THE RETURN TO LORRAINE
1559-1578
I.
[Sidenote: MAY, 1559] THE NETHERLANDS REGENCY]
During the last year the Duke of Savoy had repeatedly begged to be
relieved of his post as the King's Lieutenant in the Low Countries.
By the Treaty of Câteau-Cambrésis he recovered his dominions, and set
out on the 15th of June for Paris with a great train of gentlemen and
servants, to celebrate his marriage with King Henry's sister. At the
same time, the death of the Emperor made Philip's return to Spain
necessary. The appointment of a new Regent of the Netherlands became
imperative, and everyone expected the Duchess of Lorraine would be
chosen to fill the vacant office. A Habsburg by birth, she inherited
the capacity for governing which distinguished the women of her house,
and had proved her fitness for the post by the wisdom with which she
administered her son's State during seven years. Her popularity with
all classes of people in the Netherlands was an additional advantage,
and when, in the summer of 1558, it had been doubtful if Mary of
Hungary would consent to return, the Duchess was the first person
whose name was suggested. The Venetian Suriano remarked that the only
doubt as to her fitness for the office was that she hardly possessed
her aunt's extraordinary vigour and energy.[572] But these doubts had
been dispelled by the admirable manner in which she had conducted the
negotiations at the recent Conference and the immense credit which she
had acquired on all sides. Unfortunately, she had made an enemy of the
Bishop of Arras, and excited his jealousy by her private consultations
with the Cardinal and Constable, and still more by her friendship
with the Prince of Orange. Both Orange and Egmont disliked the Bishop
almost as much as they hated the King's Spanish favourites, and lost
no opportunity of showing their contempt for the "meddling priest,"
as they called Philip's confidential counsellor. And both of these
proud nobles, seeing no hope of themselves obtaining the Regency,
supported the Duchess's claims strongly.[573] But the very popularity
which Christina enjoyed, the acclamations which greeted her return
from Câteau-Cambrésis, had the effect of arousing Philip's jealousy.
He lent a willing ear to Arras and Alva when they spoke scornfully of
the Duchess's French connection and of the influence which the Prince
of Orange would gain by his marriage with her daughter. Then, in an
evil hour both for himself and the Netherlands, the Bishop suggested
the name of the Duchess of Parma. Margaret was closely related to the
King, and would be far more pliable and ready to follow his counsels
than Christina. Philip liked his sister, and shared the Spaniards'
jealousy of the great Flemish nobles, more especially of the Prince
of Orange, whose intimacy with Christina he regarded with growing
suspicion. His mind was soon made up, and when the French Commissioners
came to Brussels in May, the appointment of the Duchess of Parma to be
Governess of the Low Countries was publicly proclaimed.[574]
The announcement was the signal for an outburst of popular discontent.
Orange and Egmont protested loudly at this affront to the Duchess
of Lorraine, and complained of the indignity offered to the nation
by giving them a ruler of illegitimate birth, whose interests and
connections were all foreign, and whose husband had actually borne arms
against the late Emperor.
"There is great discontent here," wrote Tiepolo, "at the
Duchess of Parma's appointment. The common folk use very
insolent language, and say that if a woman is to reign over
them they would far rather have the Duchess of Lorraine, whom
they know and love and hold to be one of themselves. Every
one, indeed, would have greatly preferred this Princess, who
is of royal lineage on both sides, and has long dwelt in these
provinces, besides being far more gracious and affable to the
nobles."[575]
To Christina herself the blow was heavy. She had suffered many trials
and disappointments at her enemies' hands, but had never expected to be
treated with such ingratitude by the King, who had always professed so
much affection for his cousin, and was so deeply indebted to her.
