The Illustrious Ambassador leaves Muscovy, and, after passing
through Lithuania, Poland, and Germany, arrives in Italy.
The following day I was invited to the palace to dine with the Duke.
Before sitting down to table, we entered a chamber where I was received
by His Highness Marco, and one of the secretaries in a most courteous
manner. The Duke entreated me to signify to my Illustrious Signory that
he was their good friend, and wished to remain so; that he willingly
allowed me to depart, and that if I required anything more I should have
it. When the Duke spoke to me I retired from him, but he approached
me with great kindness. I answered all his questions, and thanked him
appropriately, and we conversed for more than an hour. He showed me,
with great good nature, some of his dresses of cloth of gold, lined
with ermine, which were most beautiful. We then left this chamber, and
soon after sat down to table. The dinner was longer than usual; the
dishes more numerous; and many of his barons were present. When the
banquet was over, I rose from table and presented myself before his
Highness, who, with a loud voice, that everyone might hear, took leave
of me in courteous terms, and with great demonstration of good-will
towards our Illustrious Signory; and I replied in a becoming manner. I
was, afterwards, presented with a large cup of silver filled with their
beverage made of honey, and was told to drink the contents, and keep the
cup. This custom is observed when they wish to show very great honour
either to ambassadors or others. But as there appeared to me too much
to drink at once, I drank about a quarter of it, and His Highness, who
was aware of my habits, seeing that I could not drink more, ordered the
cup to be emptied and given back to me. I kissed his Highness’s hands,
and took leave of him. I was accompanied to the staircase by many of his
barons, who embraced me with great demonstrations of friendship. I then
went home, and had prepared everything for my departure; but Marco wished
that I should previously dine with him.
On the 21st of January, 1476, after partaking of a good dinner with Marco
and my own people, I took leave of him, and we entered our sani and
departed. These sani, which are only used on the ice, somewhat resemble
little houses, and are drawn by one horse. Each person has his own. You
sit inside with as much clothing as you require and drive the horse. They
go very fast and are made to contain all the provisions and everything
that is necessary. The Patriarch of Antioch, or Brother Ludovico, who
had been detained by the Duke on the representation of Marco, was, after
great efforts on my part, released, and was to have accompanied us; but,
seeing that he appeared to have no desire to do so, I started alone
with my people, and a man was sent by the Duke to accompany me, with
orders that I should be provided with other guides from place to place
throughout the whole of his territories. In the evening we lodged at a
very strange village; and, although I was aware that we should have to
undergo many discomforts and hardships, on account of the intense cold of
those countries, and from having to travel continually through forests,
I welcomed every discomfort and was intent on nothing but travelling day
and night; nor had I any fear, so great was my desire to escape from
those places and ways of living.
We left this village on the 22nd, and travelled continually through
forests, in extreme cold, until the 27th, when we reached a little town
called Viesemo. Leaving here, we took guides from place to place, and
reached another little town called Smolencho, from which we departed with
another guide, leaving the dominions of the Duke of Muscovy to enter
Lithuania, which belongs to Casimir, King of Poland. We then proceeded to
a small town called Trochi, where we found His Majesty, the said King.
Be it observed that, from the 21st of January, when we left Moscovy,
until the 12th of February, when we reached Trochi, we travelled
continually through forests. The country was generally flat, with a few
hills. Sometimes we found a village where we rested, but usually slept
in the forest. At midday we took our meals at places where we found that
fires had been made, and the ice had been broken to water the horses by
persons who had preceded us. We then added wood to the fire, and sat
round it to partake of what little provision we had with us. We certainly
underwent great suffering; for when we were warm on one side, we had
to turn the other to the fire, and I slept in my sano rather than on
the ground. We travelled three days and slept two nights on a frozen
river; and we were said to have travelled three hundred miles, which
is a great distance. His Majesty having heard of my arrival, sent two
gentlemen to congratulate me on my safe arrival, and to invite me to
dine with him on the following day. On this day, which was the 15th,
the King sent me, as a present, a dress of crimson damask, lined with
ermine; and I was taken to the palace in one of the Royal sani drawn by
six beautiful horses. Four barons were on foot outside the sano, and
others accompanied us with much state. On reaching the presence chamber
I found His Majesty seated on a most beautifully adorned throne with two
of his sons, young and handsome as angels, at his side clothed in crimson
satin. A great many barons and knights of distinction were also present.
A seat was placed for me in front of His Majesty, who received me with
great affection and made me shake hands with his sons. His kindness and
courtesy towards me could not have been greater had he been my father.
I wanted, and tried as well as I could, to speak kneeling, but he would
not allow me to begin until I had taken a seat, which I was at length
obliged to do, in compliance with his repeated commands. I then briefly
related to His Majesty the particulars of my voyage, describing what
had occurred to me at the Court of Ussuncassan, and giving an account
of the power of that monarch and of the customs of his country, which
he appeared very desirous to know. I also described the manners and the
resources of the Tartars, and spoke of the dangers I had passed on the
journey. I was listened to by the King with the greatest attention for
half an hour, so pleased did he appear to hear me. I then thanked His
Majesty, in the name of our Illustrious Signory, for the present and the
honour he had conferred upon me. His Majesty replied by his interpreter
that he rejoiced greatly at my arrival, as it was thought when I set out
on my journey that I should never return. He then said that he had heard
with great interest about Ussuncassan and the Tartars, and that he felt
sure that what I had said was true; and, he added, that he had never
before met with anyone who had told him the truth. I was finally made
to enter another room, where the tables were laid, and where, shortly
afterwards, the King and his two sons entered to the sound of trumpets
in great state. His Majesty sat down to table, his two sons being on the
right hand side, and the chief bishop on the left. I was placed next to
the latter, at no great distance from His Majesty. There were also many
barons at the tables, but at some distance. I think there might have
been, in all, more than forty persons. The viands, as they were brought
in on large platters and in great abundance, were always preceded by
trumpets, and knives were placed before us after our own fashion. We
remained at table about two hours, during which time His Majesty asked
me many questions relating to my voyage, which I fully answered. When
the repast was over, I rose to take leave of His Majesty, and asked him
whether he had any further commands. He replied, very kindly, that he
wished to be well recommended to my Illustrious Signory, and commanded
his sons to tell me the same. I then took leave of His Majesty and of his
sons, with due respect, and was honourably accompanied to the chamber
where I lodged. The King gave directions that I should be accompanied
by a guide who should see that guides and escorts were provided for me
throughout the country, in order that I might travel everywhere in safety.
On the 16th, we left Trochi and travelled till the 25th, when we reached
a place called Ionici. Leaving Ionici, we entered Poland, where we were
provided with guides from one place to another, according to the King’s
commands. Having arrived at a city called Varsovia, which is under the
dominion of two brothers, I was received with much honour, and a guide
was provided for me, who accompanied me into Poland. As I have already
spoken of this kingdom, I shall only add that it is a fine country,
and appears to abound in meat and other provisions, but produces very
little fruit of any kind. We saw castles and villages, but no town
worth mentioning. Every night we found lodgings, and were well received
everywhere. It is a safe country.
It was on the 1st of March, 1477, that we reached this city; and, as
we had performed the whole journey from Moscow on the above-mentioned
_sani_, I and my people were much fatigued, both on account of the great
cold and the other hardships we had endured. I, therefore, remained in
this beautiful city until the 5th, as we were lodged in comfortable
quarters, and well provided with everything we wanted, and could obtain
horses to continue our journey.
On the 5th we left, and came to another small town called Messariza,
belonging to the same King. After leaving here we arrived at the
frontiers of Poland and Germany, which we passed, not without fear and
danger.
On the 9th, we reached Frankfort, a city belonging to the Marquis of
Brandenburg, and, having put up at the same house at which I had stayed
on my outward journey, the landlord recognised me, and was very much
surprised. He received me with great respect and kindness, and said that
we had escaped great dangers in crossing the frontiers.
On the 10th, we left Frankfort, and, as we travelled through Germany,
found a continual improvement, as well in the villages and castles as in
the cities and lodgings. As I was, on the 15th, in the vicinity of a city
called Ian, I met Priest Stephano, who was on his way back to me from our
Illustrious Signory with my ransom. The joy we both felt at meeting again
may be easily imagined, and was certainly due, like everything else, to
the Grace of God. When we had embraced each other, and heard all we had
to say, we entered the city of Ian, where we rested.
We left here on the 17th, and on the 22nd reached Nuremberg, a very
beautiful city, as I have already said. Being much fatigued, and wishing
to keep the feast of the Most Holy Incarnation of our Lord Jesus Christ
(and this was my principal reason), I determined to remain here whilst
the festival lasted, and we certainly enjoyed a refreshing repose, of
which we stood in great need.
On the 26th, we left Nuremberg, which is governed by a municipality,
but subject to the Emperor. Every night we lodged in good and important
cities,—among others, Augsburg,—and passed through many more.
On the morning of the 4th of April, 1477, which was Good Friday, we
arrived at Trent, where, having heard of the miracle of the blessed
Simon, I considered it my duty not only to pay respect to his holy
remains, and keep Easter Day, but to confess and take the sacrament.
On the 6th, therefore, which was Easter Sunday, I took the sacrament,
together with my people, and remained in Trent to observe the festival.
On the morning of the 7th, with that easily-imagined longing to reach
our own dear land which made every day appear a year, I left Trent after
taking leave of its Reverend Bishop, by whom I had been honoured and well
received, and came to Scala, the first place belonging to our Illustrious
Signory. And, in order to fulfil a vow I had made, I started for S. Maria
di Monte Arthon, where I arrived on the 9th at midday. Having satisfied
the requirements of my vow and made the promised offering, I took leave
of Brother Simone, the prior of the place, and came to the Portello
at Padua. Nor did I omit to return thanks to our Lord God and to His
dearest Mother, who had saved me from so many perils and hardships, and
brought me safely back to where I desired, which was more than I ever
expected. And, although I was corporeally in this place, my mind almost
doubted the fact, so impossible did it seem when everything was taken
into consideration. I had written to my brother and to my family, to let
them know that I should arrive at Venice on Thursday, the 10th, about
the hour of Vespers; but my longing was so great, that I was unable to
observe this arrangement. I embarked, therefore, before daybreak, and
reached the Zuffasine about two o’clock in the day. Going alongside, in
order to accomplish another vow at S. Maria di Gratia before going home,
I met my brother, Messer Agustin, in the Canal della Giudecca, and two
of my brothers-in-law. They were very much astonished to see me, as they
had made certain that I was dead, and when we had embraced each other
affectionately we went to S. Maria di Gratia. As on Thursday there was
a Council of Pregadi, I considered it also my duty, before going home,
to pay the respects to the Illustrious Signory, and to report how I had
executed my commission. I went, therefore, just as I was, to the Council
of the Pregadi, and after the necessary salutations, was ordered to mount
the rostrum and report what I had to say, which I accordingly did. And,
as our Serene Prince was rather unwell, and not at the Council, when
I had concluded and taken leave of the Signory, I went to him. He was
overjoyed to see me, and I related briefly a part of what I had done. I
then went home, and immediately returned sincere thanks to our Lord God,
who had vouchsafed me such favour in delivering me from so many dangers,
and bringing me back to my family, whom I had so often despaired of ever
seeing again.
