And before the departure of these ambassadors they wrote to M. Giosafat

Barbaro, who was in Cyprus, that he should proceed to Ussun Cassano

and not render his mission useless, as he had spent so long a time

between Venice and the coast of Caramania (since, having been elected

in the Senate on the 5th of January, 1471, he set out after having

received this letter, which was written on the last day of January,

1473). Wherefore, having laid aside all care for his life, he at last

set out for his destination to serve his country, and thus after having

gone through many dangers he arrived at Tauris in the presence of Ussun

Cassano, as he relates in his travels, in the year one thousand four

hundred and seventy-four, where he was welcomed and favourably received

by that sovereign. And this same M. Giosafat writes that he found him in

the height of his grandeur and reputation, as at that time the Indian

ambassadors, who were accustomed every year to bring certain gifts in

sign of subjection, were received with the greatest pomp. But the war

which broke out between him and Unghermaumet, his valiant son, was the

occasion of taking from him all his reputation and of blunting the forces

of his mind, which till that time had been considered invincible; so that

on account of the grief he felt for the rebellion of so gallant a son,

and one so famous for his prowess in Asia and Europe, he had to give up

all the duties of a king, and more particularly to cast away all thought

of the enterprise against the Ottoman.

The reason of this war between father and son was, that the Kurds, people

of the mountains, being envious of Ussun Cassano and the grandeur of the

Persian kingdom, in order to sow the seeds of discord in the midst of

peace in that realm, spread a report around that Ussun Cassano was dead,

to which rumour Unghermaumet gave ear readily, as after the death of his

father he aspired to the throne of Persia. Thus, having collected the

army his father had given him to guard Bagadet,[254] which was formerly

Babylonia, and all the country of Biarbera,[255] he immediately seized

Seras,[256] a city on the confines of Persia, gaining over almost all the

Kurds to his party, as they, when they heard that Unghermaumet had made

himself master of Seras, came together in great numbers and traversed

and plundered the country up to Tauris. Hence Ussun Cassano took the

field with the “porta”, that is, the standing army, which he always kept

as a guard about his person, and marched in great haste towards Seras.

Unghermaumet being terrified at this, as he had already discovered the

falsehood of the Kurds, and that his credulity had made him rashly

endeavour, by force of arms, to complete a matter of such importance,

left the territory, and by means of some chiefs, friendly both to him

and to his father, tried to obtain forgiveness from him for his fault;

but, hearing that Ussun Cassano was coming with a mind embittered against

him, he considered that he had made a mistake, and therefore became

apprehensive of being betrayed and losing his life. And his imagination

coloured it so highly, that without even confronting the troops of his

father, he fled, and reached the country of the Ottoman on the frontiers

of the Sangiacato[257] of Bajazet, son of the Grand Turk, from whom with

the consent of the latter, he obtained a safe conduct to allow him to

seek an asylum under Turkish protection; and having sent his wife and

sons to Amasia,[258] to give more assurance to Bajazet, he also rode in

his direction, and was welcomed and greatly honoured by that prince. And

since this gallant young man could not endure being thus, so to speak,

deserted by fortune, desirous of trying his chance (which, as is said,

often changes about from troublous to the most prosperous, provided

one does not fail in duty to oneself), he passed on to Constantinople

to incite, if possible, Mahomet, the Grand Turk, to give him some

assistance, and was received with the greatest demonstrations of love

and many promises, as Mahomet was a man of valour, and admired nobleness

and bravery in illustrious men more than any of his predecessors among

the Ottoman princes. Nor were his deeds less than his words, since

Mahomet, wishing to take away Ussun Cassano’s fame and reputation, and

to gain such a friend that for the future the Persian arms might not

oppose him in his full career of conquest, thought that he would do much

for his advantage by assisting Unghermaumet in this enterprise, and by

these discords between father and son exhaust the force of Persia, in

order that in later times, either he or his descendants might subdue that

country.

Unghermaumet having obtained these Turkish auxiliaries, entered the

province of Sanga, on the confines of Persia, and thence damaged the

country of his father by frequent inroads; the latter, although he sent

several bands of cavalry and infantry to those frontiers to repulse his

son who was thus at war with him, did not seem to wish to revenge himself

for so many injuries, as both in public and in private he gave out that

he felt such grief on this account, and so after a little feigned to

have fallen ill, and gradually retiring with those he had most faith

in, either on account of benefits he had done them or otherwise, caused

it to be rumoured in Persia and Turkey that he was very ill, and at

last published abroad his death through the same people. Hence letters

and messages were quickly sent to Unghermaumet, furnishing him with

information of the death of his father and the requests of the principal

nobles of the kingdom to come in haste in order that his other brothers,

namely, Calul and Giacuppo,[259] might not by chance take away his

kingdom, which of right belonged to him, on account of his great valour,

rather than to them; and, in order to hide the deceit better, they

celebrated the obsequies of the dead king with great pomp in the city.

Thus the unfortunate Unghermaumet, who was led by his fate by the hair

of his head to die, not recollecting that his too great credulity had

already driven him from his home and exiled him to seek assistance

from his enemies who favoured him outwardly, in order to gain a better

opportunity for themselves to profit by his still lower fall, gave full

credence to the matter, and having given the messages brought to him

in charge to some of his people set out for Persia in such haste that

in a few days he reached Tauris. Here, having sought out those who had

written to him of the death of his father and given him hopes of gaining

the kingdom, he was conducted by them to where his father was with such

secrecy, that the unhappy wretch did not discover it till he found

himself face to face with him; and being then received with severe words

and threats, he was put in prison, and soon afterwards murdered. This was

the end of Unghermaumet who, on account of his great courage, was always

called by the Persians “The Valiant”: a man without doubt most excellent

in arms and worthy of his father’s kingdom, if, attracted by the lust of

power, he had not been so hasty of belief; as, if he had lived longer,

the kingdom of Persia would have gained greatly in glory from him, and

would have risen to greater fame than it afterwards did under Ismail, his

nephew; nor after his death was Persia again molested by the Turks; nor

did Ussun Cassano do anything remarkable until his decease.

And M. Caterino, also, after he had completed all the missions he had

undertaken by the command of Ussun Cassano and of our Republic returned

to Venice so well thought of and welcomed by all the nobles as well

as people, that on account of the universal favour he was held in,

all turned their eyes towards him, beholding a man who, through great

dangers, had compassed not only Europe, but also a great part of Asia.

And, as an example of the favour he was held in, at his election to

the Council of Ten, what is most singular and a great honour in our

Republic, he had only seventeen adverse votes in the great Council. But

what is still more extraordinary is, that when he used to walk in the

street, so many persons ran together to see him, that he could hardly

proceed.

And thus it is true what is said, that the path of glory is narrow and

difficult, and like Hercules[260] mentioned by Xenophon, who chose rather

to become famous through great trials, than live at ease without a name

in the world, the good M. Caterino, to serve his country, and to gain an

honourable fame, never thought of dangers and difficulties; whence one

may for certain conclude that sham honours paid by the common people are

but dust and ashes in comparison with those meritoriously gained by a

man’s own exertions.

END OF THE FIRST BOOK.

SECOND BOOK.

Knowing well how universally people enjoy novelty in things, and above

all, how acceptable an account of the deeds of illustrious kings is

to those who are versed in history, I have thought fit to add to the

above narration a short account of the other Persian wars which took

place after the death of Ussun Cassano. From these few particulars they

may see what wonderful things might be written about these kings if,

in addition to civilisation in manners and valour in arms, they had a

literature[261] to collect an account of their actions and hand them

down to the admiration of posterity. And the kings of the East have no

other thing to complain of, but that neither study nor polite literature

flourished among them, as, if the love of learning were joined to that of

military glory, the one would support the other, and their fame become

greater than that of our kings. Since, in the same way that fine subjects

draw out powers of composition, a fine writer will often enable lofty

subjects to shine forth and to become models of splendour even among more

illustrious ones.

Coming at length to the task I have prescribed for myself, I say that

after the death of Unghermaumet, Ussun Cassano survived but a short time,

and died on the eve of Epiphany in the year one thousand four hundred and

seventy-eight, leaving four sons, three born from one mother, and one

from Despina Caton,[262] the daughter of the Emperor of Trebizond,[263]

which son on the very night of his father’s death was killed by his

three brothers. Between these three the desire of reigning they each

had, produced great rivalry and hatred, so that the second assassinated

his elder brother,[264] and reigned alone, being named Giacuppo

Chiorzeinal.[265]

Despina had already been separated from her husband, and lived on the

confines of Riarbera, in the city of Cavalleria,[266] where she died,

and was buried in the town in the Church of St. George,[267] where

even to this day her sepulchre[268] is greatly honoured. Ussun Cassano

had three daughters by her: the first, named Marta, was married to

Secheaidare,[269] Ruler of Arduil,[270] a town towards the north-east,

three days’ journey distant from Tauris. This chief was the head of

the faction of the “Cacarineri”[271] (black sheep), which is the Sufi

party, very powerful by the number of its partizans,[272] and the new

doctrine, the whole of Persia being divided into two factions, one of

which is called the White Cacari,[273] and the other the Black Cacari,

which are like what the Guelphs and Ghibellines, the Bianchi and Neri

used to be in Italy. And the other two daughters lived with their mother

with great riches, and after her death still dwelt in Cavalleria; but

hearing of the death of their father, and how cruelly their half-brothers

had killed their full brother, fearing what might happen to them also,

they collected their jewels and other valuables, and fled to Aleppo and

thence to Damascus. In this place one of them was living in the year one

thousand five hundred and twelve, and saw M. Caterino, son of M. Pietro,

the son of the M. Caterino who had been ambassador in Persia, which young

merchant was then trading in Damascus, and having recognised him as a

relation, she received him with the greatest demonstrations of love, and

wishing to return to Persia, as she had heard of the good fortune of

Ismail, her nephew, who had possessed himself of the kingdom of Persia,

she endeavoured to take him with her, promising him great things and

certain rank. But M. Caterino, who was restrained by the love of his

country and further by affection for his relations, thanked her for her

goodwill and kindness of disposition, but remained, excusing his not

going on account of the importance of his affairs, and the affection he

bore to his native country.