[Sidenote: JUNE, 1559] CHRISTINA'S DISAPPOINTMENT]
"The Duchess of Lorraine," wrote Tiepolo, "feels the injustice
of the King's decision more deeply than any of her past
adversities, and naturally thinks that, after her long and
indefatigable exertions in negotiating this peace, taking part
in every Conference and adjusting every dispute, she deserved
to be treated with greater regard. Everyone here admits that
peace was concluded chiefly owing to her wisdom and efforts,
and this is all the reward which she has received."[576]
It is scarcely to be wondered at if Christina never wholly forgave
Philip for the cruel wrong which he had done her, and if in all her
future correspondence with him we trace a strain of reproachful
bitterness. Her resolve to leave the Netherlands was now fixed. She
could not bear to see another Regent at Brussels, and was not even sure
if she cared to live as a subject at her son's Court. Her thoughts
turned once more to Italy, and, since the Castles of Tortona and
Vigevano were not available, she addressed a petition to Philip through
her Italian secretary, asking him to give her the duchy of Bari in
Calabria. This principality, once the property of Lodovico Sforza, had
been lately bequeathed to Philip by the late Queen Bona of Poland, on
condition that he would discharge a considerable debt owing to her son,
King Sigismund. The beauty and salubrity of the spot, as well as its
association with the Sforzas, probably prompted Christina's request,
which ran as follows:
"The Duchess of Lorraine in all humility begs Your Majesty,
in consideration of her close relationship and of the great
affection which she bore the late Emperor, and of the services
which she has rendered both to His Majesty of blessed memory
and to yourself, to do her the favour of granting her and
her children the duchy of Bari, with the same revenues and
independent liberties as were enjoyed by the Queen of Poland.
She will undertake to pay the King of Poland the sum of 100,000
crowns due to him, and humbly begs Your Majesty to grant her
half of this amount in ready money, the other half in bills
on merchants' houses, in order that she may be able to pay the
creditors who annoy her daily. Her revenues for the next year
are already mortgaged, owing to the necessity laid upon her
of supporting her daughters, during the last seven years, and
the repeated journeys which she has undertaken to England, and
across the French frontier to treat of peace, all of which have
involved her in great and heavy expenses...."
Here the petition breaks off abruptly, the rest of the page being torn
off; but we see by Philip's reply that it contained a bitter complaint
of the injustice which he had done Christina by refusing to make her
Regent. He wrote to Arras, desiring him to see that the Duchess ceased
to repeat these perpetual recriminations on the subject of the Regency,
which were as derogatory to her dignity as they were injurious to his
interests. He regretted that his own pressing needs made it impossible
for him to do as much as he should wish to help her. At the same time
he said that, besides the revenue of 4,000 crowns which he had already
offered her, and which she had neither refused nor accepted, he was
ready to give her another yearly allowance of 10,000 crowns, to be
charged on Naples and Milan, pointing out that she could raise money on
this income to satisfy her creditors.
[Sidenote: JUNE, 1559] WILLIAM OF ORANGE]
"The sincere affection which the King has always felt for the
Duchess, and the closeness of their relationship," added the
writer, "impels him to advise her to retire to her dower lands
of Lorraine and live near her son, in order that she may foster
the loyalty and devotion which this young Prince owes her, and
give him advice and help that may conduce to his welfare and
that of the House of Lorraine. Any other action on her part,
the King is convinced, will only excite public suspicion and
slander. If, however, the Duchess prefers to live in the
kingdom of Naples, the King is ready to offer her the town of
Lecce, the most important next to the capital, where she can
enjoy all the comforts and amenities of Italian life, together
with the respect due to her exalted birth and rank."[577]
This offer, however, did not commend itself to Christina. In spite
of its ancient castle and beautiful situation, Lecce was not an
independent principality, and had no connection with her family. She
replied curtly that she would follow His Majesty's advice and return
to Lorraine, as soon as her creditors were satisfied and her affairs
sufficiently arranged for her to leave the Netherlands with honour.
