against the Soldan and the
Mamelukes was carefully written by a _Cadi Lascher_,[525] who was with
the army, to a Cadi in Constantinople, and translated from the Turkish
into Tuscan on the 22nd October, 1517.
In 1524, in the month of August, news came that the celebrated Sophi
monarch was dead, and that his younger son had seized the power, but
was opposed by the elder with a great number of soldiers. Ismael had
left four sons, the eldest named Schiacthecmes,[526] the second Alcas el
Mirza,[527] the third Päerham[528] el Mirza, the fourth Sam el Mirza;
Mirza being a title meaning prince. The eldest was then fourteen years
old, and his father had left him as a governor a man, named Chiocha
Sultan, to govern the kingdom till the boy came of age to rule. This
regent was wise, and of a great influence. But it came to pass that
some of the other nobles, from envy of the regent, began to make war
on one another, and having taken the field, came as far as the tent
of Schiacthecmes,[529] wishing to slay the regent; but the matter was
compromised.
FOOTNOTES
[340] Hulakoo Khan, son and successor of the great Zingis, and the
conqueror of Bagdad.
[341] Ajemi.
[342] Hassan Beg.
[343] This action was fought near Malatia, at a point previous to the
Euphrates entering the Gerger Gorge (Elegia). The islands do not now
exist, and they were probably (considering the time of year) only
sandbanks left by the fall of the river.
[344] Calo Johannes. See Zeno, p. 9.
[345] Despina Khatoon; _i.e._, “Lady” or “Queen” Despina.
[346] Hassan Beg.
[347] Sheikh Hyder. See Zeno, p. 48.
[348] Present Kharput. See _Travels of a Merchant_, cap. 3; and Zeno, p.
42.
[349] Diarbekr.
[350] Amid (Diarbekr). The Church of San Giorgio, or Mar Jurjees, was an
old Jacobite church, but is now in ruins. See Zeno, p. 42.
[351] It was David Comnenus who was the last Emperor of Trebizond, Calo
Johannes, his elder brother, having died before the Turkish invasion.
[352] Trebizond was taken by Mahomet II in 1461.
[353] Ibrahim.
[354] Peer Ahmed. See Zeno, p. 15.
[355] Shebban Kara Hissar. See Zeno, p. 23.
[356] Niksar?
[357] The city of Konieh; but the text denotes a river rather, probably
the Iris.
[358] Tchelebee or the noble, a common title among the Ottoman princes.
[359] Yusuf Khan.
[360] Tocat.
[361] Achmet Pasha.
[362] Afioom Kara Hissar. Zeno, p. 19.
[363] Cutayeh.
[364] Daoud.
[365] Achmet Pasha.
[366] Amasia. See Zeno, p. 37.
[367] Bajazet Tchelebee.
[368] Quzbvassi. The Goose’s Plain.
[369] Djim or Zizim. See Zeno, p. 22.
[370] Amurath.
[371] Ikindjis.
[372] The Ikindjis, irregular troops.
[373] Amasia, birthplace of Strabo and Mithridates.
[374] Sivas. See Zeno, p. 23.
[375] The Iris or Kizzil Irmak.
[376] Niksar.
[377] Koili Hissar. See Zeno, p. 23.
[378] Shebban Kara Hissar. The alum mines are still worked, but yield
little revenue. See Zeno, p. 23.
[379] Probably Egin. See Zeno, p. 23.
[380] Erzingan.
[381] Malatia.
[382] Khalul.
[383] Called Unghermaumet in Zeno.
[384] Amurath Palæologus.
[385] Knolles, in his _History of the Turks_, says that a great Pasha
Mahomet was assassinated by the janissaries on the accession of Bajazet
II to the throne, but makes no mention of this incident.
[386] Baiboort. See Zeno, p. 26.
[387] Tabeada.
[388] How this happened it is not easy to understand, as Zeno says the
Persian king pursued the Turks with only a flying column.
[389] Zeno says fourteen thousand.
[390] Shiraz; it has still a great manufacture of sword-blades and armour.
[391] See p. 89. Eustraf?
[392] Baiboort.
[393] Erzeroum or Erzingan.
[394] Shebban Kara Hissar.
[395] Called Darap by Zeno.
[396] Sanjak.
[397] Koili, or Koyumlu Hissar.
[398] Niksar.
[399] Shiraz, a far more important town then than it is now.
[400] Kerman.
[401] Syria.
[402] Khaleel and Yakoob.
[403] Angiolello had evidently by this time left the Turkish camp and
joined the Persians.
[404] Gori.
[405] Tiflis, the present capital of Russian Trans-Caucasia, on the river
Kur, was founded in 1063. It has a population of fifty thousand, and,
under the Russian sway, has become almost like a European town.
[406] Padishah.
[407] Khaleel is generally called the eldest of Uzun Hassan’s sons.
[408] Amida, present Diarbekr.
[409] Orfa. See _Travels of a Merchant_, cap. 2.
[410] Birjik, or Bir, ancient Apamea. See _Travels of a Merchant_, cap. 2.
[411] Baisongor.
[412] Ahmed.
[413] Eluan-Alwung, or Alumut, son of Sultan Yakoob.
[414] Sheikh Hyder.
[415] There were sons of Shah Yakoob living, namely, Aluan Beg and Morad
Khan, who were more direct descendants of Uzun Hassan.
[416] Ardebil.