This Giacuppo, who had slain his elder brother, reigned a long time, and

at last, as they say, was killed by an intrigue of his wife, who was not

a _very_ virtuous woman. After him Allamur,[274] his son, reigned, who,

besides Persia, possessed Diarbec, and part of Greater Armenia, near the

Euphrates; in his time the faction of the Black Cacari[275] was held in

such credit, through Secheaidare, that the other of the White Cacari

declined altogether. Secheaidare was a Saint or Master or Prophet,[276]

as we should call him, who, by preaching a new Dogma in the Mahometan

creed, that Ali was superior to Omar, obtained many disciples and people

who favoured his doctrine. So great was his success, that at this time

he was considered by all a Saint, and a man almost divine. He had by

Marta, the daughter of Despina, and of Ussun Cassano, six children: three

sons and three daughters; and, although his wife was the daughter of

a Christian lady, he nevertheless remained an enemy to our faith; as,

having made himself captain[277] of a foraging party, he made frequent

hostile inroads as far as Circassia, plundering everywhere and bringing

back an immense number of slaves into Persia to Arduil,[278] his city.

These incursions, in addition to the advantages he reaped from his booty,

raised his reputation so high, that he soon had the support of all the

chiefs of his faction, and having raised a large army marched on another

similar invasion of Circassia, and passing Sumachi[279] in eight days’

journey from Arduil, arrived at Berbento,[280] which is five days distant

from Sumachi, having with him a force of between five and six thousand

men, all warriors and brave, well-trained soldiers. Berbento is a city

which was built in the passes of the Caspian Mountains by Alexander, to

resist the incursions of the Scythians, where the pass is so narrow that

one hundred resolute soldiers could bar with their pikes the passage of

a million of men. Its site is considered the strongest of all the cities

of the East, as it is situated on the summit of some mountains and has

two walls[281] as far as the sea enclosing the town and the port, where

the vessels lie, in a space not exceeding three hundred paces in extent;

and this space is so strong and well fortified that, by keeping guard, no

one can enter. It is the only pass by which one can enter Circassia, and

the people of the country call it Amircarpi,[282] which signifies gates

of iron, not because there are any, but because the place is so strong

and secure against attack. For this reason, being safe themselves, the

inhabitants would neither give free passage to Secheaidare,[283] nor let

anyone enter, from fear of the men he had with him; then, immediately

despatching letters and messages to the King Alamur to inform him of

these things, they prepared to defend themselves, if Secheaidare tried to

force a passage.

The king, greatly disturbed by these designs of Secheaidare, entertained

no slight suspicion of him, as it seemed to him that he, by the esteem in

which he was held, and his numerous followers whom he enriched from the

great booty he made, might make himself so great in time as to be able to

overthrow the kingdom, and establish a dynasty of his own firm and safe

against any attack.

Secheaidare, seeing the passage barred to him, being greatly enraged

against the people of Berbento, commenced attacking the country, and used

all his power to get them into his hands. Alamur hearing this, did not

think fit to hold back any longer, as too much procrastination might be

productive of some misfortune. Therefore, having hastily collected an

army, he advanced towards Berbento, and by marching quickly arrived in

time for the support of his people. Secheaidare, when he heard of the

approach of the army of Alamur, left off attacking the place, and set

himself in array against him; and, the fray beginning fiercely on both

sides, a stubborn fight was kept up for several hours before either side

appeared to be getting the best of it. At length Secheaidare, overcome

by the number of his enemies, was cut to pieces, and his men, although

but few, performed prodigies of valour, and there was not one who was not

dead or mortally wounded. The head of Secheaidare, fixed on the point

of a lance, was sent to Tauris and kept in a public place that it might

be seen by everyone; and after rejoicing and celebrating the victory

obtained over him, they threw him to the dogs. And this news being

brought to Arduil, where the wife of Secheaidare and his children were,

all those of the Sufi faction lamented greatly; nevertheless, they kept

silence and dissimulated in order not to give the king cause for anger

against them. But his sons, seized with fear for themselves and their

lives, as in sudden emergencies one is afraid of everything, fled, one

to Natolia, another to Aleppo, and the third to an island in the lake

Attamar,[284] inhabited by Armenian Christians and called by the name of

the Holy Mother of God, where he remained four years concealed in the

house of a priest, without anything being known of it in Persia.[285]

This youth, who was called Ismail, was thirteen years old,[286] of noble

presence and a truly royal bearing, as in his eyes and brow there was

something, I know not what, so great and commanding, which plainly showed

that he would yet some day become a great ruler. Nor did the virtues of

his mind disaccord with the beauty of his person, as he had an elevated

genius, and such a lofty idea of things as seemed incredible at such a

tender age. Therefore the good priest, who professed to be an astrologer

and to know the course of events from the aspect of the heavens, cast

his horoscope, and foresaw that he would yet become lord of all Asia. On

this account he set himself with greater solicitude to serve him, and

treated him to the extent of his power with every sort of indulgence and

courtesy, thus laying up a debt of the greatest gratitude from him.

Ismail, longing to recover his paternal possessions, left this

place before he had reached the age of eighteen years, and went to

Carabac,[287] and then to Gillon,[288] finding out the house of a very

old friend of his father’s, named Pircale. He, moved with compassion for

the condition of Ismail, as he had once seen his father a great ruler,

wrote secretly to Arduil to all those of the Suffavean faction,[289] who

he knew had lost fathers, brothers, or kinsmen in the battle of Derbent

against the opposing faction of the white Cacari, in order that when

they were reminded of all that Secheaidare had done for them, they might

assist his son Ismail, who had come to him from his place of concealment,

both to gain his father’s inheritance, and to restore the party. Also

that, if ever one could expect great things from a young man as handsome

and nobly-born as he was, he would promise wonderful things from him,

as he saw that he had vigour of mind, quickness of perception, and a

personal valour which he had never yet seen equalled by any of his

contemporaries.

Gained over by these letters, the people of Arduil offered for this

object and for any other, which would help Ismail, all their power and

influence. Therefore, he having sent secret orders as to what they

would have to do, and having collected two hundred men of his faction

in Gillon, and another two hundred given by the people of Arduil, with

whom he was prepared to bring, by a prosperous start, his affairs to a

happy termination, took up a position in a valley favourably situated

for an ambush, whence at a favourable moment he hurried in the direction

of the Castle Marmurlagi,[290] and having made a sudden assault cut to

pieces all the garrison; then, having set it in order and left a better

guard, he entered the town and gave it up to his soldiers to sack,

putting all the inhabitants to the edge of the sword. This fortress was

very rich from its position on a harbour of the sea of Baccu, eight

days’ journey distant from Tauris, and to this harbour came ships from

Namiscaderem[291] and other places, laden with merchandise for Tauris,

Sumachi, and the whole of Persia.

Having captured the fortress, Ismail caused the booty to be brought into

it, and distributed freely among his soldiers, not keeping anything for

himself from so many precious things, as he wished by this liberality to

gain over as much as possible the affections of his men; knowing that

in this devotion consists the whole stability of kingdoms and empires.

Thus the fame of his liberality and boldness was quickly rumoured abroad,

and the memory of his father, who was considered a saintly man, came out

more bright and illustrious than ever, and the Suffavean faction, which

since his death had been greatly reduced, began to agitate and rise,

attracting adventurers in great numbers to it. Thus he, having assembled

five thousand good soldiers, began to hope that he might safely attempt

greater things than he had yet done.

Then seeing how easy it would be to make himself master of the town of

Sumachi, as there was no suspicion of war in the country,[292] and

consequently few people in the garrison, he hurried towards it by forced

marches. The King Sermendole, who ruled over it, hearing of this, and

seeing that defence was hopeless against Ismail, fled to the impregnable

fortress of Culifan,[293] in the same country of Sumachi. Thus Ismail

found the city without defenders, took it without loss, and having cut

to pieces the Sumachians all over the place, enriched himself with the

immense treasure he found there; this was divided by him, and, as before,

bestowed on his men, who thus became very rich.

This second enterprise, so successfully accomplished, raised him to

the highest credit; so that the army being reinforced from all the

neighbouring regions was greatly augmented in number.

For this reason Alamur, being more alarmed than he ever was in the time

of his father, summoned all the great Persian lords to court, and, having

collected fighting men, marched with his army against Ismail. The latter,

finding his forces too weak to take the field, and, if an opportunity

offered, to give battle to the king, sought the aid of some Georgian

Christian chiefs whose land bordered on that country, whose names were

Alexander Beg, Gurgurabet, and Mirabet. These, as they had an ancient

enmity against Alamur, and wished to overthrow his power, availing

themselves of the opportunity given by Ismail, decided to assist him

against Alamur, and therefore each of them sent three thousand horse, so

that they were altogether nine thousand excellent soldiers; these are the

people who were anciently called Iberians, and as they then were, and

still are, Christians, have continually waged war with the Turks on the

frontiers of Trebizond. They were joyfully welcomed, and received many

presents from Ismail, who, with these Georgian auxiliaries, found himself

with an excellent army of sixteen thousand men in the field.

Thence he advanced with the intention of giving battle to Alamur, if he

had an opportunity, and thus both approached each other between Tauris

and Sumachi, near a great river,[294] where Alamur, who had an army of

thirty thousand men, infantry and cavalry, having placed himself on his

guard, occupied the only two bridges by which Ismail could cross into the

territory in which he was posted. He did it with the intention that the

enemy, finding the passage barred to them, might not, with the daring

which they say is often favoured by fortune, stake all on one throw, and

force him to fight against his will.

But Ismail, who was fearful of losing his reputation by any check or

loss of time, and the more so, as he saw that Alamur, by his occupation

of the bridges, was safe in his position from any attack, and looked

slightingly on any skirmish, having by great good luck found a ford of

the river, crossed it silently by night, and forming into a heavy column

attacked the enemy and caused great slaughter. This happened, as the

king’s men being half-naked, and not having time to seize their arms,

were cut to pieces in immense numbers by armed and ferocious soldiers;

and if here and there some bolder spirits made head, so fierce was the

onset of the Suffaveans, that they were driven back in an instant by

a continuous shower of blows, and forced to share the fortunes of the

others. And never has a more horrible nocturnal struggle than this been

recorded; because, in the greatest darkness of the night, the whole field

of battle was lighted up with the flash of arms, and throughout the whole

region were heard the clash and din and confusion caused by the rout and

massacre of so large an army, which fled before the pursuit of the enemy.

Alamur, having escaped with difficulty with a few friends, retired to

Amir,[295] fortifying himself in that city.