Upon this, Philip sent the Duchess a sum of 21,000 crowns to defray
the expenses of her journeys, and a further substantial advance on the
additional revenues which he had assigned her.[578]
But while he was outwardly endeavouring to atone for one act of
injustice, he was secretly doing the Duchess another and a more
serious injury. The marriage of the Prince of Orange with her daughter
Renée had been practically arranged at Câteau-Cambrésis, but some
difficulties had arisen regarding the settlements already made by the
Prince on his two children by his first marriage, and the heavy debts
which he had incurred by his extravagance, amounting, it was said,
to 900,000 crowns. Up to this time Philip had openly encouraged the
Prince's suit, but both he and Arras looked with alarm on a marriage
that would make Orange more powerful and more dangerous than he was
already, and were secretly plotting against its conclusion. One day,
when Philip was walking in the park at Brussels with the Prince, he
told him how much he regretted to find that Madame de Lorraine was
strongly opposed to his marriage with her daughter, and had begged him
to inform the Prince that she must decline to proceed further with
the matter. The King added, in a friendly way, that he had told him
this in order that he might look about for another wife while he was
still young. The Prince was naturally much annoyed at this unexpected
communication, and replied proudly that, if this were the case, he
would promptly seek another alliance in Germany, where he had already
received several offers of marriage. He was deeply wounded, not without
reason, and went off to Paris a few days later, with Egmont and Alva,
to remain there as hostages until the conditions of the treaty had been
fulfilled. It was not until many months afterwards that he discovered
how he had been duped. Christina meanwhile remained in her convent
retreat, unconscious of what was happening in her absence, and heard
with some surprise that the Prince of Orange had left Court without
informing her of his departure.
[Sidenote: JULY, 1559] MARGARET OF PARMA REGENT]
All eyes were now turned to the Palais des Tournelles in Paris,
where the Catholic King's marriage to Elizabeth of France, and that
of the Duke of Savoy to Margaret, were about to be celebrated. Alva
represented his master at the wedding, which was solemnized at Notre
Dame on the 22nd of June, and his old enemy Guise proclaimed the new
Queen's titles at the church doors, and flung handfuls of gold to the
applauding crowds. But their joy was soon changed into mourning. King
Henry was mortally wounded by a splintered lance in the tournament that
followed, and, after lingering for ten days, breathed his last on the
10th of July, two days after the marriage of his sister and the Duke
of Savoy had been quietly solemnized in the neighbouring church of St.
Paul.
[Illustration: WILLIAM, PRINCE OF ORANGE, ÆTAT 26
By Adriaan Key (Darmstadt)
_To face p. 456_.]
The news of his father-in-law's death reached Philip at Ghent, where
he was preparing for his departure. Here Christina joined him on the
19th, and was greeted with the liveliest demonstrations of affection
from both Court and people. Before leaving Brussels, she saw an English
gentleman, who was on his way to Italy, and brought her a pressing
invitation from Queen Elizabeth to pay a visit to England.[579]
Elizabeth had evidently not forgotten the Duchess's friendly intentions
on her behalf when she came to London in Mary's reign, nor her more
recent conversation with Lord Howard. After her arrival at Ghent, she
received frequent visits from Chaloner, the newly appointed Ambassador,
and from the French Envoy, Sébastien de l'Aubespine, who had been one
of the delegates to the Conference, and could not speak too highly
of Madame de Lorraine's goodness and ability. Through him she sent
affectionate messages to the young King Francis II. and his Scottish
wife, thanking them in the warmest terms for their kindness to her
son. Nor was Philip lacking in his attentions. He met the Duchess on
her arrival, paid her daily visits, and seemed to fall once more under
the old spell. On the 24th he and Christina were both present at a
Requiem for the King of France, and dined together afterwards. The same
afternoon Philip rode out to receive the Duchess of Parma.[580] The
next day the Duke of Savoy returned from Paris, bringing with him the
Prince of Orange and Egmont, who were released on parole, and attended
the Chapter of the Fleece held by the King in the Church of St. John.
On the 7th of August the States met, and the new Regent was formally
presented to them. But many voices were raised to protest against the
powers conferred upon her, and the States refused to grant the aids
demanded unless the Spanish troops were withdrawn. This act of audacity
roused Philip's anger, and in his farewell interview with William of
Orange he accused him of being the instigator of the measure.
Before leaving Ghent, the King arranged a meeting between the two
Duchesses in the garden of the Prinzenhof, and afterwards invited
Christina to visit him at Flushing, where he spent some days before he
embarked. They dined together for the last time on the 12th of August,
and seem to have parted friends.[581] Then Christina returned to
Brussels to prepare for her own departure, and Chaloner wrote home:
"I heare say the Duchess of Lorraine repaireth shortly hence
into Lorraine, smally satisfied with the preferment of the
other, for old emulations' sake."[582]
[Sidenote: SEPT., 1559] RIVALRY OF THE DUCHESSES]
During the next two months Christina had much to endure. She found a
marked change in the Prince of Orange. He treated her with profound
respect and courtesy in public, but kept aloof from her in private,
and appeared to have transferred his attentions to Margaret of Parma.