Here I conclude this voyage. I might possibly have written in a more
elegant style, but I preferred stating the truth in the way I have done
to adorning falsehood in fine and elegant language. And if anything
relating to Germany has been omitted, let no one be surprised, as it
did not appear to me necessary to speak at length in this relation of a
country which is so near and familiar to us.
BRIEF ACCOUNT OF THE DOMINIONS OF USSUNCASSAN.
The extensive country of Ussuncassan is bounded by the Ottoman empire and
by Caramania. Turcomania, his first province, joins the dominions of the
Soldan towards the district of Aleppo. Persia, which Ussuncassan wrested,
more by good fortune than superior power, from Iausa, whom he caused
to be put to death, has Tauris for its capital and seat of government.
At the distance of twenty-four days’ journey from this city, in an
east-south-easterly direction is Siras, the last town in Persia. The
Persian empire is also bounded by the country of the Zagatai, who were
the children of the Tartar Sultan Busech with whom there is frequently
war, and who still cause some anxiety. It is also bounded by Media,
belonging to Sivanza, the Lord of Sumachi, who pays an annual tribute to
Ussuncassan; by Giorgiania, belonging to King Pancrati; and by Gorgora,
beyond the plain of Arsigan.[162] It is said that Ussuncassan also
possesses some territory on the other side of the Euphrates towards the
Ottoman empire. The whole of Persia, as far as Spama,[163] its capital,
where I have been, at a six days’ journey from Siras, is a most arid
country; there is scarcely a tree to be seen, and the water is for the
most part bad. The country is, nevertheless, tolerably well supplied
with all kinds of provisions and fruits, which are grown by artificial
irrigation. Ussuncassan appeared to me to be about seventy years of
age. He was tall, thin, and handsome, but did not appear prosperous.
His eldest son, by the Curd lady, was named Gurlumameth; he was very
famous, and it was with him that his father was at war. By another
wife he had three sons. The eldest, called Sultan Chali, was said to
be about thirty-five years of age. It was to him that Ussuncassan had
given his city of Siras. The second, named Lacubei, might have been
about fifteen years old. The name of the third, a boy of about seven, I
do not remember. By another wife he had a son called Masubei, who had
made war against him, his father, whom I saw every day, and whom he kept
in chains for having conspired with Gurlumameth, and finally had put to
death. I was desirous of learning from different persons the extent of
Ussuncassan’s resources. Those who give the highest estimate say that
he has fifty thousand horsemen, though these are not all of the best. I
also wished to know how many men were brought into the field during the
war with the Ottoman, and was told that there might have been upwards
of forty thousand. This I heard from persons, most of whom had served
in that war. But they were of opinion that this army was not intended
to fight against the Ottoman, but only to restore Pirameth, the Lord of
Caramania, to his country, which was in the possession of the Ottoman.
Nor did Ussuncassan exert himself for any other purpose. Those who hold a
different opinion are considered by most people to be wrong. I have had
the opportunity of hearing and understanding everything, and only state
what I have seen and heard. I will refrain from mentioning many other
things,—which are, however, not very important,—that I may not make my
narrative too long.
END OF THE TRAVELS IN PERSIA OF M. AMBROSIO CONTARINI.
FOOTNOTES
[152] Messeritz, forty-eight miles E.N.E. of Frankfort.
[153] Posen.
[154] Poti.
[155] Kutais.
[156] Gori.
[157] Koum.
[158] Kashan.
[159] Nathunz.
[160] Astrakhan.
[161] That is to say, an Alsatia.
[162] Arsingan.
[163] Isfahan.
ERRATA.
Page 19, Note.—“Tesells”. This word here means “thistles”, “teasells”;
and “_garzi_”, in the Italian text, should be “_carde_”.
INDEX.
Adana, 47
Alani, 5, 30
Astrakhan, 29, 150
Baltracan, herb, 102, 103
Barbaro plundered, 51
— returns to Venice, 95
Bendemir, 80
Buza, 31
Cambalu, 75
Chehlminar, 81
Chinese paper money, 77
Contarini leaves Venice, 108
— meets Barbaro, 130
— returns to Venice, 171
Curco, 44
Derbend, 87, 145
Famagosta, 38
Georgia, 36, 90, 117-122, 139-145
Gori, 122
Gothic language, survival of, 30
Hassan Beg, King, his death, 93
Ispahan, 72, 130
Kaffa, 27-29, 116, 140
Kashan, 72
Kinara, 80
Kum, 73, 129
Kutais, 91, 119
Ledil or Volga, 4, 31, 156
Mardin, 48
Mingrelia, 26, 139
Moscow, 32, 158
Novgrod, 34
Orfa, 47
Ormuz, 79
Persian army, 64-68, 137
— king’s jewels, 56, 59
— sports, 53, 54, 62
Poland, 34, 35, 110, 111, 114, 167
Poti, 117
Routes, 82-86
Russia, 31, 33, 157-165
Seleucia, 45
Sena, 129
Sert, 49
Shamakhy, 86
Sultaniah, 68, 128
Tabriz, 51, 125
Tana, 12
Tarsus, 46
Tatar customs, 12, 15, 16, 21, 33, 34, 88, 155
Tumulus, excavation of, 6-8
Varti, 117
Vastan, 51
Uzun Hassan’s dominions, 172, 173
Yezd, 73
A NARRATIVE
OF
ITALIAN TRAVELS
IN
PERSIA,
IN THE
FIFTEENTH AND SIXTEENTH CENTURIES.
Translated and Edited
BY
CHARLES GREY, ESQ.
CONTENTS.
PAGE
TRAVELS IN PERSIA, BY CATERINO ZENO 1
DISCOURSE OF MESSER GIOVAN BATTISTA RAMUSIO ON THE WRITINGS
OF GIOVAN MARIA ANGIOLELLO, ETC. 67
THE TRAVELS OF A MERCHANT IN PERSIA 139
NARRATIVE OF THE MOST NOBLE VINCENTIO D’ALESSANDRI 209
A NARRATIVE OF ITALIAN TRAVELS IN PERSIA.
The close of the fifteenth century is an epoch in the history of the
East, and especially of Persia, of which but little is known. The blast
of Timour’s invasion had swept over that historic land and left it
desolate. These four Accounts of Travels by Europeans are, therefore,
especially interesting in a geographical and historical point of view,
and will, with the books of Barbaro and Contarini, which are in Ramusio’s
collection, complete the series of Italian voyages about that period.
In order clearly to understand the facts brought forward, it will be
necessary to glance at the motives of policy which started the embassies,
and the historical changes which influenced their results.
In Eastern Europe the Byzantine empire had, after a long and gradual
decline, at length crumbled into ruins beneath the power of the Ottomans,
which threatened to be as great a scourge to Europe as that of Timur
(or Tamerlane) had been to Asia, while the stability and vitality of
their empire offered a great contrast to the ephemeral character of
Timur’s dominion. Singly, the powers of Christendom could in vain hope to
withstand their terrible foe; and Venice, the Great Republic, then rich
and flourishing, with a far-sighted policy, endeavoured to induce all the
Christian princes to make common cause against the Ottoman Turks.
Hungary and Poland were engaged in continuous warfare with the Musulmans;
but the petty jealousies, which no danger, however imminent, could
lull, caused the other powers to look coldly on the proposed alliance.
Venice, in her need, then cast her eyes to the East, where she found a
new dynasty firmly established in the ancient kingdom of Persia, the
inveterate foe of the house of Othman. That country, after the death
of Timour, had been nominally subject to his descendants, though two
rival Toorkoman tribes had established principalities in Azerbigan and
Diarbekr. These were the Kara Koinlu, and Ak-koinlu, or the Black and
White Sheep, between whom a deadly feud existed; the former were the
first to rise to power, under their chief, Kara Mahomed; while his son,
the famous Kara Yusuf, threw off the yoke of the descendants of Timour
in 1410. Secunder, the son of Kara Yusuf, waged war with Shah Rokh; and,
after his death, his brother Jehan Shah, in 1437, not only overran Irak,
Fars, and Kerman, but in 1457 besieged and pillaged Herat. The Kara
Koinlus kept the throne until 1486.
KARA KOINLU RULERS.
Kara Mahomed.
|
Kara Yusuf.
|
+---------------------+-------------------+
| | |
Secunder. Abouseyd, Jehan Shah, 1437-1468.
put to death by Secunder. |
|
Hassan Aly.
In that year the chief of the rival tribe of the Ak-koinloos, named Uzun
Hassan, who had established himself at Diarbekr, succeeded in defeating
Jehan Shah in a battle in which the latter fell. The Ak-koinloos were now
masters of Persia, and Uzun Hassan carried his victorious arms against
Sultan Abouseyd, the reigning prince of the house of Timour, who also
fell before him.
Malcolm’s account of the reign of Uzun Hassan is very meagre. He was
the chief of the Ak-koinlu, or Turks, of the tribe of White Sheep, and
established a powerful principality at Diarbekr. He defeated and killed
Jehan Shah and his son Hassan Aly, whom he had taken prisoner, with all
his family. The dynasty which Uzun Hassan founded is termed Bâyenderee;
the family date their rise from the reign of Timour, who made them grants
of land in Armenia and Mesopotamia. Hassan, after defeating his rival,
engaged in a war with Sultan Abouseyd. He owed his triumph to his skill
and activity in a predatory warfare, and at last having taken his enemy
prisoner, made himself master of a great part of the dominions of the
house of Timour. Malcolm says: “Uzun Hassan, after making himself master
of Persia, turned his arms in the direction of Turkey; but his career was
arrested by the superior genius of the Turkish emperor, Mahomet II; he
suffered a signal defeat, which terminated his schemes of ambition. He
died after a reign of eleven years, at the age of seventy. All authors
agree in ascribing valour and wisdom to this prince. We are told by an
European ambassador, who resided at his court, that he was a tall thin
man, of a very open countenance, and that his army amounted to fifty
thousand horse, a great proportion of which were of very indifferent
quality.” He adds that this ambassador was an envoy from Venice, sent by
that Republic to solicit the aid of Uzun Hassan against the Ottoman. The
personage alluded to by Malcolm must have been M. Josafat Barbaro, the
successor of M. Caterino Zeno.