And Ismail having, to his great reputation, put that great army to the

edge of the sword, caused all the booty to be collected and divided among

his men, without keeping a single thing for himself. The second day he

appeared before Tauris,[296] and, meeting with no resistance, took it and

gave it up to plunder, cutting to pieces those of the opposing faction;

and then, in order to avenge his father on those captains and chiefs who

were said to have opposed Secheaidare in the battle of Berbent, and to

have had a hand in his death, he caused their bodies to be disinterred

and burnt in the market-place. And, while they were carrying them there,

he drew up a procession before them of two hundred harlots and four

hundred thieves; and to show a greater indignity to those chiefs, he

ordered the heads of the thieves and harlots to be cut off and burnt with

the bodies. And, not satisfied with this, he had his stepmother brought

before him, who after the death of his father had married a certain great

lord, who was on the side of the king in the same action of Berbent,

abused her to her face, insulted her in every possible way, and at last

commanded that she should be decapitated as the vile and worthless woman

she was, in revenge for the slight estimation she had held his father in.

All the people and neighbouring chieftains being terrified by the capture

of Tauris and the rout of the king, sent in their allegiance to Ismail,

except those of Alangiacalai, a fortress two days’ distant above Tauris

towards the north, which place, with ten adjacent towns, is inhabited by

Catholic Christians, who at last, having remained faithful to Alamur for

five years, hearing of his death, surrendered it on conditions to Ismail

with its immense treasure. When he had gained possession of this castle,

Ismail caused himself to be proclaimed sovereign of Persia under the new

title of Sofi.

But Moratcan,[297] son of Alamur, having assembled an army of thirty

thousand men with some Turkish auxiliaries, endeavoured to recover the

throne which rightly belonged to him, with the design of regaining

his father’s dominions, and at the same time to avenge the defeat of

his relative on the Suffavean faction. Ismail, hearing this, quickly

assembled an army and advanced to meet Moratcan, when these two young

princes came to blows in the plain of Tauris, and for a time both

performed great feats with arms in their hands; but the Suffaveans were

brave, and being veteran soldiers and accustomed to be victorious under

the fortunate generalship of their commander, routed the soldiers of

Moratcan with great slaughter, and this unhappy young man seeing no hope

of re-establishing his affairs, fled to Diarbeca[298] with a few soldiers

who escaped from the rout. These things happened in the year one thousand

four hundred and ninety-nine, Ismail gaining a great reputation for good

fortune, but more for courage, so that from that time he began to become

a terror to all the East.

The following year Ismail made an enterprise against Diarbeca, which was

still in the allegiance of Moratcan, and made himself master in that

region of some important places. And since Aladuli[299] had assisted

Moratcan from distrust of Ismail and his greatness, he collected an army

of more than sixty thousand men and marched against him, not, however,

without great fear of exciting against himself the Soldan and the Turk,

as the country of Aladuli was situated between these two powers. Then,

taking the road of Arsenga and Seras, he arrived in Maseria, through

the dominions of the Turk, paying for provisions and tolls, without

molesting the inhabitants in any way, showing himself desirous of being

on a good footing with the Ottoman. Thus, having arrived in Aladuli’s

country, at the town of Alessat,[300] he crossed some mountains in one

day, in this way reaching Amaras,[301] putting all the country to fire

and sword and rapine. But Aladuli, who had escaped to the mountains of

Catarac,[302] and fortified himself there, not wishing to stake all

his power at once, took particular care not to give battle to Ismail.

Instead, he sent out some bands of good cavalry and, by attacking the

Suffaveans, sometimes by day and sometimes by night, and retiring to the

mountains, kept continually harassing the hostile army, wherefore Ismail

having remained from the twenty-ninth of July to the middle of November,

without succeeding in his undertaking, was forced to retreat from want

of supplies, the winter, and dearth, to Malatia, a city of the Soldan’s,

from whence he passed on to Tauris, having lost on the road many soldiers

and an almost countless number of his horses and camels, through the

bitterness of the cold and the quantity of the snow.

But, not being in the least cast down by this repulse, the following

year, assembling an army of forty thousand men, he attacked Casan, a town

in Babylonia belonging to Moratcan, to free himself from all apprehension

of his ever doing him any harm. On this account, Moratcan having

collected an army of thirty-six thousand infantry and cavalry, advanced

to Sevas,[303] to draw the enemy off from attacking Casan; then Ismail

following him, advanced to Spaám[304] to join battle with Moratcan,

staking the whole of his fortune on this battle, knowing well the valour

of his men, and that already the Persians and all the others who had

been under the sway of Alamur began to desire that he should rule over

them. This move of Ismail’s cast such terror into the hostile army, that

gradually they began to desert and to escape into the Suffavean camp;

hence, Moratcan being thrown into consternation, attempted to make peace

with Ismail, and sent ambassadors to announce his willing submission, if

he would only leave him Bagadet;[305] but, as neither the ambassadors

nor the conditions of peace were received by Ismail, who aspired to

become sole master, Moratcan, despairing of his life if he fell into his

hands, fled with a squadron of three thousand cavalry towards Aleppo.

As he was not received here from the fear the Soldan had of irritating

Ismail, he went on to Aladuli, and was most graciously received by that

lord, who had formerly been his great friend and who gave him hopes of

re-establishing him in his power, if an opportunity showed itself; and,

in order to increase his hopes, gave him one of his daughters as his wife.

Ismail having in the manner related, defeated Moratcan, came with

his whole army to Bierbeca,[306] and made himself master of Bagadet

and Seras,[307] cutting to pieces many of the opposing sect in that

region, and then having established laws and settled a garrison,

returned to Tauris. The following year, which was 1508, after making

great preparations for war, he advanced in person against the Tartar

Leasilbas,[308] ruler of Samarcant, whose subjects are the Zagatai,

otherwise called the Green Caftans.[309] This chief was at that time on

the frontier of Persia with a victorious army, having performed many

feats of arms in the vicinity, as, after seizing the country of the

Saracens, he had then taken the great town of Eri[310] and Caradisca,

and Cara,[311] and, last of all, Sanderem[312] and Sari,[313] two large

cities situated on the Sea of Baccu,[314] and close to the dominions of

Ismail; by these conquests he had thrown all the East into the greatest

alarm, and particularly raised great apprehension in the Sofi, who was

an enemy of those of the Green Caftans. On this account he retired

to Spaàm,[315] and encamped with his whole army, but the victorious

Lasilbas,[316] in order to gain a pretext for coming to blows with the

Suffaveans, demanded a free passage from Ismail, in order that he might

pay his vows at Mecca. This demand made Ismail still more apprehensive;

therefore, having refused point blank, he strengthened all the region

on the frontiers of Lasilbas with a strong force of cavalry, keeping

his army the whole year, 1509, in those parts with the intention of

opposing the Tartar if he attempted to force a passage. At length, by

the intervention of some Tartar and Persian lords friendly to both, they

concluded a peace between them.

And Ismail, who, from one war was urged on to another, in the following

year went against the Ruler of Siraan,[317] who had refused the tribute

which he paid every year, and having entered the plains of Carabac,[318]

which are more than one thousand miles in extent, in the midst of which

is the territory of Chianer,[319] whence come the Canary silks, he

sent to take Sumachi, and having attacked Culofan,[320] a very strong

fortress situated in the same region as Sumachi, he reduced it, together

with Mamurcagi,[321] a castle of great importance in those parts, from

its strength. And then, marching by the shores of the Sea of Baccù, he

took many other strong castles, since the country of Servan is seven

days’ journey in extent along the coast of this same sea, beginning at

Mamurcagi as far as Berbento, in which tract there are three large cities

and three castles. With this conquest he returned in triumph to Persia,

and feasted several days in honour of the victory he had obtained, with

almost all the great lords and princes of the realm.

And a short time after there broke out a fierce war with the

above-mentioned Tartar Lasilbas, from a certain ambition and rivalry

which existed between them; when Lasilbas came with a great army against

the Suffaveans, and, joining in a fierce and sanguinary contest,[322]

bore himself as a valiant man for many hours; nevertheless, the forces of

the enemy prevailing, he was repulsed and routed, and saved[323] himself

by flight to Samarcant.

This victory was the most illustrious that Ismail ever obtained, as he

fought against enemies who were great warriors and famous in all the

East. For this reason the Turk and the Soldan became greatly apprehensive

of the power of Ismail, both considering, that if after all the Tartar

happened to be conquered, the road would be opened for Ismail to acquire

Asia and Egypt, as in all the East there were no princes more powerful

than they, but the Tartar Lasilbas.

On this account Selim, the Grand Turk, having heard that Ismail was

engaged with the war waged against the city of Samarcant,[324] which was

the largest in the possession of the Tartar prince, brought together an

immense army of Turks, and advanced in person against Persia, in the year

1514; he marched towards the river of Sivas,[325] which is six hundred

miles distant from Constantinople and six hundred and forty from Tauris:

so that one may say that it is about half way between the two cities, and

having passed the river Lai,[326] he marched forward quickly through the

country of Arsenga.[327] Ismail, who was in Tauris without his regular

troops, who were engaged in besieging Samarcant, hearing of this, began

to levy other forces in haste, and having collected a tolerably good

army placed it under two of his most valiant captains, one named Stàcàlu

Amarbei and the other Aurbec Samper, and sent them against Selim, in

order, by skirmishing, to retard his advance until he had assembled

sufficient men to oppose his enemy openly in the field. This army

consisted of fifteen thousand horsemen, all good soldiers, and, so to

speak, the flower of the Persian people, as the kings of Persia are not

accustomed to give pay on the occasion of war, but to a standing force,

which is called the “porta” of the king. Thus it is that the Persian

gentlemen, to be well brought up, pay great attention to horsemanship,

and when necessity calls, go willingly to war, and bring with them,

according to their means, a certain number of servants as well armed and

mounted as themselves; nevertheless, they do not come out except for the

defence of the country; so that, if the Persian soldiery were paid, as is

the Turkish, there is no doubt but that it would be far superior to that

of the Ottoman princes. This thing has been observed by all those who

have had anything to do with both these nations.

The Persian ladies themselves follow in arms the same fortunes as their

husbands, and fight like men, in the same way as those ancient Amazons

who performed such feats of arms in their time.

Now, the two captains, Amarbei and Samper, marched ahead, and hearing

that Selim had crossed the Euphrates and was advancing by forced marches,

retreated to Coi,[328] where Ismail, who had come from Tauris, was in

person. Being informed of the large forces Selim was bringing with him

on this enterprise, he caused his army to be strongly entrenched, and

returned to Tauris to collect more troops, and then to show front to

the enemy.[329] Coi is a city which they say was built on the ruins of

the ancient Artasata,[330] not more than three days’ journey distant

from Tauris; on this account, it appeared likely to Ismail, from its

proximity, that he might in a very short time find himself engaged in a

battle, and therefore expressly commanded the above-mentioned captains

to wait, and when he arrived with fresh forces they would drive back

the enemy together. However, shortly after the departure of Ismail, the

Turkish army came up in array, on the 24th of August, and spread itself

over the plains called Calderane, where the Persians also had their

encampment.