All idea of his marriage with Renée--"the Duchess of Lorraine's
soundlimbed daughter," as she was called by Chaloner--seemed to be
abandoned, and in September he left Court to attend the French King's
coronation at Reims. There was a general feeling of discontent abroad.
"The new Regent is greatly disliked," wrote John Leigh, an
English merchant of Antwerp, "by all estates, who wished to
have the Duchess of Lorraine for their ruler, and some of her
own ladies have told her that she is a bastard, and not meet
for the place."
The States refused to grant the subsidies asked for, and the people
clamoured for the removal of the Spaniards. The nobles showed their
displeasure by retiring to their country-houses, and the ladies
absented themselves from Margaret's receptions to meet in the Duchess
of Lorraine's rooms.[583] This naturally provoked quarrels and
jealousies, which, as Arras remarked in his letters to Philip, might
easily prove serious.
"Then there is rivalry between the Duchess of Lorraine and her
of Parma," wrote the Bishop on the 4th of October, at the end
of a long tale of troubles. "The best way would be to keep them
apart, for all these comings and goings can produce no good
result. Fortunately, the former is about to go to Lorraine. We
shall see if she leaves her daughters here, or takes them with
her. What is certain is that, wherever she and her daughters
may be, it will be better for Your Majesty's service they
should be anywhere but here, as long as Madame de Parma remains
in these parts, and discord prevails between her and the
Duchess."[584]
When Arras wrote these words, Christina was already on her way to
Lorraine. Philip received a letter from her at Toledo, informing him
of her final departure, and wrote to tell Arras that all strife
between the Duchesses was now at an end.[585] In the same month a
marriage was arranged between William of Orange and Anna of Saxony, the
Elector Maurice's daughter. Arras was greatly alarmed when he heard of
this alliance with a Protestant Princess, and used all his powers of
persuasion to induce the Prince to return to his old suit and marry
Mademoiselle de Lorraine. But it was too late. The Prince knew that
the Duchess would never forgive the studied neglect with which he had
treated her, and, as he told the Bishop, his word was already pledged.
A year later he married the Saxon Princess, but lived to repent of this
ill-assorted union, and to realize that he had been the dupe of Philip
and his astute Minister.[586]
II.
[Sidenote: OCT., 1559] MARY QUEEN OF SCOTS]
Christina's return to Lorraine took place at an eventful moment. The
death of Henry II. and the accession of Francis II. placed the supreme
power in the hands of the Guise brothers. As the saying ran, "So many
Guise Princes, so many Kings of France." The elder branch of the House
of Lorraine shared in the triumphs of the younger. The reigning Duke,
Charles, had grown up with the young King and Queen, and was tenderly
beloved by them. Francis could not bear his brother-in-law to be absent
from his side, and after his coronation at Reims, on the 18th of
September, he and Mary accompanied the Duke and Duchess on a progress
through Lorraine. The festival of the Order of St. Michel was held
at Bar, where Charles kept open house for a week, and his aunt, Anne
of Aerschot, came to join the family party and meet the daughter of
her old companion, Mary of Guise. The charms of the young Queen won
all hearts in her mother's native Lorraine, and Francis indulged his
passion for sport in the forests of Nomény and Esclaron.[587]
Here, at this favourite hunting-lodge of the Guises, the royal party
were joined by the Duke's mother. Christina reached Esclaron on the
11th of October, and was received with every mark of respect and
affection. At first, if Brantôme is to be believed, the Duchess-mother
was inclined to stand on her dignity, and refused to yield precedence
to the youthful Queen; but Mary's grace and sweetness soon dispelled
all rivalry, and Christina became the best of friends with both the
King and Queen. General regret was expressed at the absence of the
young Princesses, whom their mother had left at Brussels; but Christina
was aware of the Cardinal's anxiety to arrange a marriage between Renée
and the Prince of Joinville, and had no intention of consenting to this
arrangement.