Uzun Hassan had already been in collision with the Turks, having, when
ruler of Diarbekr, undertaken to defend Calo Johannes of the noble house
of the Comneni, one of the last of the Christian emperors of Trebizond,
against Mahomet II. This alliance had been cemented by his marriage with
the beautiful princess Despina, daughter of Calo Johannes, in which
manner he was connected with some of the princely families of Venice,
so that the way for an embassy was easily paved. The Venetians might
hope much from the ambitious and turbulent character of the Persian
prince; and in this they were not disappointed, as it needed but little
persuasion to induce the hitherto almost invincible soldier to take up
arms against his hereditary foe. Worn out by a state of anarchy, rival
chiefs and tribes struggling for power before the land had fully risen
again after the blast of foreign conquest had passed over it, the ancient
glory of Persia had paled before the brighter light of its rival; but the
old hatred still remained, with the will, if not the power, to oppose
the Turkish arms. An embassy to Uzun Hassan being determined on, the
difficult task of sending an envoy still remained. The duty would be a
hazardous one, as any one proceeding from Venice to Persia would have to
run the gauntlet of the Turks. The sister of Queen Despina had married
Nicolo Crespo, the Duke of the Archipelago, whose four daughters were
in turn wedded to four of the merchant princes of Venice, one of whom
was M. Caterino Zeno, a man of courage and talent. He, of all others,
appeared the fittest to undertake this honourable but perilous mission,
and the patriotism of Zeno induced him to overlook the dangers he would
run in traversing hostile and almost unknown regions before reaching his
destination. He was rewarded for his courage by arriving safely in the
presence of the king, though not without meeting serious obstacles in his
journey through Caramania.
Zeno was well received by the monarch; and, being supported in his
arguments by his aunt, the Queen Despina, succeeded in inducing Uzun
Hassan to take up arms against the Turk.
In 1472 the Persians marched into the Turkish dominions and ravaged
them, but a flying column under Mustafà, the second son of Mahomet II,
routed a force of Persians under one of Uzun Hassan’s generals. In the
following year the Grand Turk invaded Persia with an immense army, but
met with a severe check while endeavouring to cross the Euphrates near
Malatia, and was forced to retreat. Uzun Hassan, however, following up
his success too rashly, was routed by the Turks at Tabeada. M. Caterino
Zeno was then sent as ambassador from Uzun Hassan to various Christian
princes, among others to Poland and Hungary, to incite them to take up
arms against the Ottoman. M. Josafat Barbaro and Ambrogio Contarini were
sent from Venice to take his place at the Persian Court; but no arguments
could again induce the Persian monarch to meet the Turks in the field.
The account of Zeno’s Travels in Ramusio’s collection was prepared from
Zeno’s letters, as the editor was never able to get possession of a
copy of Zeno’s book. For this reason the geographical details in these
Travels are not so explicit as in the others, and Ramusio has in his book
put Zeno’s narrative after several others, although in date he was the
first. It is supplemented by a sketch of Persian history subsequent to M.
Caterino’s embassy, taken from other sources. MM. Barbaro and Contarini
succeeded Zeno. The account of their travels will form a separate work.
The second author in this collection is a M. Giovan Maria Angiolello, who
was in the service of the Turks, and present in their campaign against
the Persians. He describes, shortly, the rise of Uzun Hassan, and gives
a full description of the Turkish invasion from the Turkish point of
view, and the details of the march. Unghermaumet’s rebellion against his
father Uzun Hassan is also mentioned by him as well as by Zeno. After
the death of Uzun Hassan and his son Yakoob, Persia fell into a state of
anarchy caused by the civil wars between various members of the dominant
Akkoinloo family; from this the country rose at length, through the
process of a revolution, almost without a parallel in the history of the
world. Not only was there a change in the dynasty and form of government,
but the empire was revived in a native Persian family, and an end was put
to the long foreign domination. More than all, the very religion of the
people was essentially altered: a fact which, by widening the gulf which
separated them from their surrounding enemies, consolidated the empire
and created a nationality. The family which now rose on the ruins of the
Ak-koinlu power traced their descent from Ali, the son-in-law of the
Prophet, through Mussa, the Seventh Imaum:—
Mussa.
|
--+--
|
--+--
|
Sheikh Saffy-u-din Ishak (from whom the dynasty is named Suffavean).
|
Sadder-u-din.
|
_a_
|
Khaujah Ali.
|
Sheikh Ibrahim.
|
Juneyd (married a sister of Uzun Hassan).
|
+----+
|
Sheikh Hyder (m. Martha, daughter of Uzun Hassan and Despina).
|
+-------------------------+
|
Shah Ismail Sofi.
|
Shah Tahmasp.
|
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Mahomet Khodabendeh Ismail. Hyder.
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Shah Abbas the Great.
The chiefs of this family were regarded by the Persians as saints, and
when Sheikh Hyder, a son-in-law of Uzun Hassan, rose in arms against
Rustan, King of Persia, he was joined by great numbers. This insurrection
was, however, ineffectual, and it was reserved for Sheikh Hyder’s son,
afterwards Shah Ismail Sofi, to overthrow the fast decaying power of
the Ak-koinlus, which was still further weakened by the struggle for
the throne between two brothers named Alwung Beg and Morad Khan. The
victorious career of Ismail is treated of by Angiolello, as also his
wars with the Uzbegs under Sheibani Khan, and the Turks under Selim I,
the former of whom were routed at the great battle of Merv Shah Jehan
in 1514; but from the latter Ismail sustained a defeat in the plains
of Chalderan, near Khoi, which left Tauris at the mercy of Selim.
Angiolello, leaving Persian history, gives a full and animated account
of Selim’s expedition against Egypt, which resulted in the conquest by
the Turks of that great country and the deaths of the two last Soldans,
Khafur el Ghouri and Tomant Bey.
The Third Book of Travels from Ramusio is that of an unnamed author
trading from Damascus and Aleppo to Persia, where he remained upwards
of eight years, from 1511 to 1520; so that he also was an eye-witness
of the glory of Shah Ismail. The style of this latter is more involved;
but while his historical facts correspond, his description of the towns
and country is more detailed, as is but natural, from his occupation,
which was more suited than that of an ambassador for gaining geographical
information. He opens his narrative by describing, with a good deal of
minuteness, the route from Aleppo to Tauris, finishing with an account of
that city and of the historical events that took place during his stay.
There is a long gap between these two latter writers and Vincentio
d’Alessandri, an envoy from Venice in 1571 to the Court of Shah Tahmasp,
the son and successor of Shah Ismail Sofi, who had died in 1524. This
writer is mentioned by Knolles in his General History of the Turks,
from whom the following account of the intermediate history is also
taken. In the year 1534 Solyman was persuaded by Ibrahim Pasha to
make war on Persia, stirred up against the new Shiah religion which
had been introduced by Shah Ismail Sofi. The purpose of Ibrahim was
also furthered by a Persian named Ulemas, brother-in-law of the King
Tahmasp, who had revolted from him,[164] fearing to be called to account
for his extortion. After making preparations, Solyman sent Ibrahim
and Ulemas with an army into Syria, and in the spring they advanced,
without resistance, as far as Tauris. Tahmasp, the Persian monarch, was
then absent, engaged in a war with Kezienbassa, Prince of the Corasine
Hyrcanians; but, hearing of the taking of his capital, returned in
haste for the defence of his empire. Solyman, on reports reaching him
of the successes of his generals, crossed the Euphrates at Malatia, and
joined them at Tauris. Tahmasp, not daring to join battle with Solyman,
retreated to the mountains above Sultania, where the Turkish army,
endeavouring to follow him, was greatly distressed, and forced to retreat
from the inclemency of the weather. Solyman now retired to Mesopotamia,
where he took Bagdad and added the provinces of Babylonia and Mesopotamia
to the Turkish empire. In the following year, 1535, Solyman again
entered Tauris and ransacked it; but, finding that nothing was to be
done against Tahmasp, withdrew to his own dominions greatly harassed on
his journey by Persian cavalry, who at last surprised and routed his
army near Betilis, under the command of Delimenthes. This last reverse
was the occasion of the fall of the great Pasha Ibrahim, the friend
and counsellor of Solyman, by whose orders he was murdered. Ulemas was
afterwards made Governor of Bosina. In 1549 the cause of Ercases Imirza,
Prince of Shirvan and brother of Shah Tahmasp, was espoused by Solyman
against Tahmasp; but, in a tedious war, except the capture of Van by the
Turks, nothing of any importance took place, as the Persian monarch,
pursuing his usual tactics, acted on the defensive, and retreated to the
mountains. Discord being sown between Solyman and Ercases Imirza, the
latter fled to Chaldea, where he was treacherously delivered into the
hands of Tahmasp, who caused him to be murdered in prison. Bajazet, the
son of Solyman, after his rebellion in 1556, fled for safety to the Court
of Tahmasp, who received him with favour at first; but his mind becoming
embittered against him, he caused his followers to be dispersed and
slain, and Bajazet himself to be cast into prison. Solyman used all the
means in his power to have Bajazet delivered into his hands, but Tahmasp
would not consent; but afterwards, in consideration of a large sum of
money, agreed to allow him to be made away with.[165] Bajazet accordingly
was strangled, with his four sons. On the accession of Selim II, Tahmasp
sent ambassadors to Constantinople to ratify a peace between them, which
was concluded in the year 1568. About Vincentio d’Alessandri Knolles
says, A.D. 1571:—
“Whilest these things were in doing, the Venetians, the more
to entangle the Turke, thought it good to make proofe, if
they might by any means stirre up Tamas, the Persian king,
to take up armes against him; who, as hee was a prince of
great power, so did hee exceedingly hate the Turks, as well
for the difference between the Persians and them about matters
of their vaine superstition, as for the manifold injuries he
had oftentimes sustained. There was one Vincent Alexander,
one of the secretaries for the State, who, having escaped out
of prison at Constantinople, was but a little before come to
Venice, a warie wise man, and of great experience, who, for his
dexteritie of wit and skilfulnesse in the Turkish language,
was thought of all others most fit to take in hand so great a
matter. He having received letters and instructions from the
Senat, and furnished with all things necessarie, travelling
through Germanie, Polonia, and the forrests of Mæsia, in
Turkish attire, came to Moneastron, a port towne upon the side
of the Euxine or Black Sea, at the mouth of the great river
Boristhenes, where he embarked himself for Trapezond, but
was by a contrarie wind driven to Sinope, a citie of great
trafficke; from whence he travelled, by rough and broken ways,
to Cutay, keeping still upon the left hand because he would not
fall upon any part of the Turk’s armie (which was then marching
towards Cyprus through all those countries); neverthelesse,
he fell upon a part thereof, from which he with great danger
rid himselfe, beinge taken for a Turke, and by blind and
troublesome wayes, through rockes and forrests, arrived at
length at Erzirum, a strong citie of the Turks, then upon the
frontiers of the Turk’s dominions toward the Georgians. This
journey of Alexander’s was not kept so secret, but that it
was vented at Constantinople by a spie, who, under the colour
of friendship haunting the Venetian embassadour’s house at
Pera, had got certaine knowledge of the going of Alexander in
Persia. Whereupon, certaine courrours were sent out with all
speed to beset the three straight passages into Persia, whereby
it was supposed he must of necessitie passe, with certaine
notes also of the favour of the man, of his stature, and other
marks wherby he was best to be knowne. But he in so dangerous
a countrie doubting all things, and fearing such a matter,
leaving his companie behind him, with incredible celeritie
posted from Erzirum to Tauris, and was a great way gone before
the Turk’s courrours came into those quarters; who, yet hearing
of him, followed after as far as they durst, but could not
overtake him. Alexander, comming to Tauris, understood that
the court lay at Casbin, about twelve days’ journey farther up
into the country. Comming thither the 14th of August of this
year, 1571, he chanced to meet with certaine English marchants,
with whom he had beene before acquainted; by whose helpe he not
only got to speak with Ayder Tamas, the king’s third sonne, but
learned of them also the manners and fashions of the Persian
court, and how to beare himselfe therein. The Persians, by
reason of the intolerable heate, doe most of their business at
that time of the yeare by night. Wherefore, Alexander, about
midnight brought in to Aider, declared unto him the cause of
his comming: and the next night admitted into the speech of
his aged father, delivered his letters of credence, and in the
name of the Senat, declared unto him, with what perfidious
dealing Selymus, the Turkish emperor, was about to take away
Cyprus from the Venetians, with what greedinesse and pride
he had set upon the Christians, and that discharged of that
warre, he would of all likelyhood set upon the Persians;
having the selfesame quarrell unto the Persians that he had
unto the Venetians, that is, an ardent and insatiable desire
of soveraignetie; a sufficient cause for the greedie Turke
to repute every king, the richer that he was, the more his
enemie. After that, setting foorth to the full the prowesse of
the Christians, the wonderfull preparation they had made, both
at sea and land, he persuaded the king, with all his power,
to invade the Turke, now altogether busied in the warres of
Cyprus; and to recover againe such parts of his kingdom as
Solyman, the father of Selymus, had taken from him. Warres,
he said, were more happily managed abroad than at home; that,
sithence he alone (the Christian princes all then at quiet)
had withstood the Turk’s whole force and power, he needed not
now to doubt of his most prosperous successe, the Christian
princes now joyning with him. That he was much unmindful of his
former losses and wrongs, if he thought he enjoyed an assured
peace, which he should find to be nothing els but a deferring
of war unto more cruell times; and that the Turke, if he should
overrun Cyprus, would forthwith turne his victorious arms upon
him. The end of one warre was (as he said) but the beginning
of another; and that the Turkish empire could never stay in
one state; and that he would observe not the Turke’s words,
but his deeds; and how that the Othoman emperours, according
to the oportunitie of the times, used by turnes sometimes
force, sometimes deceit, as best served their purposes. That no
princes had at all times, by dissembled peace and uncertaine
leagues, more deluded some, untill they had oppressed others.