The latter, seeing the enemy behave with such audacity and provoke them

to battle, could not refrain from attacking them, as they had been

victorious in so many past wars under the auspices of the greatest

monarch of the East: hence, having been joined the night before by some

bands of horse from Tauris, making them in all twenty-four thousand men,

divided in two deep columns, of which one was led by Stacàlu Amarbei and

the other by Aurbec Samper, signal of battle being given, they attacked

the enemy bravely. Amarbei, who was foremost, assaulted the troops of

Natolia with such a terrific rush, that he broke and routed them utterly,

and the Persians made such a slaughter of the Turks, that in that quarter

they already had the victory in their hands, if it had not been that

Sinan Pasha, to aid that side of the conflict advanced the Caramanian

troops, and, taking the Persian force in flank, enabled those who were

routed and preparing to fly to make head again. The Persians, resisting

Sinan, bore themselves as valiantly as before; nor even when Amarbei was

cut to pieces did they fail to keep up the fight courageously.

Samper, seeing the Caramanians change their positions and attack Amarbei,

also closed his column and attacked Sinan on his flank, routed the

Caramanians, and in a moment was on the royal forces, and the cavalry,

though in disorder and badly led, cut to pieces the foremost ranks of

the janissaries, and cast into confusion that famous infantry, so that

it appeared a thunderbolt cleaving that large and mighty army. The

monarch, seeing the slaughter, began to retreat, and to turn about, and

was about to fly, when Sinan, coming to the rescue at the time of need,

caused the artillery to be brought up and fired on both the janissaries

and Persians. The Persian horses hearing the thunder of those infernal

machines, scattered and divided themselves over the plain, not obeying

their riders’ bit or spur any more, from the terror they were in. Sinan,

seeing this, made up one squadron of cavalry from all that which had been

routed by the Persians, and began to cut them to pieces everywhere, so

that, by his activity, Selim, even when he thought all lost, came off the

victor. It is certainly said, that if it had not been for the artillery,

which terrified in the manner related the Persian horses which had never

before heard such a din, all his forces would have been routed and put

to the edge of the sword; and if the Turk had been beaten, the power of

Ismail would have become greater than that of Tamerlane, as by the fame

alone of such a victory he would have made himself absolute lord of the

East.

As it happened, the Persians being discomfited, in the manner related,

by Selim, not without great loss on his side, Aurbec Samper was led

before him covered with wounds, and on his hearing that Ismail had not

been in the action, he said to him, full of indignation, “Dog that thou

art, thou hast had the audacity to come against me, who am in the place

of a prophet, and hold the post of God on earth.” To this, without any

sign of fear, Samper replied, “If you held the post of God on earth, you

would not come against my master; but God has saved you from our hands,

that you may fall alive into his, and then he will avenge his and our

wrongs.” Selim, being greatly enraged by his words, said, “Go and kill

this dog.” And he replied, “I know that this is my hour; but do you

prepare your soul to pay the sacrifice of mine; since my master will meet

you in a year, and will do the same to you, which you order to be done to

me”; whereupon he was immediately cut to pieces. Having done this, Selim

raised the camp and came to Coi, in which city he rested with his whole

army some days; he then published abroad, and wrote in many letters sent

to different places, that he had gained the victory, and that Ismail had

been in person in the battle which had taken place in the Calderani[331]

plains. This, however, was written falsely, as Ismail was not there in

person, nor even the corps of his veteran soldiers, who were then round

Samarcant, investing that city. Ismail, hearing the news of the rout of

his army, collected some of the men who had escaped from the action and

had made head in Tauris. With his wife and all his riches he left the

city and went to Caseria,[332] which is six days’ journey distant from

Tauris towards the East, assembling another army to try again in person

the fortune of battle.

After his departure the Turk leaving Coi, arrived at Tauris, and was

received with favourable and courteous demonstrations by those of the

city, because it did not seem fit to them to peril their lives, as

they had no chance against the enemy, before whom so many valiant men

who had armed in defence of Persia had not been able to make head; and

remaining there only three days, and not seeing that any of the people

or neighbouring chiefs came to give in their submission to him,[333]

Selim began to be apprehensive lest Ismail should be more powerful than

he had thought him, as he in truth was, since all the principal men of

Persia began to join him with their forces for the safety of the kingdom.

Therefore, taking with him different men skilled in arts and five hundred

loads of treasure, without injuring the city in any other way, he left it

and marched towards the Euphrates, being continually harassed on the road

by the Georgians,[334] who, with some troops of light cavalry, pillaged

the baggage of the army, and cut to pieces all those who quitted the

ranks ever so short a way. Their assaults were so frequent, that the

Acangi[335] who were accustomed to range forty or fifty miles at least

from the army, did not dare to forsake it as these fierce guerilla foes

made a great slaughter of them everywhere; nor did they fall by the sword

alone, but also by hunger; since, as they were accustomed to forage

for the army, and not being able to perform this office from fear, it

followed that in avoiding one miserable death, they perished by another

still more wretched one.

Ismail, in the meanwhile, had greatly strengthened his army, and

therefore, hoping soon to fall in with the enemy, advanced to Tauris,

where, hearing that the Turk had departed, and was retreating in such

haste that he would not be able to overtake him, thought fit to remain

and to take steps with more caution in this enterprise. He therefore

wrote letters and sent ambassadors to the Soldan, to Prince Aladuli, and

to the King of Gorgora, to show them the great peril they ran if they did

not take up arms with him against Selim, since if Persia were subdued,

all their States would become a prey to the enemy. These ambassadors were

willingly listened to, from the fear these princes entertained on account

of Selim’s victory over the Suffaveans. On this account they formed a

league, into which Ismail, the King of Gorgora, the Soldan,[336] and

Aladuli entered, these monarchs promising to aid one another in case of

need against the Ottoman, with the express condition that they should not

receive any ambassador from the Turk; this condition not being observed

by the Soldan, was afterwards his ruin, and that of all the power of the

Mamelukes. As, the Turk having sent an ambassador a short time later, he

received and heard him against the condition of the league; therefore,

when Selim entered Soria[337] to fight against the Soldan, Ismail would

not give him his assistance from fear of being left in the lurch.[338]

The league being concluded in the manner related, Ismail, who was fully

prepared for the enterprise against the Turks, sent ambassadors to Selim,

who was then in Amasia,[339] with presents, a _bâton_ of massive gold, a

saddle and richly-mounted sword, with a letter to this effect:—“Ismail,

great Sovereign of the Persians, sends to you Selim these gifts, quite

equal to your greatness, as they are worth as much as your kingdom; if

you are a brave man, keep them well, because I will come and take them

from you, together with your head and kingdom, which you possess against

all right, as it is not proper that the offspring of peasants should

bear rule over so many provinces.” This letter so enraged the haughty

spirit of Selim, that he wished to kill the ambassadors, but refrained,

being kept back by his Bashas. However, in his rage he could not restrain

himself from having their ears and noses cut off, and sent them back

in this state with a letter written to Ismail, saying:—“Selim, great

Sovereign of the Turks, replies to a dog without taking the least notice

of his baying; telling him that if he will show himself, he will find

that I will do to him what my predecessor Mahomet did to his predecessor

Ussun Cassano.”

FOOTNOTES

[167] This Preface is by Ramusio; the rest is prepared by the same writer

from the official letters of M. Caterino Zeno.

[168]

Kara Mahomed, chief of the Kârâ Koinloo.

|

Kara Yusoof.

|

+-------------+-------------+

| | |

Secunder. Abouseyd. Jehan Shah.

|

+-------------+

|

Kârâ Yussoof or Hussun Ali, according to Malcolm.

[169] Jehan Shah. Uzun Hassan was not his brother, as they were the

respective chiefs of the rival tribes of Kârâ Koinloo and Ak-Koinloo.

The dynasty founded by Uzun Hassan of the Ak-Koinloo tribe is termed

Bâyenderee; the influence of the family dates from the reign of Timour,

who made them grants of land in Armenia and Mesopotamia.

[170] Mahomet II, the first Emperor of the Turks, reigned from 1450-1481.

[171]

“Vixêre fortes ante Agamemnona

Multi.”—_Horace_, Book iv, ode 10.

[172] It was by no means the case that at that time the Persian monarchs

had no poets or historians to celebrate their deeds, as the Augustan age,

so to speak, of Persian literature was just then coming to a close, the

two last of the great poets, Jami and Hatifi, flourishing at the Court of

Abou-said and his successor Hoossein Meerza, the enlightened descendants

of Timour. Hatifi died in 1522; his great poem was written to commemorate

the victory of Ismael Shah over the Usbegs at Merv in 1514. The two

famous historians, Mirkhond and Khondemir, also flourished at this time.

[173] Jehan Shah, Karâ Yusuf.

[174] Darius was the husband, not the son, of Atossa.

[175] There were two rival Toorkman tribes, as has already been noticed,

the Kara-Koinloo and the Ak-Koinloo, who were engaged in continual

struggles for the supremacy in Persia. Uzun Hassan was a chief of the

Ak-Koinloo, or White Sheep.

[176] Jehan Shah.

[177] Hassan Beg, called Alymbeius by Knolles.

[178] He was called Uzun Hassan and Hassan et Taneel by the Arabs, from

the fact, as the appellative denotes, of his height, which was far above

the standard. Barbaro describes him as a very tall, thin man. Taneel,

Arabic, is the translation of Uzun or Oozoon, Turkish, and means “tall”,

not “great”. Oozoon, in Turkish, means essentially long, not great.

[179] _Ak-Koinloo Chiefs_:—

Kârâ Osman put to death by Secunder, chief of the Kârâ Koinloo.

|

Uzun Hassan, first of the Bâyenderee kings.

|

+----------+---------+--------+---------+

| | | | |

Unghermaumet. Ezeinel. Calul. Yakoob. Martha m. Sheikh Hyder.

| |

+---------------------------+ +-----+

| | |

Alwung Beg (Alumut). Morad Khan. Ismael Sofi.

[180] Amida (Diarbekr) was founded, according to Oriental tradition,

by Tahmuras of the Paishdadian dynasty, and fortified by the Emperor

Constans, who probably surrounded it with the stupendous wall of black

stone, from which the city is often called by the Turks Kârâ Amid, or

Black Amid. Some of the masonry is evidently Roman, though there are

Cufic inscriptions on different parts of the wall. Kinneir says:—

“The houses are built of stone, and have a good appearance, but the

streets, although paved, are narrow and filthy. The castle is on the

north side of the town; it is also surrounded by a strong wall, and

divided into many courts and handsome buildings, where the Pasha and

his officers reside. The population of the town is said to amount to

thirty-eight thousand souls, of which the greater proportion are Turks,

and the remainder Armenians, Kurds, Jacobites, and Catholics. The bazar

is well supplied with corn and provisions, and the adjoining country

is fruitful and well cultivated. Cotton, silk, copper, and iron are

manufactured by the natives, and exported to Bagdad and Constantinople.