"She left her daughters behind her," wrote Throckmorton, the
English Ambassador, "because she is unwilling to satisfy the
hopes of the House of Guise, and makes not so great an account
of their advances as to leave the old friendship of King Philip
and his countries. The French, in fact," he adds, "are doing
all they can to make the Duchess Dowager a good Frenchwoman,
but they will not find it as easy as they think."[588]
At the end of the week Christina went on to Nancy with her son and
daughter-in-law, leaving the King and Queen to proceed to Joinville,
where Mary was anxious to see her beloved grandmother. She had
already appointed Antoinette and her three daughters-in-law to be her
ladies-in-waiting, and, as a further proof of affection, had given her
grandmother the present which she received from the city of Paris on
her state entry. From Blois, where the royal pair spent the autumn and
winter, Francis II. sent his brother-in-law the following letter, which
throws a pleasant light on the happy relations existing between the two
families:
"MY DEAR BROTHER,
"I am longing for news of you and my sister, and have not heard
from either of you since you reached Nancy. Next week I take
my sister, the Catholic Queen, to Châtelhérault on her way to
Spain, after which I shall return to Blois, and not move again
before Easter. As you may imagine, I cannot be in this house
without missing you very much. I shall await your return with
the utmost impatience, and wish you were here to enjoy the fine
rides which I have made in my forest. I must thank you for the
good cheer that you are giving my sister, which is the best
proof of your perfect love for me. And I am quite sure that in
this you are helped by my aunt your mother, Madame de Lorraine,
for whom I feel the deepest gratitude, and whom I should like
to assure of my readiness and anxiety to do her every possible
service. And I pray God, my dearest brother, to have you in His
holy keeping."[589]
[Sidenote: DEC., 1559] CHRISTINA RETURNS TO NANCY]
The young Duke and Duchess were both of them longing to accept this
pressing invitation and return to the gay French Court. Charles as
yet took little interest in public affairs which required serious
attention. Confusion reigned in every department. In many instances
the ducal lands had been seized and their revenues appropriated to
other uses, while the whole country had suffered from the frequent
incursions of foreign troops, and famine and distress prevailed in many
districts. Under these circumstances the help of the Duchess-mother was
sorely needed. Vaudemont, having neither health nor capacity to cope
with these difficulties, had retired into private life, and by degrees
Christina resumed most of her old functions. She applied herself to
reforming abuses and restoring order in the finances, and at the same
time helped her son and daughter-in-law in entertaining the nobles who
flocked to Nancy to pay them homage. Her daughters came to join her at
Christmas, and she settled once more in her old quarters in the ducal
palace. In March the Duke returned to the French Court, and his mother
was left to act as Regent during his absence.[590]
After visiting Remiremont and Bar, Charles and his wife went on to
spend the summer with the King and Queen at Amboise, where they
gave themselves up to hunting and dancing, and enjoyed suppers at
Chenonceaux and water-parties on the Loire. But this joyous life was
rudely disturbed by the discovery of a Huguenot conspiracy, which
was put down with ruthless severity, and was followed by continual
alarms. The King and Duke had to be escorted by 500 men-at-arms on
their hunting-parties, and the Cardinal of Lorraine never left his room
without a guard of ten men bearing loaded pistols. On the 10th of June
Mary of Guise died in Edinburgh Castle, and her remains were brought
back to her native land and buried in her sister's convent church, St.
Pierre of Reims. The whole Court went into mourning, and Throckmorton
was so moved by the young Queen's tears that he declared "there never
was a daughter who loved her mother better."[591] Meanwhile the
aspect of affairs grew daily more threatening. There were riots in
the provinces, and rumours of plots at Court. The Duke of Lorraine
was present at the Council held at St. Germain for the defence of the
realm, but left for Nancy when the Court moved to Orleans in October.