He wished also, that at length this his cunning dealing might
appeare unto the world; and that princes would thinke, that
being combined together, they might more easily overcome the
Turke, than being seperated, defend their owne; that in former
times, sometimes will, sometimes occasion, was wanting to them
to unite their forces; and that, therefore, they should now
combine themselves for their common good against the common
enemie; that it conserned no lesse the Persians than the
Christians, to have the power of the Turke abated; and that
this taking up of armes should be for the good of the Persian
king, howsoever things should fall out; if well, he should
then recover what he had before lost, with much more that was
the Turke’s; if otherwise, yet by voluntarie entering into
armes, to countenance himselfe, and to give the Turks occasion
to think that he feared him not, which was (as he said) the
only way to preserve their common safetie, which would be unto
all the confederat princes easie enough, if they themselves
made it not more difficult than the power of the enemie. The
speech of the embassadour was willingly heard; whereunto the
king answered, that he would consider thereupon what he had to
doe; and, in the meanwhile, a faire house was appointed for
the embassadour and his followers, and bountifull allowance
appointed for the king’s charge. He was also many times
sumptuously feasted by the noblemen whom he still requested to
be mediatours unto the king, to take that honourable warre in
hand. The king had at that time a sonne called Ismael, a man
of great spirit, whom he then kept in durance, for that he,
with too much insolencie, made roades into the frontiers of the
Turke’s dominions, to the disturbance of the leagues his father
had before made with the late Turkish emperor, Solyman: unto
him, Alexander having accesse, was of him courteously heard,
who, fretting and languishing for verie griefe of revenge
upon the Turkes, wished that either the king, his father, had
his mind, or he himselfe the power of a king, and said, That
if ever it were his good fortune to obtaine, he would indeed
shew what he then in mind thought. But of him more shall be
said hereafter. Whilest this matter went more slowly forward
in the Persian court than the embassadour would have had it,
newes was brought unto the court of the great victorie which
the Christians had much about that time obtained of the Turkes
at sea; upon which occasion the embassadour solicited the king
more earnestly than before, to make himselfe partaker of the
victorie of the Christians by entring into confederation with
them, and by taking up of armes, rather than to hold uncertain
friendship with the Turkes in their miseries, by whom he had
been so often wronged. This he said, was the only time for
the Persian king to recover his former glorie, the like offer
whereof would neither often chance, neither long stay; and that
if he suffered so fit an opportunitie to slip away, he should
afterwards in vaine wish for the same, when it were so late.
This so wholsome counsell was well heard, but prevailed nothing
to stir up the aged king, who, then troubled with rebellion
in Media, or wearie of the former warres he had had with the
Turke, and glad of such peace as he had then with him, answered
the embassadour: That, for as much as the Christian princes had
made a perpetuall league amongst themselves, he would for two
yeares expect the event, and afterward, as occasion served, so
to resolve upon peace or warre. This improvident resolution
of the king brought afterward unprofitable and too late
repentance unto the whole Persian kingdome, when, as within a
few yeares after, all the calamities which the Senat had by
their embassadour (as true prophets) foretold, redounded unto
the great shaking thereof. For the Cyprian warre once ended,
and peace concluded with the Venetians, Amurath, the sonne of
Selymus, succeeding his father in the Turkish empire, invading
the Persian king, tooke from him the great country of Media,
now called Silvan, with a great part of Armenia the Great, and
the regall citie of Tauris, as shall be here after in due place
declared. At which time the Persian, who now refused to take up
armes or join in league with the Christian princes, repented
that he had not before hearkened unto the wholsome counsell of
the Venetians; and, taught by his owne harmes, wished in vaine
that the Christian princes would againe take up armes and joyne
with him against the Turke.”
In the year 1576 troubles arose in the Persian kingdom consequent on
the death of Tahmasp, which were taken advantage of by Sultan Murad
III. Tahmasp had eleven sons; Mahomed Khodabendeh, who suffered from
a weakness in his eyes; Ismael, a turbulent warrior, confined in the
fortress of Cahaca, between Tauris and Casbin; Hyder, the third, with a
powerful party in the State; and the others, Mahmoud, Solyman, Mustafa,
Emanguli, Alichar, Ahmed, Abrahim, and Ismael the younger.
Before his death he appointed Ismael his successor, to the great
discontent of Hyder, who, being in the palace, caused himself to be
crowned; but Ismael’s friends being strong he was imprisoned in his
palace and soon after murdered. Ismael, on ascending the throne, caused
his eight younger brothers to be murdered, and greatly oppressed the
country;[166] he himself, after a year’s reign, met with his fate, being
murdered by his sister. The Persian chiefs raised Mahomed Khodabendeh
to the throne, who, in endeavouring to avenge his brothers’ deaths,
caused great discord in the kingdom, of which Murad determined to take
advantage, inducing the Georgians under Levent Ogli and the people of
Shirvan to revolt. After a few years, however, the incapable Mahomet
was dethroned by the Persian nobles to make way for his son Abbas. This
prince, perhaps the best ruler Persia had had for many centuries, began
to reign in 1585, and is known to history as Shah Abbas the Great.
FOOTNOTES
[164] According to Alessandri, Shah Tahmasp would allow no one to be
avaricious but himself.
[165] Angerius Busbequius legationis Turcicæ epist. 4.
[166] He also sent to put Mahomed Khodabendeh to death, but died himself
before the order was executed.
TRAVELS IN PERSIA, BY CATERINO ZENO.
RAMUSIO’S PREFACE.[167]
Having undertaken to describe a journey made in Persia by M. Caterino
Zeno, knight, at the time that our Republic, being at war with the Turk,
desired that he should be harassed on the East by the arms of the king
Ussun Cassano, who, some years before with great skill in the art of war,
had made himself Master of Persia, and a great part of the neighbouring
provinces; I have considered it suited to my undertaking, to treat of
all the wars, which were waged in Persia, both between the members of
the royal family and by the Persians against the Turks. And particularly
to narrate the manner in which this Ussun Cassano, a poor nobleman, and
the weakest in condition of many brothers[168] (Giausa,[169] the eldest,
having become King of Persia), not possessing more than thirty soldiers
besides a small castle, afterwards raised himself to such grandeur, that
he had the courage to dispute the empire of all Asia with the Ottoman
house, which, under Mahomet II,[170] was a terror to the East.