When viewed from a distance, the city of Diarbekr has a fine appearance.

The elevation of the surrounding mountains, the windings of the Tigris

and height of the walls and towers with the cupolas of the mosques, give

it an air of grandeur far above that of any other city which I have

visited in this quarter of the world. In the spring the Tigris rises to

a great height at this place, but in the month of December it was so

shallow, that the water did not reach much above my horse’s knees. It

is generally passed on a bridge of twelve arches, situated about half a

mile below the town. Diarbekr is sixty miles from Merdin, two hundred and

eighty-seven from Orfa, and a hundred and seventy-two and a half from

Malatea. Its position is fixed in latitude 37° 55′ 40″ N., and longitude

39° 52′ E., as ascertained from actual observation by Mr. Simon.”

[181] Jehan Shah.

[182] Uzun Hassan was not a brother of Jehan Shah, but of a different

tribe.

[183] Diarbekr.

[184] Jehan Shah was killed in the battle and his son Kara Yusuf taken

prisoner.

[185] Erzingan, Eriza, a town and district of the same name. The town is

situated on the eastern branch of the Euphrates, below Erzeroum. The fine

plain slopes gently from north to south, acting as a kind of vast drain

for the waters of the mountains on the north and two other sides—viz.,

the Mezoor Dagh and the Kesheesh Dagh, thus conveying them to the Kara

Su. Otherwise, it is a perfect level, free from stone or elevation of any

kind, but some artificial mounds at the east corner. It is a garrison

town, with new barracks just built; the town and villages contain about

twelve thousand houses, or, by the usual calculation, sixty thousand

inhabitants. The soil is rich, producing abundance of grain, cotton,

fruits, and melons.

[186] His dominions hardly extended so far, even after defeating Abou

Said, the reigning prince of the House of Timour, as Khorassan, Herat,

Cabul, etc., were governed by the successors of that prince.

[187] Georgia.

[188] Syria.

[189] The Caspian Sea.

[190] Bitlis, the Armenian Pangesh, about an equal distance between

Diarbekr and Van, the scene of the signal defeat sustained by Solyman the

Magnificent in 1535. Kinneir says:—

“The town extends across the greater part of the valley, the houses

being built at some distance from each other in the manner of Rutnuz.

The castle is situated on the top of a high mountain, which bounds the

plain to the west. The inhabitants of the town and the neighbouring

villages amount to about twenty-six thousand—Kurds, Turks, Armenians,

and Syrians. The Armenians have four churches and four monasteries,

and, upon the whole, enjoy more liberty and are treated with greater

respect than in most Mahomedan States. The lands around Betlis are highly

cultivated, and produce grain of several kinds—cotton, hemp, rice,

olives, honey, truffles, and mushrooms. There is abundance of gravel in

the neighbourhood, and the mountains are infested by lions, wolves, and

bears. Quarries of red and white marble have also been discovered at a

short distance from the town.”

[191] Calo Johannes, or Black John, brother of David, last Christian

Emperor of Trebizond, was of the noble family of the Comneni, which

became extinct with them. Trebizond was taken in 1461 by Mahomet II,

Sultan of the Turks. Uzun Hassan had married Despina while still Prince

of Diarbekr, before he had gained the throne.

[192] Rhodes, Cyprus, etc.

[193] Otranto was taken by the Turks in 1480, under Achmet Pasha, who

embarked at Vallona in Macedonia, and ravaged a great part of Apulia;

but, being called away to join Mahomet in his wars in Asia, the Turkish

garrison, after holding the place for a year, surrendered at discretion

to Alfonso, Duke of Calabria.—Knolles, _Hist. of the Turks_, p. 433.

[194] Bussora, or Basra, was founded by Omar in 636; has a population of

sixty thousand at the present time. It is situated on the western bank of

the Shat-ul-Arab and seventy miles from its mouth, with an immense trade.

It was conquered by the Turks in 1668.

[195] At Tauris, or Tabreez. See _Travels of a Merchant_, cap. 7.

[196] This covering, called Peychar, is now only used in Bagdad.

[197] David, last Emperor of Trebizond, was Despina’s uncle. Her father

had died before.

[198] Peer Ahmed, who was afterwards defeated and killed in 1486 by

Bajazet II, for having aided his brother Zizim in his revolt. See

Knolles, _Hist. of the Turks_, p. 446.

[199] See Angiolello, cap. 2.

[200] Bitlis. See p. 8.

[201] Kinneir, speaking of the Persian soldiery, says:—“What is

denominated the standing army of the empire consists of the king’s

body-guard, which amounts to about ten thousand men, and the Gholaums or

royal slaves, in number about three thousand. The former are a kind of

militia, which are obliged to have their habitations in the capital or

its vicinity, and are liable to be called out at a moment’s warning: the

latter are in constant attendance upon his majesty and more feared and

respected than any other troops in his service. But it is the numbers

and bravery of the wandering tribes which constitute the military force

of the Persian empire. When the sovereign is desirous of assembling

an army, the chiefs of the different tribes are commanded to send to

the royal camp a number of men proportionate to the power and strength

of his tribe: each town and village is also under the necessity of

furnishing its quota. The army thus assembled, is consequently entirely

irregular, chiefly consisting of cavalry; and, as they seldom receive

either clothing or pay, only kept together by the hope of plunder. The

present king, as an extreme effort, might probably in this manner be

able to collect together a force of a hundred and fifty thousand or

perhaps two hundred thousand men. To their cavalry, which is excellent,

the rulers of Persia have hitherto, with success, solely entrusted

the defence of their dominions. Their arms are a scimitar, a brace of

pistols, a carabin, and sometimes a lance, or a bow and arrow—all of

which they alternately use, at full speed, with the utmost skill and

dexterity. The pistols are either stuck in the girdle or in the holsters

of the saddle; the carabin or bow is slung across the shoulder; and

the lance, which is light and shafted with bamboo, is wielded in the

right hand. There is one great defect inherent in the constitution of

their cavalry—a defect which cannot fail of proving highly detrimental

to its success in the field, and of repressing the natural impetuosity

and courage of the troops. His arms and horse in general belong not to

the public, but to the individual; his whole property is often vested

in these articles; and, as he receives no compensation in the event

of losing them, his whole attention is naturally turned towards their

preservation. This single circumstance, as must be obvious, may often

be productive of the most disastrous consequences, and has, on more

than one occasion, proved fatal to the honour and reputation of the

Persian arms. They are not so gaudy in the trappings of their horses

as the Turks; their saddles and bridles are more adapted for use than

show; and the Arabian bit and stirrup were thrown aside by the orders

of Nadir Shah for a plain snaffle and light iron stirrup. The saddle

also is much more light than that in use among the Turks or Mamelukes,

but somewhat too short in the seat, and inconvenient to a person who

has not been accustomed to it. They ride with very short stirrups; but

have, notwithstanding, a wonderful command over their horses, and can

stop them in an instant in the midst of their career. Their cavalry,

like all irregular horse, are incapable of acting in unison or of making

any serious impression on a body of troops disciplined in the European

fashion: but, as their evolutions and movements are extremely rapid and

each individual is aware of the part he ought to act, they are nearly

as formidable when broken and dispersed as when united. The Persian

armies, as I have said before, receive no regular pay, and are only kept

together by the hope of plunder; we therefore find, that it is considered

as incumbent on the king to take the field once a year, either against

the Russians, Affghans, or Turkomans, his immediate neighbours. They

know nothing of the modern science of war, being entirely ignorant of

the principles of fortification and of the arts of attack and defence.

The field artillery is chiefly composed of zumbarooks or small swivels,

mounted on, and fired from, the backs of camels. There are also small

field-pieces attached to the army; but the roads on the frontier are but

ill adapted for the transportation of cannon, and as the carriages are

of a miserable construction, they are either broken by the rocks and

precipices, or go to pieces after firing a few rounds. Another great

defect in the organisation of the armies of this country is the total

want of good officers, and therefore of a proper degree of subordination.

Without able and experienced men to direct and command, and a regular

system of payment, it is next to impossible that an army can arrive at

anything like perfection. There is no separation of the civil from the

military authorities. The troops are commanded by the chiefs of their own

tribes, who are jealous of each other, and therefore not likely to act

in concert or yield that obedience so absolutely necessary in military

affairs. In the absence of the King and Prince, the Grand Vizier is the

general-in-chief; and, as he is not unfrequently raised to that dignity

from offices entirely civil, the army may be commanded by a man who has

never witnessed an engagement.”

[202] Peer Ahmed. See p. 15.

[203] Gerjannes, a district of Erzingan.

[204] Kharput, in the Valley of Sophene, as it was called by the

ancients. See _Travels of a Merchant_.

[205] Erzingan. See p. 7.

[206] Konieh (Iconium). Konieh, a city of Asia Minor, with a population

of thirty thousand, employed mostly in the manufacture of carpets; it was

a capital of the Seljook Sultans.

[207] Ofium Kara Hissar, a town of fifty thousand inhabitants, two

hundred miles from Smyrna, where opium is raised in great quantities.

[208] Kutaieh.

[209] Daood.

[210] Boorsa.

[211] Amurath.

[212] This, according to Knolles, was a Persian victory, Mustafa being

forced to fly.—_History of the Turks_, p. 410. See below, p. 25.

[213] Yusuf Khan.

[214] Peer Ahmed.

[215] M. Josafat Barbaro’s account of his travels is in Ramusio’s

Collection.

[216] Zumburka.

[217] Sanjak.

[218] Afterwards Bajazet II, reigned from 1481-1512.

[219] The unfortunate Djim-Zizim, or Zemes, who, being defeated by

Bajazet in his struggle for empire, fled first to Egypt and then to

Rhodes. He was sent to Rome to the Pope Innocent VIII, but was poisoned

at the instigation of the infamous Alexander Borgia, who had been forced

to give him up to Charles VIII of France.

[220] Ikindjis.

[221] Siwas, sixty miles from Tokat on the Kizzil Irmak, with

manufactures of coarse woollen, etc.

[222] River Iris, the present Kizzil Irmak.

[223] Niksar.

[224] Koili Hissar, according to Kiepert’s Map on the Schonak or Owadmish

Schai, which falls into the Yekyl Irmak. It is a little below Shebban

Kara Hissar; it is also called Koyunlu Hissar.