[Sidenote: MAY, 1561] LA REINE BLANCHE]
Two months later the young King died there very suddenly. He fainted
at vespers one evening, and passed away at midnight on the 5th of
December, 1560. His brother Charles, a boy of ten, was proclaimed
King in his stead, and his mother, Catherine de' Medici, assumed
the Regency. Three days afterwards Throckmorton wrote that the late
King was already forgotten by everyone but his widow, who, "being as
noble-minded as she is beautiful, weeps passionately for the husband
who loved her so dearly, and with whom she has lost everything." The
young Queen behaved with admirable discretion. On the day after the
King's death she sent the Crown jewels to her mother-in-law, and, as
soon as the funeral had been solemnized, begged leave to go and visit
her mother's grave at Reims. After spending three weeks with her aunt,
Abbess Renée, Mary went to stay with her grandmother at Joinville,
where she was joined by Anne of Aerschot, the one of all her mother's
family to whom she clung the most closely, calling her "ma tante," and
consulting her in all her difficulties.[592]
Christina herself was full of sympathy for this young Queen, whose
early widowhood recalled her own fate, and she joined cordially in
the invitation which the Duke sent Mary to pay a visit to Nancy. "The
Queen of Scotland," wrote Throckmorton to Elizabeth on the 1st of May,
1561, "is at Nancy with the Dowager, whom here they call Son Altesse."
Christina rode out with her son to meet their guest on the frontiers of
Lorraine, and her uncles, the two Cardinals, Aumale, Vaudemont, and the
Duchess of Aerschot, all accompanied her to Nancy.
The touching beauty of the young widow created a profound sensation at
the Court of Lorraine. Brantôme describes her as "a celestial vision";
Ronsard sang of the charms which transfigured _son grand deuil et
tristesse_, and made her more dangerous in this simple white veil that
rivalled the exquisite delicacy of her complexion than in the most
sumptuous robes and dazzling jewels; and Clouet drew his immortal
portrait.[593] The Duke arranged a series of fêtes to distract the
young Queen's mind and help to dry her tears. There were masques and
dances at Nancy, hunting-parties and banquets at Nomény, where Mary
stood godmother to the Count Vaudemont's youngest child; and the Court
was gayer than it had been for many years. But intrigue was once more
rife at the French Court, and all manner of proposals were made for the
young widow's hand. The King of Denmark, Frederic III., the Prince of
Orange, the Archduke Charles, the Dukes of Bavaria and Ferrara, were
all suggested as possible husbands. The fascination which Mary had for
the boy-King Charles IX. was well known, and Catherine de' Medici, who
had never forgiven Mary for calling her a shopkeeper's daughter, was
secretly plotting to keep her away from the Court, and yet prevent her
marriage to Don Carlos, whom she wished to secure for her youngest
daughter, Margot. The Cardinal of Lorraine was known to be eager for
the Spanish marriage, and both Christina and Anne did their best to
forward his scheme, which was the subject of many letters that passed
between Granvelle, the Duchess of Aerschot, and Mary herself. But
Philip, without actually declining the offer, always returned evasive
answers, whether he shrank from placing his sickly and wayward son in
an independent position, or whether he feared the power of the Guise
faction.[594]
[Illustration: _Mary Stuart as Queen of France_
_in widow's dress_
_From the drawing in the Bibliothèque Nationale at Paris._]
[Sidenote: MAY, 1561] CORONATION OF CHARLES IX.]
In the midst of the festivities at Nancy, Mary fell ill of fever, and
as soon as she was fit to travel returned to Joinville, to be nursed by
her grandmother; while Christina accompanied her son and his wife to
Reims for the new King's sacring on the 15th of May. The magnificence
of the Duchess-mother's appearance on this occasion excited general
admiration. Grief and anxiety had left their traces on her face, but,
in spite of advancing years and sorrow, Christina was still a very
handsome woman. Among all the royal ladies who met in the ancient
city, none was more stately and distinguished-looking than Madame de
Lorraine. As her chariot, draped with black velvet fringed with gold,
and drawn by four superb white horses of Arab breed, drew up in front
of the Cardinal's palace, a murmur of admiration ran through the crowd.
The Duchess sat at one window, clad in a long black velvet robe, and
wearing a jewelled diadem on her head, with a flowing white veil
and cap of the shape that became known at the French Court as _à la
Lorraine_, and was adopted by Mary, Queen of Scots, for her habitual
use. At the other sat her lovely young daughter Renée, the coveted
bride of many of the Princes who were present that day, while on the
opposite seat was the Princess of Macedonia, an august white-haired
lady, with the chiselled features of the proud Greek race to which she
belonged. The Queen-mother, Catherine de' Medici, stood at a window of
the Archbishop's palace to watch the entry of the Lorraine Princes, and
as she saw the Duchess alight, she exclaimed: "That is the finest woman
I know!" Then, descending the grand staircase, she advanced to meet
Christina with a stately courtesy, and thanked her for the honour she
was doing her son.