But the arts by which he made himself king, his valour and cunning, I
shall narrate as briefly as possible, as I consider these things worthy
to be reported to our nation; for, amongst all the kings of the East,
who existed since the Government was taken away from the Persians, and
transferred to the Greeks, there have been none who equalled the glory
of Darius Hystaspes and Ussun Cassano; and if fortune had favoured him
in the second battle at Tabeada in the campaign of Tokat, as it did in
the first he had with the Turks on the Euphrates, there is no doubt that
by these two victories he would have made himself master of all Asia and
Egypt. But it is to be regretted that some Eastern kings, great in power
and intellect, have not had historians to celebrate their deeds, since
among the Sultans of Egypt and among the Kings of Persia, there have been
men most excellent in war,[171] and worthy not only of being compared
with ancient barbarian kings famous in arms,[172] but even with the
great Greek and Roman commanders, in all those things which constitute
able generals of armies. For the record of the deeds of such reach us
Europeans, who are admirers of the virtues of men abroad and at home, in
a condition so mutilated and imperfect, that from the few particulars
we cannot draw up a complete history. Therefore, let no one marvel if
in these my notes I do not describe things as fully in some places as I
should have done, if I had had ampler information; since M. Caterino,
who, as has been said, went as ambassador to Ussun Cassano, wrote several
letters, from which I have drawn the pith of this short history, for the
satisfaction of those who, hearing discussions about the Sufi, and of his
great pomp, are desirous of being informed of the affairs of the Persian
Empire. And I know well that in thus writing to a purport different from
what has been written by others, many will be apt to criticise me, as it
is difficult to efface early impressions from the mind; but before they
do so, I beg they will rather consider my good intentions than impute
to me any desire to gain a reputation for being better acquainted with
the affairs of the world than other writers. But surely we ought far
sooner to credit what is told us of the doings of Ussun Cassano, by one
who was connected with him, and who got his information from the Queen
Despina, his own aunt, than by those who, in their histories, have only
availed themselves of the narrations of some Armenians, who, to take away
his reputation, went about spreading the report that he was not born of
royal blood, and that while he governed certain places in Armenia, by
lavish expenditure, and gaining the favour of the soldiery, he seized an
opportunity of casting off the sway of Giausa, and treacherously putting
him to death with his son.[173] And they add, to further embellish this
lie, that in this Giausa the descendants of Moleoncre, formerly a great
sultan of the Parthians, became extinct. These things are all well known
not to be true, since how could Ussun Cassano have made himself Lord of
Persia, if he had not been of royal blood; particularly, for this reason,
that there is no nation which holds noble birth and royal descent in
more estimation than the Persians. And to omit the ancient example of
Darius Hystaspes,[174] the son of Atossa, the daughter of Cyrus, there
is the more recent one of Ismail; for, although he was not born of royal
blood on his father’s side, nevertheless his mother, called Martha, was
daughter of Ussun Cassano, through whom the new king was tolerated, as
formerly Darius was, as the son of Atossa. We must not believe that the
partizans of the ancient kings[175] (if indeed there was a party, as
these authors say) would be so soon swept away; because it is impossible
that a new dynasty should appear without causing great commotions
and tumults, as we have seen in many kingdoms of Christendom; and,
nevertheless, the reign of Ussun Cassano, as regards internal affairs,
was not visited by any blast of domestic or civil war, except that raised
by his son Unghermaumet; but this was caused by lust of power and not by
a faction of a former reign. Therefore, read without chiding these my
commentaries, in which, if I had been able to find the “Book of Travels
of M. Caterino”, who first gave information of the affairs of Persia, and
preceded M. Giosafat Barbaro, and M. Ambrogio Contarini as ambassador
to Persia from our Republic, I should have touched upon many other
particulars, which would have been most acceptable to those who take an
interest in such things.
As, in spite of all my research, I have never been able to get into my
hands this Book of Travels, if I should find it (and I am sure there
is no one so malicious as not to shew it), I will supply what I have
now missed. But, as we say, he who does all he can, does much. Since
we cannot get further particulars, let us accept these, and praise
the industry of the good M. Caterino, and it being evident that, not
being able to find more on this subject among his writings, I cannot
communicate it.
CATERINO ZENO.
FIRST BOOK.
In the year of our Lord Jesus Christ one thousand four hundred and
fifty, (1450), Giausa,[176] being King of Persia, _Assimbeo_[177]
(who, from that time, on account of his deeds, called himself _Ussun
Cassano_,[178] which in the Persian tongue signifies “great man”), not
contenting himself with being Lord of a small castle, began by little
and little to usurp the states, and the jurisdictions of his other
brothers less powerful than himself,[179] who, either not being of a
warlike disposition or for some other reason, preferred living in ease
and not opposing his ambition. Thus he without difficulty raised himself
in credit and reputation. Ussun Cassano was a warlike, valiant man,
and above all of great liberality, which is a rare virtue, to enable
great lords to gain over the affections of the soldiery, provided it
is exercised at the proper time and place, and towards the deserving
(so that he who makes use of it be not esteemed of small judgment or a
prodigal). By this means he was soon followed by people of war, so that
he brought together five hundred good horsemen, assaulted the great and
famous city of _Amitto_;[180] in which fortune was so favourable to him,
that he took it with so much reputation that from that time he had the
support of all those regions. Hence, he thought he should easily be able
to make himself master of the kingdom of Persia, provided his partizans,
who now favoured him so readily, continued to do so. Therefore, having
made of them a large army, he took the field with the intention, if
Giausa[181] opposed him, of trying the fortune of battle. Giausa, who
had been half apprehensive of the designs of his brother[182] hearing
of the assault and capture of Amitto,[183] did not think it politic to
keep himself aloof and so allow Ussun Cassano to increase in power and
also to repair the other disadvantages, which usually follow in the
course of war. Therefore, having levied an army, he advanced, with almost
all the forces of Persia, against Ussun Cassano. At this juncture, some
Persian lords, who were friends of both, knowing what desolation would
follow in Persia if they came to blows, thrust themselves between the
brothers, and would have brought, with much difficulty, matters to a
good understanding, if it had not been that Giausa, demanding a tribute
of three hundred boy slaves from Ussun Cassano, and the latter not
being willing to consent to it, proved the cause of all proposals of
reconciliation being broken off. As he said, “Have I command over the
sons of my vassals, that I should pay them as a tribute to Giausa; or can
I forsooth dispose of them as my own? If Giausa wished to take them by
force of arms from the hands of their fathers and mothers, I should never
consent to it, even if I were certain of losing my life, as it is equally
enjoined on the Prince to defend his people, as on the people to obey; it
is not now to be thought of, that I should give them of free will.”
This answer so touched to the quick, as it were, the hearts of those
people, that there was not one who would not have risked his life for
Ussun Cassano. Being held in this favour he artfully drew Giausa[184]
to the plains of _Arsenga_,[185] where, having come to an engagement,
he defeated and took him, pursuing his son, who sought safety in flight
beyond Tauris.
The Persian histories say, that Mahomet the Second, the lord of the
Turks, who was afraid lest the greatness of Ussun Cassano should harm
him in time, undertook to favour and replace Giausa in power. Wherefore,
Ussun Cassano, expecting some great commotion on this side, sent
Unghermaumet, his son, a valiant young man, as far as Tauris, which was
the chief place of a great region; while he himself on the other side
went on reducing the whole of Persia to his sway, and conquered as far as
the Indian Sea, possessing a mighty empire; which empire was comprised
in these limits—on the east, the river Indus and the Tartars;[186] on
the west, Gorgora,[187] Trebizond, Caramania, Soria,[188] and Lesser
Armenia, on this side of the Euphrates; on the south, the Arabs and the
Sea of India; on the north, the _Sea of Baccu_.[189] This his country
was for the most part inhabited by Armenian Christians, and by native
Persian races, separated by a continuous rampart of mountains, inhabited
by Kurds, an independent people, and partly ruled over by the Lord of
_Betelis_,[190] who, some years later, seeing the greatness of Ussun
Cassano, gave in his submission. And because at that time the Turkish
arms were more than ever flourishing and illustrious under Mahomet II,
Grand Turk, and made themselves felt gloriously in Asia and in Europe,
Ussun Cassano, as generally happens to great Princes who live in jealousy
about their states if they see another Prince of enterprise make great
progress in war, fearing lest the immense power of the Ottoman house
should in time destroy the Persian kingdom, made a close alliance and
connection with Caloiane,[191] Emperor of Trabisonda, taking as a wife
Despina, his daughter, under the condition that she might live in the
Christian faith. This same Emperor had also married another of his
daughters to the Lord Nicolo Crespo, Duke of the Archipelago, from whom
were born four daughters, who were afterwards most honourably married
to as many Venetian gentlemen, of the first nobility, and of one named
Fiorenza settled in the Cornaro house, was born Madame Caterina, the
Queen of Cyprus, and M. Giorgio, the Procurator; Valenza married to
M. Giovanni Loredano dalla Samitara, son of the late M. Aluise, the
Procurator, had no issue; of another, called Lucretia, married into
the house of Priuli, was born M. Nicolò, the Procurator. Lastly, from
Violante, who married M. Caterino Zeno, knight, who was afterwards
ambassador in Persia, was born M. Pietro, who begot M. Caterino, who
died last year, whose soul God hath taken to himself, and whose son, M.
Nicolò, still lives. This same M. Caterino, knight, in the misgivings
which nearly all the powers of the world had of the power of Mahomet,
the Grand Turk, was despatched as ambassador from our Republic to Ussun
Cassano, in order that if they were not able to raise the Sovereigns
of the West to combat the common enemy, who, insatiable in his lust
of power, aspired to the empire of the world, they might at least
induce those of the East, by the same misgivings to become anxious and
mistrustful of their affairs.
Fortune, which often opposes itself to the loftiest desires of men,
caused that our Republic, being then at the zenith of its greatness,
and most flourishing through many acquisitions, having in recent years
waged a glorious war in Lombardy against Philippo Visconte, and having
increased her dominion in that province, excited a certain jealousy in
the Sovereigns of Europe, who feared lest such power and opulence should
in time prove their ruin; and especially lest this Republic, being
superior to the Roman in civil government, might in course of years
attain the same grandeur; therefore, as if they had conspired together,
when she invited each one into a league against Mahomet, they all plainly
declined. On this account our ancestors, who, animated by an honourable
zeal, were eager for this politic enterprise, were filled with much
anxiety, seeing that envy of their greatness would occasion the ruin of
Christendom. As, in the event of a Republic, which was powerful at sea
and in Greece, and enriched by many large islands,[192] which were in her
possession, meeting with any slight defeat, what obstacle would remain to
the Turk, to prevent him attacking Italy, as was afterwards shown in the
capture of Otranto.[193]
But what gave them greater disgust and anxiety of mind was, that the Turk
knowing the importance of keeping this Republic friendly, sought for
peace; and the senators saw that after the other Powers had been beaten
by his arms, they themselves his allies, would remain an easy prey to
the conquerors. Now, while they found themselves in this dilemma, four
ambassadors sent by Ussun Cassano, arrived at Venice,—namely, Azimamet,
Morat, Nicolo and Chefarsa, venerable men, and of great authority with
the king, who, with many proffers from their master, offered to make
a league and an honourable alliance against the Turk and against the
Soldan, provided the Venetians would not fail with their fleet to attack
both powers. These (Venetians) being delighted to have the greatest and
most powerful king of the East as their confederate and ally in this war,
accepted the offer, and professed to have always been good friends with
the king, and assured him that this war would be more agreeable to them
than ever so many others they had waged.
And thus, Azimamet remaining at Venice, the other three passed on to
the Pope and to the King of Naples to excite, if possible, both of
these powers to enter the league. Hence the Senate thought proper to
elect an ambassador to reside at the Court of the King Ussun Cassano;
as much to be ready to inflame and excite him to take up arms for the
common offence and defence as to represent the grandeur and dignity of
the Republic. Therefore, M. Francesco Michele was first elected, who
refused; then the senators elected M. Giacomo da Mezo, who also would
not accept this charge. At last, in the year 1471, M. Caterino Zeno was
elected, who cheerfully undertook the journey moved only by zeal for
the holy faith. He was the son of M. Dragon Zeno, who died at Damascus,
having been many years before as far as Bassera,[194] to Mecca and to
Persia; therefore, M. Caterino had some acquaintance with those regions,
and from the knowledge that he was nephew of the Queen Despina, wife of
Ussun Cassano, considered himself alone fitted to serve his country well
and efficiently in this embassy. But, because this journey was unknown,
long, and full of dangers, and there was no one to be found to go with
M. Caterino, our Government, not wishing to desist from the enterprise,
and perceiving this difficulty, provided more pay and better provisions
for those attendants who would go with him, by which means they procured
some valiant men, accustomed to all kinds of hardships, who, induced by
the high salary, and by a desire to see the world, gladly entered his
service. By this means M. Caterino was despatched on the 6th June of the
same year that he was elected, with a commission to Ussun Cassano, our
Government offering to arm one hundred galleys and many other large and
small ships, and with them to attack the empire of the Turk from the sea,
if he from the East would not fail to press them with all his forces.