[225] Shebban Kara Hissar, still noted for its alum mines. The castle

is built on an isolated mountain about six hundred feet high and three

miles in circumference, and is of great natural strength; it has the

same contrivance common to most of the old castles for the supply of

water during a siege, namely, a staircase excavated in the solid rock.

It was probably one of the treasure-cities of Mithridates mentioned by

Strabo. The trade in alum has greatly diminished, as it is now exported

to Turkish provinces solely.

[226] Probably Egin on the Euphrates, on the route from Erzingan to

Malatia. See Angiolello, cap. 6.

[227] Compare the death of Archimedes.

[228] Ikindjis.

[229] Erzingan. See p. 7.

[230] Malatia, the ancient Melitene, near the Euphrates or Murad, in lat.

N. 30 deg. 26 min., long. E. 38 deg. 27 min.

[231] This is only in the dry season, as there are no islands, only

sandbanks.

[232] Peer Ahmed.

[233] See Angiolello, cap. 7.

[234] This battle took place near Malatia 1473.

[235] Knolles says that Mustafà, Mahomet the Second’s eldest son, and

Amurath, Pasha of Roumania (the latter of whom was killed in the battle),

commanded the Turks when they were defeated in 1473. He also mentions

another battle the next year in which Mahomet was present in person and

was defeated, one of his great Pashas being killed. Perhaps two battles

were made out of this one, or more probably the battle previously

mentioned (p. 20) was a Persian victory.

[236] Baiboort, on the river Turak or Delchoroch Su, which flows into the

Euxine near Batoum. It is situated nearly due north of Erzingan.

[237] The battle of Tabeada.

[238] Peer Ahmed.

[239] Knolles says that the Turkish artillery did great mischief to the

Persians, as in the battle of Schalderan.

[240] Baiboort. See p. 5.

[241] Ikindjis.

[242] Erzingan.

[243] Shebban Kara Hissar. See p. 23.

[244] After crossing the river the Turkish army evidently began to

retreat to their own country. Why they went near Malatia is not very

evident.

[245] Koili Hissar. See p. 23. According to Angiolello, it was near

Erzingan that the Turks reached the Euphrates, and only the Acangi

crossed on a foraging expedition, which is much more probable.

[246] Tocat, fifty-six miles from Sivas, with a population of forty

thousand, and a very extensive trade.

[247] Sanjak.

[248] Achmet.

[249] It seems that the other Christian princes were not altogether so

blind to the advantages of a Persian alliance as the Venetian writer

would have us think.

[250] Caffa, anciently called Theodosia, situated in the Crimea, and then

belonging to the Genoese, was a rich and busy port. It was subdued, with

the rest of the Crimea, by Achmet Pasha in 1476.

[251] See note, p. 16.

[252] Casimir IV reigned from 1447 to 1492. He defeated the Teutonic

knights and also the Hungarians.

[253] Matthias Corvinus, son of the Great Huniades, the champion of

Christendom against the Turks, reigned from 1458 to 1490.

[254] Bagdad.

[255] Diarbekr.

[256] Shiraz.

[257] Sanjak.

[258] Amasia, the birthplace of Strabo and Mithridates, is now an

important town with thirty thousand inhabitants and great trade in silk,

situated on the Yekyl Irmak.

[259] Yakoob, who succeeded Ussun Cassano in 1478.

[260] It was Achilles, not Hercules, who is said to have preferred a

short and famous career to a long life of inglorious ease.

[261] Persian literature at that time was in a most flourishing

condition, the age comprising some of the most illustrious names in their

annals. _Vide_ p. 2.

[262] Caton-Khatoon, meaning “Madam” or “Lady”, and so “Queen.” Despina,

Δεσποινα, means the same thing.

[263] Calo Johannes. See p. 9.

[264] Calul.

[265] Yakoob.

[266] From what appears in the other books this must be meant for

Cartibiert Kharput, in the province of Diarbekr. See Angiolello, cap. 1.

[267] See _Travels of a Merchant_, cap. 3.

[268] She was buried in the town of Diarbekr.

[269] Sheikh Hyder.

[270] Ardebil, where are the tombs of Sheikh Hyder and Shah Ismael Sufi,

is situated in the plain of Mogam. It has now entirely declined from its

former importance.

[271] Kârâ Koyun.

[272] This was not the case, as the Suffavean family did not belong to

either of the Toorkman tribes.

[273] Ak Koyun.

[274] Also called Alumut or Eluanbeg; he was not left in undisturbed

possession of the throne, as his brother Morad Khan disputed it with him,

and established himself in Babylonia and Fars.

[275] Kârâ Koinloo. See previous page.

[276] Follower of Ali, Alanee.

[277] See Angiolello, cap. 12.

[278] Ardebil.

[279] Shirvan, the largest and most important division of the Southern

Caucasus, is watered by numberless rivers, the largest of which is the

Kur. Its capital is Schamachi, under which name, according to Kinneir,

there are two cities, the old and the new. He says: “New Schamachi is

situated in a plain on the river Aksui, about fifty versts from the Kur,

and the same distance from the sea. The form is quadrangular, each side

being eight hundred paces in length. The walls are in tolerable repair,

built of unburnt brick, and surrounded with a very deep and broad ditch.

When this town was taken by Aga Mahomed Khan in 1795, the inhabitants

were supposed to amount to six thousand souls; but the city, as well as

the villages nearest the plain, were reduced to ruins by that relentless

tyrant, who did not retire till the month of February of the following

year. The ruins of the old Schamachi, once a large and populous city, are

still extant, but they are almost hid from the view by thick brushwood.

This is the Schamacha of the ancients and stands in a fine situation, in

an angle formed by the southern branch of Mount Caucasus.”

[280] Derbend, a strong fortress on the Caspian, the Peninsula of

Apshernon, near the Demir Kapoo or Iron Gates of the Caucasus. See note

to Angiolello, cap. 16.

[281] Compare the Long Walls at Athens.

[282] Demir Kapoo.

[283] Sheikh Hyder.

[284] Aktamar or Van Lake, so called from the island of Ak Tamar, where

the Catholicos of the Armenians resides.

[285] Knolles says he fled into Hyrcania to Pyrcales. See _Travels of a

Merchant_, cap. 13, and next page.

[286] The accounts of authors vary as to Ismael’s age (see _Travels of a

Merchant_, cap. 13); but I believe this to be the correct statement.

[287] Kara Bagh, the country between the rivers Kur and Aras, the former

river dividing it from Shirvan.

[288] Ghilan, a province along the south-west shore of the Caspian,

is rich and populous, the soil exceedingly fertile, fruits, rice, and

grain being cultivated with great success; but the cultivation of silk

constitutes the principal trade, and quantities are exported annually

to Astrakhan from Resht and Lankeroon, the two principal towns in the

province. Its population amounts to about six hundred thousand.

[289] Followers of Ali, or rather of Sheikh Hyder, from the name of his

ancestor Sheikh Suffee-u-deen Ishack. The family were lineally descended

from Môossâh, the seventh Imaum.

Môossâh.

|

.....

|

.....

.

.

.

Sheikh Suffee-u-deen Ishack.

|

Sudder-u-deen.

|

Khaujah Ali.

|

Sheikh Ibrahim.

|

+------------------+

|

Juneyd married a sister of Uzun Hassan.

|

+------+

|

Sheikh Hyder married Martha, daughter of Uzun Hassan and Despina.

|

+-------------------------------+

|

Ismael Sofi.

|

Tamasp.

|

+-----------------+---------+

| | |

Mahomed Codabundah. Ismael. Hyder.

|

Shah Abbas, the Great.

[290] Also mentioned at page 57.

[291] Mazenderan, part of ancient Hyrcania, is separated from Irak by the

Elburz Mountains; in its soil and climate it resembles Ghilan, except in

being more mountainous and wooded. Silk is not cultivated to so great

an extent, though the commerce of the province is considerable. The

inhabitants were regarded as the most warlike of the Persians, and even

held out for a considerable time against the whole power of Tamerlane.

The population is about one million five hundred thousand; the principal

towns are Sari, the capital, Balfrush, with upwards of a hundred thousand

inhabitants, Amol, Ferrabad, and Ashraff, famous for the palace of

Shah Abbas the Great, who also executed that stupendous work named the

Causeway of Mazenderan, which at present has been allowed to fall into

disrepair.

[292] Alamur, or Eluan Beg, was not in sure possession of the throne, as

he was engaged in a struggle with his brother Morad Khan, who ruled over

Bagdad, Shiraz, etc. See page 43.

[293] Also mentioned at page 56.

[294] Either the Kur or the Aras, more probably the latter.

[295] Diarbekr.

[296] Tauris, or Tabreez. See _Travels of a Merchant_, cap. 7.

[297] Morad Khan, brother, not son, of Eluan Beg, ruler of Fars,

Babylonia, etc.

[298] Diarbekr. Eluan Beg had also taken refuge here.

[299] Allà-ed’ Douleh.

[300] Albistan, sixty miles from Marash; ten thousand inhabitants.

[301] Marash, sixty miles from Iskenderoon; ancient capital of Karamania.

[302] Kara Dagh, or Black Mountain.

[303] Shiraz in this case, not Sivas.

[304] Ispahan.

[305] Bagdad.

[306] Diarbekr.

[307] Shiraz.

[308] Sheibani Khan, or Shahabeg Khan, a descendant of the Great Zengis,

the enemy of Baber the first of the Moguls, was the founder of the Usbeg

power on the ruins of that of Timour, in Central Asia. He was defeated

and killed by Shah Ismael Sofi at the battle of Merv Shah Jehan in 1514.

See Baber’s _Memoirs_, translated by Mr. Erskine.

[309] Sunnees.

[310] Herat, a city of great importance in the history of Persia,

and the key or gate of India, as it has been aptly described; it is

well fortified, and the emporium of commerce between Cabul, Bokhara,

Hindostan, and Persia, with a population of forty thousand; it is now

subject to Affghanistan.

[311] Khaf.

[312] Sanderem, probably Amol or Balfrush, in Mazanderan.

[313] Sari, the capital of Mazanderan, a well fortified town of fifteen

thousand inhabitants, with a brisk trade with Astrakhan and the interior

of Persia, twenty miles from Balfrush.

[314] The Caspian.

[315] Ispahan.

[316] Sheibani Khan.

[317] Shirvan.

[318] Kara Bagh.

[319] Canar.

[320] See page 50.

[321] See page 48.