With these commissions M. Caterino left Venice, arrived at Rhodes in a
few months, and thence having entered the country of the Caramanians,
with much difficulty reached Persia. I cannot give the particulars of
his journey, because, as I mentioned above, I could never, with all my
research, get his book that was printed, into my hands.
M. Caterino, having arrived at the Court of Ussun Cassano,[195] was
received by him with great rejoicing and honour, as the ambassador of
a Republic so illustrious and powerful, his new confederate and ally;
then, after having visited the king, he asked to be allowed to visit
the Queen Despina. This matter, as it was not the custom to grant it to
any of the Persians, was refused, it being the habit among them for the
ladies not to allow themselves to be seen by any one, and they consider
being seen as bad as if among us a person committed adultery.
Therefore, while they walk about the cities and the fortresses, or ride
with their husbands to the war, in the following of the king, they cover
their faces with nets woven of horsehair,[196] so thick that they can
easily see others, but cannot be seen by them. Nevertheless, M. Caterino,
by the special permission of the king, was allowed to visit her in the
name of the Republic. Then, being taken into the presence of the queen,
and she being informed who he was, he was welcomed and received by her
with the greatest favour as a dear nephew and relation, asking him with
great instance if all her nephews were alive, and in what condition they
were. M. Caterino replied with great pleasure, and gave satisfactory
answers to all her questions. Afterwards, when he wished to return to
his lodging, she would not hear of it, but kept him in her palace,
giving him separate apartments for himself and suite, and presenting him
every day (a thing which is considered very honourable from the King of
Persia) with the same victuals, which were put before their majesties.
And then, having heard more particularly the reason of his coming, she
promised him all her influence, and showing herself friendly towards
our illustrious Government. And in reality this queen was instrumental,
through M. Caterino, in inducing Ussun Cassano to declare war against
the Turk. Nor can one deny that through the relationship M. Caterino
had with Despina, he attained to such favour and intimacy with Ussun
Cassano, that he even went in and out of the private apartments of the
king and queen at whatever time and hour he pleased, and what is still
more extraordinary, even when both their majesties were in bed; which I
do not think any other Mahometan or Christian king ever granted, even to
their nearest relations. This Despina was the most religious lady in the
world, always remained a good Christian, and every day had mass solemnly
celebrated in the Greek manner, which she attended with much devotion.
Nor did her husband, although he was of a different faith and an enemy
of her own, ever say one word to her about it, or persuade her to change
her religion; certainly it is curious that the one bore so much with the
other, and that there was so much love and affection between them. Nor
did M. Caterino fail, after seeing this good Christian, to incite her
to persuade her husband to wage a stubborn war with the Turks, bitter
enemies of all the Christians and most particularly hostile to her and to
her race, as they had slain her father,[197] and taken away his realm.
Prevailed on by these arguments, the queen did so much and said so much
to her husband, that he who was of himself much inclined to humble the
greatness of the Ottoman power, wrote with his own hand orders to the
King of Gorgora, Lord of the Georgians, to commence war with the Turks in
that quarter. And Despina, while her husband was engaged in this project
and was collecting troops, hurriedly dispatched M. Caterino’s chaplain,
with letters written by her own hand to the most Illustrious Government
and all her relations.
But the spring having passed, and there being no news of the preparations
which M. Caterino said our Republic was making to attack the Ottoman,
the king began to lose hope and to give less credit to him than before.
On this account, having in readiness a magnificent army, he thought of
leading it against some Tartar chiefs, his enemies. But our Republic,
which did not fail to send messages and letters, to keep him acquainted
with affairs and to confirm him in his knowledge, that the Venetians
would never fail in what they had promised, on the 6th of January,
twenty months after the departure of M. Caterino, elected M. Giosafat
Barbaro ambassador to Persia, and sent with him several gifts to the
king, which were six immense siege guns, arquebuses, and field-pieces in
great number, powder, and other munitions of war; six bombardiers, one
hundred arquebusiers, and other men skilled in artillery. And, on the
other hand, they made a captain-general of the sea, and sent him with a
great fleet to the coasts of Caramania, where, having arrived, and after
waging some minor battles with the enemy, he took some castles which the
Turks had occupied, giving them over to the generals of the Caramanian
prince.[198] This chief, for having given a passage to M. Caterino, was
unexpectedly attacked by the Turk, and deprived of his power;[199] having
left several fortresses well garrisoned with men and munitions, he fled
to Ussun Cassano, by whom he was graciously received, and given hopes of
being reinstated, provided those fortresses, which he said still held
for him, remained in his allegiance. But hope, which often disappoints
the desires of men, now disappointed the Caramanian; since the captains
who had charge of these strong places, corrupted by Turkish gold,
although with the dishonoured name of traitors to their sovereign, gave
up the fortresses in their possession, to the enemy. Having made this
acquisition, Mahomet sent ambassadors from Constantinople to Persia, to
excuse himself to Ussun Cassano for what he had done, and to confirm an
honourable peace and friendship with him.
But very early on the day they were to have had an audience of the king,
M. Caterino entered his room, and spoke to him with such convincing
arguments, that, being backed up by Despina and by pity for the
Caramanian monarch exiled from his home, and who, having come into his
presence, supplicated, and entreated him not to abandon him in his
adversity, the ambassadors were dismissed without ceremony. And having
given immediate orders for war, he put his army in readiness; and he
himself having arrived in great haste at the city of Betilis,[200] sent
for M. Caterino, and said that he wished him to come with him to his army
that he might see with what promptitude he had undertaken the war, partly
for his own sake and for the safety of the kingdom of Persia, and partly
incited by our Republic, and by the recent injury done to the Caramanian
lord, his friend and ally, whom he could not desert, as he had thrown
himself altogether into his hands.
These things M. Caterino heard with great delight, and thanked him with
many words for the affection he had for our most illustrious Government,
and joining one of his captains, called Amarbei Giusultan Nichenizza,
went to make a muster of the king’s warriors, who, as he writes in a
private letter, were one hundred thousand horse, reckoning attendants,
who accompanied their masters; some of them and their horses armed after
the manner of Italy, and some covered with strong, thick hides, able
to save the wearer from any heavy blow. Others were clothed in fine
silk with doublets quilted so thickly that they could not be pierced
by arrows. Others had gilt cuirasses and coats of mail, with so many
weapons of offence and defence, that it was a marvel to behold how well
and skilfully they bore themselves in arms.[201] Their servants also
were excellently mounted, with cuirasses of polished iron and in place
of bucklers which our people use, they have round shields, with which
they cover themselves, and make use of the keenest scimitars in battle;
the masters made a total of forty thousand men, all brave soldiers, and
their servants sixty thousand, and finer cavalry were never seen in any
army: the men were tall and very muscular, and very dexterous in wielding
their weapons, so that it is reported that a small troop of them would
have routed ever so great a squadron of the enemy. The muster being
completed, he made forced marches with the whole army towards the country
of the enemy, and with him went Pirameto,[202] the Caramanian chief, and
all the king’s sons who were valiant young men. And M. Caterino, who
also wished to be with them, went to bid adieu to the Queen Despina; but
the army marched ahead with such speed that he could not rejoin it,
and therefore was much disgusted. Going on his way with a squadron of
five hundred horse he was attacked in Giauas[203] by the people of the
country, who caused them much loss; thus, having lost many soldiers, and
having suffered several other inconveniences, he turned towards Tocat,
and led them at last to the city of Carpeto,[204] where he heard, to
his great comfort, that Ussun Cassano was soon to arrive. The Persian
army entered Giauas in the month of September, and carried fire and
sword through the country far and near, plundering and cutting people to
pieces, to the great terror of the inhabitants, so that every one fled
before this tempest. And passing Arsenga[205] and Tocat, he burnt the
towns and villages everywhere with the same fury, and assaulted and took
Carle, which belonged to the Caramanian.
Mustafà, the son of the Turk, who, with Acomat Pasha, was in Lulla, a
city of Caramania, being alarmed at this, fled towards Cogno:[206] and
removing his mother, sent her to Saibcacarascar,[207] four days’ journey
in the interior, towards Constantinople. But the Persians coming towards
Cogno, the Turk wrote letters to his son that he should retreat, and not
rashly seek to come to blows with the enemy, because any little victory
would raise their courage, and make them attempt anything. On account
of these letters Mustafà, who knew that his father was right, retired
to Cuteia,[208] where he found Daut[209] Pasha, Beglerbeg of Natolia,
making great assemblies of people of war. The Grand Turk then did not
think it right to linger lest his men, missing his presence, might lose
spirit and allow the enemy boldly to enter the country and to capture
the strongholds. On this account, having passed into Asia with his whole
court, he expected soon to encounter Ussun Cassano with the Persian army.
But having heard from his spies that the disturbances in those provinces
arose from a captain of Ussun Cassano’s, who, with forty thousand
horse, went plundering, burning, and slaughtering, and who just then
was marching towards Bursia[210] to burn it (the king having remained
behind with the rest of the army), the Turk despatched Mustafà with sixty
thousand of the best cavalry of the army, who moved by forced marches
towards the enemy, desirous of encountering them and of putting a stop
to such devastation. The Persian army being warned of this, commenced a
retreat, knowing themselves to be much inferior in number to the enemy;
and, as they were loaded with booty and made slow progress, four thousand
Turks who pursued at great speed under Armaut,[211] came up with them and
at once attacked, when the Persians, beginning to fight bravely, pressed
them hard, and routed them in a moment, and cut to pieces two thousand
Turks with their leader Armaut. Scarcely was this action over when
Mustafà arrived with the rest of his men, who, closing in one squadron,
attacked the Persians fiercely; while the latter, on their side, resisted
not less courageously. Both parties bore themselves bravely for many
hours, and it is thought that anyhow the victory would have been on
the side of the Persians, if they had not first fought with those four
thousand horse, since Mustafà, who came up with fresh men, found them
fatigued with that battle and with the journey, and thus remained the
conqueror, although with great loss on his side.[212] The number of the
slain is not given in the letters from which this history is taken; it is
only mentioned that Usufcan,[213] the general of Ussun Cassano, was taken
prisoner by the Turks, and that Pirameto,[214] the Caramanian Prince,
fled and saved himself with a great part of the army. The whole of the
succeeding winter the king and the Turk busied themselves in making fresh
preparations for war, that they might in the spring again confront each
other.