[322] The great battle of Merv Shah Jehan, 1514. The city of Merv, the

ancient capital of Margiana, was founded by Alexander the Great, and

embellished by Antiochus Nicator, who gave it the name of Antiochia. It

was long the seat of the Seljooks and also of the great Alp Arslan, whose

tomb is there. It has now declined in importance, having been repeatedly

sacked by the Usbegs.

[323] He was killed in the battle.

[324] Samarcand, a city once almost the capital of the world, being well

known as the seat of Timour, but now greatly declined in importance. It

is a hundred and thirty miles from Bokhara, and is still the _entrepôt_

for a caravan trade, with ten thousand inhabitants.

[325] The Iris, present Kizzil Irmak.

[326] Iris.

[327] Erzingan.

[328] Khoi, the capital of a rich district, with a considerable trade

between Turkey and Persia; it has a population of twenty-five thousand,

and is a well-built, handsome town, on the Ak Schai, a tributary of the

Aras.

[329] Battle of Schalderan, fought, according to Knolles, on the 7th

August, 1514. He says that Ismael himself was present in the battle and

did wonders in arms, as, with only thirty thousand men he attacked the

Turkish army three hundred thousand strong. The Persian cavalry bore

down the Turks on every side, though with the loss of one of their great

chiefs, Usta-ogli. “The Persians were now ready on everie side to have

assailed Selymus in his greatest strength; when Sinan Bassa, although

the wing he led was sore rent and weakened, yet following the Persians

through the middest of the heaps of the slaine footmen, came in, in

good time for Selymus, and with certaine fresh troups which had escaped

from the furie of Usta-ogli restored the battell before almost lost;

but, especially by the invincible courage of Alisbeg and Mahomet his

brother, descended of the honourable familie of the Molcozzii, which

for nobilitie among the Turks is accounted next unto the Ottomans; both

of them for courage resembling their warlike father Molcozzius, famous

for that wofull expedition he made into Friuli against the Venetians

in the raigne of Baiazet. Selymus, also not yet discouraged, but still

in hope, commaunded all the great ordinance wherewith he was environed

which he had reserved as his last refuge, to be discharged; by the

violence whereof such slaughter was made as well of his owne men as of

his enemies, mingled togither, that what for dust, what for smoake,

and thundering of the artillerie, having on both sides almost lost the

use of sight and hearing; and their horses being so terrified with the

thundering report of the great ordinance that they were not now to be

ruled, the battell was broken off, the victorie yet doubtfull.” He goes

on to say that Ismael was slightly wounded, and had to retire from the

field, which gave the Turks breathing time.

[330] The site of the ancient Artaxarta is fixed on the Aras, a little to

the south of Erivan.

[331] Knolles says:—“This was that notable battell fought in the Calderan

fields neare unto the city of Coy, betwixt these two great princes,

the 7th day of August, in the yeare of our Lord 1514. In which battell

Selymus lost above thirtie thousand men, amongst whom was Casan Bassa,

his great lieutenant in Europe; seaven Sanzackes, in which were the two

Malcozzian brethren, who, labouring the one to rescue the other, were

both togither slaine. Beside his common footmen, of whom he made least

reckoning, he lost most part of his Illirian, Macedonian, Servian,

Epirot, Thessalian, and Thracian horsemen, the undoubted flower and

strength of his army, which were in that mortall battell almost all

slaine or grievously wounded. Selymus, for all this great losse, by the

confession of his enemies having gotten the victorie, and receiving

embassadours from Coy and the cities thereabout, and the great citie of

Tauris, promising to relieve him with whatsoever he needed, and to doe

what else he should commaund, marched directly to Tauris, desiring both

to see and possesse himself of that citie as one of the chiefe pallaces

of the Persian kings. This citie is two daies’ journey distant from Coy,

where the battell was fought, and is probably supposed to be the famous

citie called in auntient time Ecbatana, about an hundred and fiftie miles

distant from the Caspian Sea. The citizens were readie at the comming of

the Turks, and brought them great store of victuals out of the gates of

the citie, where Selymus had lodged his army in the suburbs, thinking

it no safetie to lodge within that great and populous citie, contenting

himselfe to have the gates thereof delivered unto him, which he kept with

strong guard.”

[332] Caseria, probably Casbin.

[333] The janissaries mutinied, according to Knolles.

[334] Knolles says:—“Yet for all the speed he could make, the Georgian

horsemen, the forerunners of Hysmaell, his armie being come within sight

before the Turkes were all got over, raised such a feare and a stirre

all alongt that side of the river that two thousand of the Turkes were

in their hastie passage there drowned, divers field pieces left sticking

in the mud, and much of their baggage carried away with the force of the

river. The Georgians contenting themselves with such things as were left,

pursued them no farther.”

[335] Ikindjis.

[336] Khafour el Ghouri.

[337] Syria.

[338] Knolles gives a different reason, namely, that the Persian soldiery

were well suited for defending, but not for fighting out of their own

country: so Ismael would not risk an invasion.

[339] Amasia, birthplace of Strabo. See page 37.

DISCOURSE OF

MESSER GIOVAN BATTISTA RAMUSIO

ON THE

WRITINGS OF GIOVAN MARIA ANGIOLELLO AND OF A MERCHANT WHO WENT THROUGH

THE WHOLE OF PERSIA; IN WHICH ARE NARRATED THE LIFE AND DEEDS OF USSUN

CASSANO.

DISCOURSE OF MESSER GIOVAN BATTISTA RAMUSIO.

INTRODUCTION.

Everyone who considers the various changes brought by the course of

events to human affairs, will, on reflection, be filled with wonder;

but I think that those who read ancient history have greater reason to

be so, seeing many republics and many great and powerful kingdoms, so

to speak, collapse without, in certain cases, leaving even a name, or

any memorial behind. The same course of events has caused many races to

leave their native countries, and, like proud and rapid rivers, invade

those of others, chasing away the ancient inhabitants, and, not content

with that, even change their names. So it happens that, nowadays, there

are many races whose origin is not known, of which miserable Italy is an

example, as, after the ruin of the Roman empire, a multitude of strange

and barbarous nations entered from the North, ousted the inhabitants,

changed the vulgar tongue, the names of the provinces, rivers, and

mountains, moved the towns from their proper sites, and built them up

afterwards at a distance from the spots where they first stood. This

has not happened to Italy alone, but also to the province of Gallia,

which, on its occupation by the fierce nation of the Franks, lost its

name as well as its inhabitants. The same happened to Britain, now

called England; to Pannonia, which is now Hungary; and to many other

countries which it would be tedious to enumerate. But I cannot hold my

peace about poor, afflicted Greece, celebrated by all classic writers,

which was anciently the home of science and the example of humanity, but

now fallen low indeed, being subjected to the empire of the Turks, and

inhabited only by barbarous and unlettered tribes. This same calamity

has fallen also on the whole of Asia, since (as one reads in the books

of M. Marco Polo and the Armenian), great hordes of Tartars issued from

the regions of Cathay and overran the countries, and, having settled in

their new abodes, changed the names of the provinces to others familiar

to the conquerors. Thus Margiana, Bactriana, and Sodiana, provinces near

the Caspian Sea, being taken by Zacatai, brother of the Great Can, were

called instead the country of Zacatai, from the province of Turquestan,

which is beyond the rivers Jaxartes and Oxus.

There came another great multitude of people, who settled themselves in

Asia Minor,—that is, in Bithynia, Phrygia, Cappadocia, and Paphagonia,

and called it Turkey. At the same time, Hoccota Can[340] having made

himself master of the provinces of Media, Parthia, and Persia, now named

Azemia;[341] his successors gave them different names; and even in our

times the Sophi, who was the son of a daughter of Ussun Cassano, King

of Persia, had these provinces named after him. As there have come into

my hands some carefully composed writings, in which are narrated the

life and acts of the above-mentioned Ussun Cassano, or Assambei,[342]

which are synonymous, and of Sheikh Ismail, who is the Sophi, I thought

them suitable to follow the books of M. Marco Polo, and of the Armenian.

Moreover, they treat of the same matter, and though agreeing, are

different versions, so I think they will greatly amuse my readers. I

find that the first author, who speaks of the life of Ussun Cassano,

was named Giovan Maria Angiolello, who relates in his history that he

served Mustafà, son of Mahomet II, Grand Turk, and that he was in the

action[343] with the same Grand Turk, in which he was routed on the

islands in the bed of the river Euphrates by the army of Ussun Cassano.

The name of the second author is not known; but it is evident that he was

of a cultivated intellect, and that in the course of his business he went

through almost the whole of Persia. To these two authors we have added

two Travels, one of the Illustrious M. Josapha Barbaro, and the other

of the Illustrious M. Ambrosio Contarini, Venetian gentlemen, who treat

of the same matters; so that of the affairs of Persia of late times, we

have a history, if not continuous, at least leaving little to be desired.

I wish that fortune had been favourable enough to allow me to get into

my hands the Travels of the Illustrious M. Caterino Zeno, knight, who

was the first ambassador who went into that region to the monarch Ussun

Cassano; but, although printed, it has been lost, owing to the length of

time that has elapsed. And truly the above-mentioned M. Caterino was one

of the rare and worthy gentlemen who existed at that time in this most

excellent Republic. Therefore, in the year 1471 he was elected ambassador

to the King Ussun Cassano, to incite him to attack the Turk, with whom

the Republic was then engaged in the fiercest war. He, moved by the love

he bore to his country, like a good citizen, not considering the length

or danger of the journey, accepted the charge cheerfully, and went the

more willingly as he hoped to be a more fitting instrument for good than

anyone else. Since Caloianni,[344] Emperor of Trebizond, having given one

of his daughters, named Despinacaton,[345] in marriage to Ussun Cassano,

King of Persia, married another of them called Valenza to the Duke of

the Archipelago, named the Lord Nicolo Crespo, by whom the duke had four

daughters and a son, Francesco, who succeeded his father, and whose

descendant, Giacomo Crespo, the twenty-first Duke of Naxo, is still

living. The daughters were all honourably married at Venice: one named

Firunza was mother of the Queen of Cyprus and of the most Illustrious M.

Giorgio Cornaro, knight, and his brother, the Procurator, from whom are

descended many reverend Cardinals. Another named Lucretia was married

to the noble M. Jacomo Prioli, who was the father of M. Nicolo Prioli,

the Procurator. Valenza, the third, was the wife of the noble M. Gio.

Loredano, and Violante, the fourth, was the wife of the above-mentioned

M. Catharin Zeno. Now this Despinacaton, though she was in Persia and at

a distance, continually kept up the remembrance of her relatives, her

affection for her sister Valenza, wife of the Duke of the Archipelago,

and her nieces at Venice. For this reason, this gentleman went readily

and was not deceived in his opinion, as, after many hardships and

dangers, when he arrived at Tauris in the presence of Ussun Cassano and

Despinacaton his wife, he was recognised by her as her nephew, and had

great honours and favours paid him; and by the influence he acquired

with that monarch he was able to perform many things for his Republic,

described in his book, which, as we have said above, we have not been

able to get into our hands. King Ussun Cassano, to do greater honour to

the noble M. Catharin, chose him for his ambassador to the Christian

princes, to incite them against the Turk, and principally to the Kings of

Poland and Hungary; but, when he came to them and found them at war with

each other, he passed on to others. At this time, the most Illustrious

Government hearing of the departure of M. Catharino, elected in his place

M. Josapha Barbaro, and after him M. Ambrosio Contarini, whose travels,

on his return journey to Venice, by the Caspian Sea, the river Volga, and

the country of Tartars, I think will greatly amuse his readers from their

novelty and the account of the various accidents that befel him from day

to day.

A SHORT NARRATIVE OF THE LIFE AND ACTS OF THE KING USSUN CASSANO.

BY GIOVAN MARIA ANGIOLELLO.

CHAP. I.

Assambei, King of Persia, takes as wife the daughter of the

Christian Emperor of Trebizond, and after he has had sons

by her, she, with two daughters, goes to lead a solitary

life in the Christian faith; her father is taken prisoner to

Constantinople.

Assambei,[346] the most powerful King of Tauris and Persia, had several

women as his wives; and, among others, one named Despinacaton, who was

the daughter of an Emperor of Trebizond, named Caloianni, who feared the

might of the Ottoman, Mahomet II, and hoped in this way to strengthen

himself, with the assistance of Assambei, in case of need, so gave her to

him as his wife, with the condition that she might hold to the Christian

faith, employing chaplains to perform the sacred offices. By this lady

Assambei had one male and three female children. The first of these

daughters, named Marta, was married to Sachaidar,[347] father of Ismail

Sophi. The other two remained with their mother, who, after a certain

time, determined to lead a solitary life apart from her husband, who

consented and gave her a large income, assigning as a residence a city

named Iscartibiert,[348] on the frontiers of the land of Diarbet.[349]

This lady remained in this place a long time, and with her her two

daughters, leading a Christian life, and after her death was buried in

the city of Amit,[350] in the church of San Giorgio, where her tomb is

to be seen even to this day. The son, Jacob or Juibic, remained with

his father, Assambei, and, when about twenty years of age, the very

night on which his father died, was strangled by three other brothers by

another mother. His sisters, named the one Eliel and the other Eziel,

hearing of their brother’s death, decided to fly; and, after packing up

their goods, went to Aleppo, and thence to Damascus; where they have

been often seen by our countrymen, one of them being still alive. Now,

to return to Caloianni, who thought, by giving his daughter as wife to

Assambei, that he would strengthen his country against the enemy and

remain in possession of Trebizond, I will mention that the Turk quickly

came down upon him with his army, before he could obtain succour. The

unhappy monarch,[351] not finding help on any side, was constrained to

give himself up to the enemy. Thence he was taken to Constantinople and

treated honourably enough, but died before a year was over, in 1462.[352]

CHAP. II.

Pirahomat makes war on Abrain, his brother, in order to take

from him the kingdom of Caramania, and obtains his end by the

aid of the Grand Turk, against whom he afterwards rebels, and

flies to Persia.

The King Assambei afterwards had a war with the Ottoman monarch on

account of the kingdom of Caramania, to which both preferred a claim.

This kingdom was anciently called Cilicia, but afterwards, and to the

present time, called Caramania, from an Arab chief named Caraman, who,

in course of time, had a descendant named Turuan, who had seven sons.

After his death these sons came to blows amongst themselves, and five of

them dying, there were two left, Abrain and Pirahomat. Abrain,[353] by

having more adherents, made himself master, and Pirahomat[354] fled to

the Grand Turk, who claimed relationship with them. Pirahomat, while in

Constantinople, continually solicited the Turkish monarch to give him aid

to oust his brother and to make him king, offering, in return, to be his

subject. The Ottoman monarch, seeing that this offer suited his purpose,

agreed, and gave him sufficient forces. Abrain, Prince of Caramania,

hearing this, made preparations to defend his State. In the year 1467

the two armies met between Carasar[355] and a city called Aessar,[356] a

great slaughter taking place on both sides. However, at length Pirahomat

gained the victory, and remained master of the country without any

opposition; his brother turning to fly, fell from his horse, and breaking

his ribs, died from it. Pirahomat, however, remained in peaceable

possession of the throne for two years only; for it being the custom for

all the Turkish barons to go to visit the monarch once a year and to kiss

his hand, giving him presents in proportion to their incomes and dignity,

and for the monarch to caress them, and to give them many presents,

Pirahomat, not caring to observe this custom like the others, the Turk

sent to tell him to come to his assistance with part of his forces, as

he wished to march against the Christians. But Pirahomat would not obey;

wherefore the Turk, enraged at his disobedience, went in person to attack

him, and took from him part of the country as far as the Cogno,[357]

putting in command his second son, named Mustafá Celebi,[358] leaving a

large force with him and sending a good commander with a number of men to

go on occupying the rest of the country. Pirahomat, seeing that he could

not resist the Turkish forces, left some governors in certain fortresses,

departed from the country, and went to Persia to the King Assambei. On

his arrival in Tauris he was greatly welcomed, and his prayers for aid

against the enemy being favourably listened to, a force of about forty

thousand men was set in order. The commander was named Yusuf,[359] a man

of great reputation, ability, and courage, who, taking the field with

the army, soon arrived at the city of Toccat,[360] and put the whole

country to fire and sword, burning the towns belonging to that city, not

delaying to attack fortresses, but went plundering and devastating the

country, so that every one fled to the fortresses. At this time Mustafà,

the son of the Turk, was sent with one of his father’s generals, named

Agmat Bassa,[361] to take the fortresses of Caramania, and was encamped

before a strong city named Lula, the inhabitants of which, unaccustomed

to hear the terrible sound of artillery, surrendered, and were cruelly

treated by Mustafà. Having placed a garrison in the city and hearing

that the Persian camp was in the neighbourhood, but that Ussun Cassano

was not there in person, he retired to the Cogno, and sent his women and

goods away for safety, to a place four days’ journey to the west, towards

Constantinople, named Sabi Carrahasar,[362] situated on a high mountain.

The camp remained some days at the Cogno, when they, hearing of the

approach of the Persians, and not considering themselves strong enough

for resistance, retired to the city of Cuthey,[363] where Daut[364]

Bassa, Beglerbeg of Natolia, happened to be collecting men to resist the

Persians. The Grand Turk also had crossed the strait with all his court

and part of the Rouman troops to join his other camp, being deceived as

to the strength of the enemy, who had been joined by some Caramanians and

were marching boldly through the country.

CHAP. III.

Mustafà comes to an engagement with the Persians who had come

with Pirahomat to defend Caramania, and routs them. Ussun

Cassano exhorts the Venetians to make war on the Turk and to

send him artillery.

Mustafà, hearing that Ussun Cassano was not there in person, and that

in all, both cavalry and infantry, there were about fifty thousand men,

taking leave of his father with Agmat Bassà,[365] and a force of sixty

thousand men, the greater part cavalry, set out against the Persians.

The enemy, hearing of this movement, advanced no further, but retired to

the country of Caramania to get reinforcements and provisions. Now, the

Turkish army riding forward in great haste for several days, arrived not

very far from where the enemy were encamped. A force of four thousand

cavalry under a captain named Arnaut was sent in advance, and at the

dawn of day attacked the Persian camp, and during the engagement the

rest of the Turkish army came up to the aid of the four thousand horse

who had already been roughly handled, Arnaut and more than two thousand

of his men being slain. The Persians, seeing their advantage met the

Turkish squadron boldly and showed great courage in the contest. But

after a great number had been slain on both sides, about the third hour

the Persians began to yield, and were routed by the Turks; Yusuf, the

commander, and other chiefs, were taken prisoners, while many others

were slain. The tents and baggage were captured with a great booty in

horses, camels, and other plunder. Pirahomat, Prince of Caramania,

having the country in his favour, found means to escape, but not feeling

safe in his own dominions, returned to Ussun Cassano in Persia. The

Turkish sovereign, hearing of this victory, caused great feasts and

rejoicings to be held in Constantinople, sending many presents to his

son Mustafà and his captains. After this defeat the King Assambei sent

an ambassador to persuade the Venetian rulers to make war on the Turk,

since the latter was coming in person against him. And, in addition,

he requested artillery from them, which a short time after was sent to

Cyprus with their fleet, but arrived too late, after Assambei had come

to blows with the Turks, in which action he had suffered a defeat and

retired to Tauris, where he was followed by Messer Josaphat Barbaro and

the artillery.

CHAP. IV.

The preparations made by the Turk to go in person against Ussun

Cassano and the array of his army in the camp and on the march.

The Turk having gained the victory and made himself master of Caramania,

perceiving that Ussun Cassano was hostile to him, by giving aid to

Pirahomat, in the year 1473 determined to show him that he was not in

the least afraid of him. This he had already done in the battle, but he

resolved to do more, and make him feel his immense power. Therefore, the

following spring, he made preparations for going in person against Ussun

Cassano, ordering great musters of men to be made. And when the time for

opening the campaign was come, in the above-mentioned year he crossed the

Strait of Constantinople, with his whole court, into Asia. On arriving

in Cappadocia he halted in a plain near a city called Amasia,[366] the

residence of Baiesit[367] Celebi, the eldest son of the Turk. This plain

is called Casouasi,[368] which, in our language, signifies the plain of

the goose; it can support great armies, and has great resources of water

and forage, as there are many towns round it. As this was on the route

the Sultan intended to take, it was determined on as the rendezvous for

the grand army. Having (as we have already mentioned) ordered all his

generals and captains to be prepared, and at the appointed time, with

everything in readiness, to appear in this place,—it was done as he

commanded. But the Turkish monarch, knowing that this enterprise was of

the greatest importance, determined to make all the preparations that the

number of his men, the scarcity of necessaries, and the safety of his

country and himself required. Therefore, of his three sons, he wished the

two elder ones to come on this enterprise, namely, Baiesit the eldest,

and Mustafà his second son; the third, by name Gien,[369] remained at

Constantinople with good advisers to watch over the safety of his realm.

The army being mustered and arranged in this plain of the goose, he

resolved on the order it was to hold in the camps and on the road, and

the means by which there might be no want of any necessaries or comforts.