And Ussun Cassano, in the beginning of the summer, took the field with
his army, and having captured some of the spies of the Turk, commanded
their hands to be cut off and hung round their necks, and that they
should be sent back to the Ottoman in this manner.
At this very time arrived letters for M. Caterino, written by M. Pietro
Mocenigo, who was afterwards Doge, then Captain-General of the Sea, and
M. Giosafat Barbaro[215] giving him intelligence, both of the presents
which our most Illustrious Government was sending to the king, and of the
arrival of the fleet on the coast of Caramania. And above all, he heard
with great satisfaction of the castles which they had taken and restored
to the generals of the Caramanian Prince; these letters filled Ussun
Cassano with such joy and hope, that he ordered the news to be spread
through the whole army, and commanded as a greater token of affection
and honour towards our Republic, that at the sound of the trumpet, and
Zamblacare,[216] the Venetian name should be lauded and saluted, and such
was the din, that the noise might be heard at several miles’ distance.
The Turk also having made greater exertions than before, passed into
Asia, and shut himself up in Amasia, a city of Cappadocia, which was the
Sangiacato[217] of his son Bajazet,[218] who together with Mustafà,
went with his father to this war, Gien,[219] his third son, remaining in
Constantinople. And since the difficulty of leading armies into Persia
consists in supplying provisions, it being the custom of the Persians to
desolate the country for fifteen or twenty days’ journey on the side on
which they expect an invasion; so that, whoever, in attacking Persia,
does not go well provided with necessaries, either dies of hunger on the
road, has to retire much to his dishonour, or else becomes a prey to the
enemy. Mahomet, who had deliberated well about this with his people,
after having made a good provision of victuals, divided all his army into
five columns.
The first he led in person, in which, with the corps of Janissaries, were
thirty thousand soldiers—the flower of the Turkish nation, so to speak.
The second, of another thirty thousand, Bajazet commanded.
Mustafà led the third, also of thirty thousand, including twelve thousand
Wallachians, led by Basaraba, their captain, who came to the aid of the
Turks in this war.
The fourth was under Asmurat Palæologus, a Turk, Beglerbeg of Roumania,
numbering sixty thousand men, among whom were many of his Christian
subjects.
The fifth was under Daut, Beglerbeg of Natolia, of forty thousand men.
There were besides, the Acangi,[220] volunteer cavalry, with their chief,
to the number of thirty thousand. These traversed the country thirty,
forty, and fifty miles before the Turkish armies, plundered, burnt, and
slaughtered whatever they found before them. They are most valiant in
person, and it is their duty to bring provisions to the camp.
With this immense army the Turk started from Amasia, and having with
him several large pieces of artillery, took the road to Tocat in
capital order, and leaving on the left the town of Siuas[221] on the
river Lais,[222] which flows from the mountains of Trebizond, entered a
low plain between that city and Mount Taurus. On their way they found
Nicheset,[223] a very strong Persian castle, which they did not attack,
in order not to lose time on the way. Thus marching, they had on the left
the city of Coiliutar,[224] situated among mountains, and surrounded
with villages; descending the mountain they halted near the city
Carascar,[225] famous for its mines.
The inhabitants of this place had all fled to the mountains; therefore,
without halting, the army proceeded to the city of Argina,[226] situated
in a wide plain. Here they found in a church a philosopher studying with
many books around him, and who,[227] not ceasing to read, in spite of all
the noise and uproar they made, was cut to pieces by the Acangian[228]
horsemen. All the other people had fled beyond the Euphrates. Having
left this, the Turks passed the country called Arsenga,[229] which is
Lesser Armenia, and approached the Euphrates not far from Malatia,[230]
where, on eleven dromedaries, there arrived before the sovereign the
ambassadors of the Soldan of Cairo to deliver an arrow with a letter on
its point, to which an answer was soon given; and they having remounted
their dromedaries departed, getting over a deal of ground in one day, the
dromedary being so swift as to travel without intermission further than
any other animal. And St. John Chrysostom, upon Matthew, explains the
difficult passage as to how the Magians could have come from the East to
Judæa to worship Christ in such a short space of time, as is mentioned in
the Evangelist, by supposing that they came upon dromedaries, which are
said to be the fastest animals for a long journey. Leaving this place the
Turkish army marched along the banks of the river towards the north-east,
going up against the course of the stream, when on the other bank Ussun
Cassano presented himself with the whole Persian army in array.
In this place the Euphrates, which is an immense river with very high
banks, forms many sandy islands; so that it is easy to ford it from one
side to the other.[231]
Ussun Cassano had a magnificent army of Lesdians who are Parthians, of
Persians, Georgians, Kurds, and Tartars, and the principal captains who
led them were Unghermaumet, Calul, and Ezeinel, his sons, and Pirameto,
the Caramanian Prince.[232] But, although his army was so large, he
nevertheless saw that of the Turk as immense, and occupying as large
a space of ground, a thing which he had not at first believed, from
hearsay. He marvelled at it for a time, and then all astonished, said:
“Hai cabesen ne dentider,”[233] which in the Persian tongue signifies
“Oh, son of a ——, what an ocean”; comparing this immense army to a sea.
Then the Turk, who thought that by boldness he might anticipate and check
the forces of Ussun Cassano, commanded the Beglerbeg of Roumania, Asmurat
Palæologus, to cross the river with his men and gain possession of the
other bank, which would be an evident defeat for Ussun Cassano and his
whole army; and since Palæologus was young and bold, in order that his
rashness might not cause some mistake, he joined to him Mahomet Pasha to
direct him in any emergency.
He led out an immense squadron to the sound of kettle-drums and other
martial instruments, with banners flying, descended into the bed of the
river, and crossed from one sand-bank to another. Then Ussun Cassano,
irritated by this bold proceeding, sent a powerful force of the flower
of his army into the river, where the Persians having joined battle with
the Turks, either party without yielding as much as an inch of water or
ground, fought bravely for more than three hours continuously, while both
armies stood on the banks looking on and encouraging. At last, the Turks
being repulsed by the Persians with great loss, were routed and driven
from the sand-banks; many were drowned in the tumult, being carried away
by the stream; and the Persians falling upon them persistently, caused a
renewal of the battle more fiercely and cruelly than before; since, in
this retreat Palæologus, carried away by the water, was nearly drowned,
and the Turks wishing to assist him made desperate head again, regardless
of their lives.[234] Thus the assault was renewed so fiercely that no
advantage could be discerned on either side; however, the Persians at
last obtaining the victory, again broke the enemy, and beat them back
with great slaughter, Asmurat[235] remaining drowned in the waters.
Mahomet Pasha, who was in array on a neighbouring sand-bank, seeing this,
adroitly withdrew to the bank, where, on the arrival of the Persians
pursuing the enemy, he a third time made head, and valorously sustained
the Persian assault; and there would have been fiercer fighting than ever
if the night had not come on and separated the combatants.
And there is an opinion that the closing in of the day robbed Ussun
Cassano of a great victory; as, if Mahomet Pasha had been beaten, the
Persians, to their great honour, would have made themselves masters of
the other bank; and, as the Turk in the elevated country could not use
his artillery or occupy an open space of ground with his cavalry, he
would certainly have become a prey to the enemy; since, in the passage of
arms in the river not more than five hundred Persians were killed, and
from the Turkish army there were fifteen thousand missing in killed and
drowned, and numberless prisoners.
On this account the Turk, harassed by a thousand conjectures, kept
his army under arms all the night, fearing an attack. The next day he
gave an extra donation to all the troops, liberated the slaves on the
condition that they should return with the camp to Constantinople, and
having arrayed the army, marched up the river, leaving it near the city
of Braibret,[236] which he left on his right hand, across the mountains
which separate Greater and Lesser Armenia, which road was towards the
north-west in the direction of Trebizond.
The Turks being defeated at the fords of the Euphrates in the manner I
have described, Ussun Cassano was incited by his sons and by the whole
army to follow on, so as not to lose the fruits of so great a victory;
since the Persians, who had proved the force of the enemy, despised them,
and expected to come off victorious in every encounter. Therefore, the
king followed the Turks on the other bank, to see what was their design;
but when the Persians saw that they kept away from the Euphrates, they
called on Ussun Cassano with great importunity, to cross the river, as
they plainly saw the Turk was in flight. He gave way to this, although
against his will (as, being a clever, practical, and veteran soldier,
he remembered that noble precept of military science, “that one ought
to pave the roads with gold and make bridges of silver for a flying
enemy”), and acceded to the wishes of his men, to see how so much ardour
and longing for battle would succeed. Thus, having chosen forty thousand
of his most skilful and daring soldiers, he crossed the Euphrates, and
began, with forced marches, to pursue the hostile army, having left
Calul, his eldest son, on the other side of the river with all the
Georgians, Tartars, and many other soldiers in charge of the baggage. By
the end of August he reached the top of some mountains, from the summits
of which he saw the Turkish army in the valley leading in the direction
of Trebizond. Thinking, from his recent victory, that he could easily
overcome them and put them to flight, he arrayed himself for battle.
The Turks, seeing the road closed to them, and knowing that they must
either open it sword in hand or, to their great disgrace, be routed
and cut to pieces, as happens when inspired by desperation, made a
virtue of necessity, and also arrayed themselves with great ardour for
the battle.[237] The Turk then having left Ustrefo with a considerable
garrison in charge of his camp, set out to scale the mountain on another
side, which was not occupied by the Persian troops. Ussun Cassano,
seeing them leave the camp, sent Unghermaumet, his son, with a squadron
of ten thousand cavalry to oppose Ustrefo, and to cut off all hope of
safety from the Turk. And having made three other large divisions, he
gave the right wing to Pirameto,[238] the Caramanian Prince, and the
left to Ezeinel, his son, commanding in person the centre with all the
infantry, which was in magnificent condition. And the battle having begun
at the fourteenth hour, the action lasted eight hours continuously,
the Persians resisting that great army with such valour, that their
personal prowess was wonderful to see; and if Mustafà, the son of the
Turk, had not attacked with a fresh squadron the right flank of the
Caramanian, the victory would have remained uncertain still longer;
as, when the Caramanian gave way before the fresh assault of Mustafà,
everything was thrown into confusion in that quarter.[239] Thus it was,
that in his retreat he disordered the flank of the line of battle of
Ussun Cassano, who, on account of the confusion of his troops and the
attack of the enemy in front, saw himself so pressed that he was afraid
of being surrounded. Therefore, seized with no small fear on account of
the uncertainty of affairs, he jumped off his horse and mounted a swift
mare, which he always kept ready for such emergencies; and seeing himself
pressed more and more every hour and driven in on the right wing, he
turned round and fled. His son Ezeinel seeing this, threw himself with
great courage into the midst of the infantry and endeavoured to make
head, so that the whole army might not be routed by one charge of the
enemy; but, however much this gallant young man might sustain the fury of
the Turks, being at length killed by them, the Persians were routed and
put to flight. Unghermaumet, who had gone to attack the camp of the Turks
guarded by Ustrefo, met with great resistance, but nevertheless hoped
to have taken it in time; but, seeing the rout of his father, withdrew
little by little, and was in great danger of being made prisoner; since,
before his retreat, the Turks had occupied all the plain. However, by
making great exertions, he escaped and rejoined his father. The latter
not considering himself safe in his camp, which was ten miles distant
from the field of battle, crossed the Euphrates, and retired with the
rest of his men to the interior of his country. This fight took place in
the year 1473, in which ten thousand Persians and fourteen thousand Turks
fell.
Mahomet, thus remaining conqueror, decided to follow up this good
fortune, and in the course of war to make himself master of some place
of the enemy’s. Therefore, having mustered his army, he marched a second
time towards the city of Baibret,[240] and the Acangi[241] who preceded
him were cut to pieces by the people of the country in great numbers.
After this feat the inhabitants, warned by scouts, that the Turk was
marching up in haste with the rest of his army, fled to the mountains,
having, so to speak, given vent to their fury on their enemies. The Turks
having arrived at the ford of the river Euphrates, where the first battle
had taken place, crossed without any resistance, the Acangi still in
advance.
Then marching towards Erseagan,[242] they found the country and towns
everywhere abandoned; and four days after they reached Carascar,[243]
a fortress posted on the top of a mountain; the Turks preparing to
attack it, dragged some pieces of artillery up another mountain[244]
which commanded the fortress, and thence bombarded it fifteen days
continuously. At last a captain named Darap, a vassal of Ezeimel, the son
of Ussun Cassano, who was in command, hearing of the death of his master,
surrendered it. From Carascar, the army marched to Coliasar,[245] a city
which, not wishing to essay its strength against so daring an enemy,
also yielded. At that time news came to the Turk that Ussun Cassano was
restoring his army with the design of driving, if possible, the enemy
out of the country, and on this account he did not think it right to
advance further, that he might not run into dangers from which he might
not afterwards be able to extricate himself. Then, having faced about,
he returned in great haste to Sevas, and thence to Tocat,[246] where was
the ambassador of the King of Hungary, whom he had cajoled with many
dissembling words in this way, saying to him that he wished first to
free himself from the war with Persia, and that he would then conclude a
peace with his king who was in treaty for one. All this he did with the
object in this crisis not to be molested by the Hungarian arms. But after
his victory he dismissed him without any conclusion of the affair, by
which artifice the Hungarian king was deceived, to his great hurt and to
that of all Christendom; as there is little reason to doubt that if he
had availed himself of this opportunity, he would, even with very small
forces, have driven the Turks from Greece, and also have terrified the
whole of Asia.
And the Persian war having been concluded in the manner narrated above,
the Turk returned in great triumph to Constantinople, leaving Mustafà
in his Sangiacato,[247] where he soon afterwards died. And Acomat[248]
Pasha went with a large army towards Laranto, a city of the Caramanian
monarch, situated near Mount Taurus, where, pretending to have peaceable
intentions towards the inhabitants, he gradually gained over the chiefs
by inviting now this one and now that, with courtesy and familiarity,
to eat with him. By using these arts for some time, so as to rid them
of all suspicion of him and of the army, he fixed a certain day for his
departure, before which he made a solemn feast for all these lords,
who, while they were eating and drinking merrily with him, were made
prisoners by some of his men told off for the purpose, and strangled in
some secret places; then, having entered the mountainous country without
difficulty, he took away the people and sent them to Greece, putting
others in their stead to inhabit the country. While these things came to
pass in the Caramanian dominions, Ussun Cassano, who had had in a short
space of time, first the best fortune and then the most adverse he had
ever experienced, found himself in great distress of mind on account
of his recent defeat; as the reputation of being invincible, which he
had acquired in so many wars, seemed to disappear at one blow. For this
reason, having at his court two ambassadors—one a Pole and the other an
Hungarian—he dismissed them both, that they might not witness his misery,
and, by so doing, increase it.[249]
And as his greatest hope was in the Christian princes, and as he saw that
they had the same interests as himself, he despatched M. Caterino with
letters written to all the kings of Europe, to beg assistance of them,
urging the danger that both parties ran, and that he had taken up arms
against the Ottoman, principally at the instigation of our Republic and
the other Christian powers.
And thus all these ambassadors, setting out in company from the king,
passed into Gorgora; and M. Caterino having left the other two to
continue their journey, arrived at Salvatopolo on the Greater Sea,
whence he crossed to Cafa[250] in a ship of Lugi da Pozzo, a Genoese;
who, having heard on the voyage that he was ambassador to Ussun Cassano,
wished to take him to Constantinople to the Turks, as Cafa obeyed the
latter and paid tribute. Therefore, they sent a proclamation under severe
penalties, that no one should lodge, receive, or assist him in any way.
However, Andrea Scaranelli, an honest citizen of our Republic, without
thinking of the penalties he would incur, esteeming the favour of our
Government more than life or fortune, came alongside the ship secretly by
night in a boat, and having told him wherefore he was come, took him off
and brought him safely to land, hiding him in his house. M. Caterino not
finding any money here was in great difficulty about his affairs, when a
servant of his, named Martin, persuaded him with many words to sell him
by auction, and to use the money. M. Caterino, although he admired the
peculiar liberality and fidelity of Martin, still pressed by the want
in which he found himself, had him sold, as he proposed, by auction,
making use of the money he got for the sale: a rare example of a faithful
servant, and worthy of being compared with any other in ancient times,
when they say there were such devoted servants, that they would offer to
be killed to save the lives of their masters. Nor did our Republic fail
to recognise such a service done to so worthy a citizen, as, in addition
to his ransom, they gave him a pension, on which he lived: an example for
others to see of what value it is to serve the State faithfully.
From Cafa M. Caterino wrote letters to the most Illustrious Government,
narrating in them all the events of the two recent battles, and how Ussun
Cassano had despatched him with secret commissions to all the kings of
Europe, to incite them to wage war with spirit against the common enemy,
as he intended in the beginning of spring to take the field with all
the forces of Persia, and to try afresh the fortune of battle. These
letters were most acceptable to the Government on account of their news,
none of which had yet reached them from any other source. But, hearing
that M. Giosafat Barbaro had not yet arrived in Persia, according to
the commission he received when he accepted the embassy, they did not
think it was consistent with their dignity to leave a most friendly
king, and one most constant to his word, without an ambassador, now that
M. Caterino had left him. For this reason, on the 10th September, in
the year 1473, the Senate elected M. Ambrosio Contarini as ambassador
to Persia, who set out on the 13th of February, as is narrated in his
travels. This man, also going through Germany and Poland on the way to
Cafa, at last crossed into Persia, where he found M. Giosafat Barbaro
already arrived, but was not very well received by the king,—perhaps,
because he had found in our other rulers promises and words enough, but
few deeds. Our Republic had always kept inviolate all it had promised
him, and was again most ready to join him in the same risks. Perhaps,
also, because he found his soldiery inferior in strength to the Turkish,
as it was not paid, but served the king in war when called out.[251]
For this reason, he dismissed him with general words of being willing
at some future time to wage war against the enemy; and, on his refusing
to return, saying that that was not his commission from the Republic,
compelled him by force to leave with another ambassador—the Duke of
Burgundy’s; and, M. Ambrosio being indignant with this king, on account
of this slight, tried with many words to lower his reputation. M.
Caterino, in the meanwhile, with the aid of S. Michele Aman, after having
suffered many fatigues and gone through many great dangers, went to
Poland, and found the King Casimir[252] waging a desperate war with the
Hungarian king. Notwithstanding this, M. Caterino announced his mission
from Ussun Cassano, and entreated him, in consideration of the great
danger to Christendom, if after the conquest of the mighty sovereigns
of the East, Mahomet were to turn his arms towards the West, to make an
alliance with this king, and to harass the enemy on his side, as he also
would do on the East.
The king heard him graciously, and replied that, on account of the war
with Hungary, he could not fight against the Turks with whom he was in
league. M. Caterino perceiving from this answer the disposition of this
monarch, and that he would not be able to get either ambassadors or a
letter written to Ussun Cassano, exhorted him in a long speech to make
peace with the Hungarians, saying that since he would not make war on the
Turks, at least he ought not to be the reason of Hungary’s not doing her
duty by Christendom in this crisis, as she had been accustomed to do in
so many other wars with the very same enemy; and so efficacious were his
words, that Casimir having given an audience to the Hungarian ambassadors
concluded and ratified a peace in three days.
While M. Caterino was in Poland he found M. Paolo Ognibene, who was going
as Nuncio from our most Illustrious Government to Ussun Cassano, and gave
him letters written to the king, full of encouragement and warm words,
exhorting him to persevere boldly in the war he had begun, as, then at
any rate, he would be seconded by the Christian princes, when they saw
him really begin to act against the Ottoman; and that he himself would
not fail by importunity, and all the pains in his power, to express all
his commissions to the Europeans from him. With these letters he also
wrote in the same tenor to the King of Gorgora and to Melico, King of
Mingrelia; and having bidden Ognibene God speed, he set out for Hungary.
Being honourably received there by the King Matthias Corvinus,[253] who
was the most illustrious sovereign in arms and learning, not only of the
Hungarians, but also of all the kings of Christendom, he discoursed to
him so powerfully about the commissions he had from Ussun Cassano, that
the king, who was of himself much inclined to go to war with the Turks,
promised that he would never fail a king who deserved so much from the
Christian commonwealth. Then, having conversed more intimately with M.
Caterino, and having recognised his valour and virtue, he dubbed him
knight with many honours, as may be seen in the special grant made at
Buda on the 20th April, 1474, in which are related all his works and
exertions in this enterprise.
M. Caterino left Hungary and came to Venice, where, as he had been in
such distant regions, and as no Venetian in the memory of man had been a
longer or more memorable journey in the service of his country, he was
received by all the nobility and people with great acclamations, and his
relations in particular looked upon him as a god come down from heaven.
The Senate having afterwards heard the commissions of Ussun Cassano and
the goodwill he had towards our Republic, elected four ambassadors to the
Pope and the King of Naples, and sent with them M. Caterino as ambassador
of the King of Persia, who was to take precedence of the others. They
were despatched by the Senate on the 22nd of August, in the year one
thousand four hundred and seventy-four. These embassies, however,
produced no good effect, since, at that time, on account of the bitter
discords existing among our princes, it seemed that a certain fatal
jealousy prevented them from taking up arms with so great and valorous
a king, and one who, moreover, had just exposed himself and his kingdom
to the sport of Fortune, in order to show that he had this enterprise at
heart against an enemy, who evidently aspired to make himself master of
the world.