"Herself a very proud woman," writes Brantôme, "she knew that
she had her match in the Duchess, and always treated her with
the highest honour and distinction, without ever yielding one
jot of her own claims."[595]
The Duke of Lorraine bore the sword of state at the great ceremony on
the morrow, while Francis of Guise held the crown on the boy-King's
head, and his brother, the Cardinal, anointed his brow with the holy
chrism. "Everything," as Charles IX. wrote to the Bishop of Limoges,
"passed off to the great satisfaction of everyone present;"[596] and
when all was over, Madame de Lorraine and her children accompanied
the King and his mother to a country-house belonging to the Cardinal
in the neighbourhood, and enjoyed a week's repose in delicious spring
weather. Then the Court went on to St. Germain, where the Queen of
Scots came to take leave of her husband's family, and with many tears
bade farewell to the pleasant land of France, which she had loved all
too well for her own happiness.
III.
[Sidenote: MARCH, 1561] DEATH OF DOROTHEA]
On the death of Christian II. of Denmark, his elder daughter, Dorothea,
the widowed Electress Palatine, assumed the royal style and title. But
as she was childless herself, and lived in retirement at Neuburg, in
the Upper Palatinate, the faithful subjects who still clung to their
rightful monarch's cause turned to Christina, the Duchess-Dowager of
Lorraine, and begged her to assert her son's claims to the throne,
saying that they regarded him as their future King. Chief among these
was Peder Oxe, an able public servant who had been exiled by Christian
III., and came to visit the Duchess in the convent of La Cambre at
Brussels in 1559, soon after the captive monarch's death. Peder tried
to enlist her sympathies on behalf of her father's old subjects, and
assured her that the recovery of Denmark would be an easy matter,
owing to the unpopularity of the new King, Frederic III. At first
Christina lent a willing ear to these proposals, but her friend Count
d'Aremberg succeeded in convincing her of the futility of such an
enterprise, while both Philip and Granvelle firmly refused to support
the scheme.[597] Peder Oxe, however, followed Christina to Nancy, where
he became a member of the Ducal Council, and did good service in
restoring order in the finances.
Other Danish exiles sought refuge at the Court of Lorraine, where
their presence naturally revived Christina's dreams of recovering her
father's throne. All manner of rumours were abroad. In March, 1561,
Chaloner heard that the French King and the Duke of Lorraine were about
to invade Denmark. Three months later Mary, Queen of Scots' faithful
servant, Melville, wrote from Heidelberg that the Duchess-Dowager
of Lorraine had come there to persuade her sister, the old Countess
Palatine, to surrender her rights on Denmark to her nephew, the Duke of
Lorraine. Christina spent some time with her sister, and was joined in
September by the Duke, who came to escort her home.[598] The Palatine
Frederic's successor, Otto Heinrich, had died in 1559, and his cousin,
the reigning Elector, Frederic of Zimmern, the brother of the Countess
Egmont and her sister Helene, was deeply attached to Dorothea, and,
like his predecessor, professed the Lutheran faith. A year after
Christina's visit Dorothea died suddenly at Neuburg, and was buried
by her husband's side in the Church of the Holy Ghost at Heidelberg.
The Palatine Frederic erected a fine monument over her grave, with the
following inscription:
"To the most noble Lady, Dorothea, Countess Palatine, and Queen
of Denmark, Sweden, and Norway, the beloved consort of the
Elector Frederic II., this tomb was raised by Frederic III.,
by the grace of God Elector Palatine, in the year 1562, as a
token of love and gratitude to this his most dear and excellent
kinswoman."
Dorothea's tomb was destroyed with that of her husband and many others
when Louis XIV.'s armies sacked and burnt Heidelberg in 1693, but an
English traveller who visited the castle and Church of the Holy Ghost
thirty years before, preserved this inscription in his diary.[599]
[Sidenote: FEB., 1563] DUKE OF GUISE'S MURDER]
Christina came to Heidelberg with her son and both her daughters in the
autumn of the year 1562, and was present at Frankfurt on the 24th of
November, when her cousin Maximilian was crowned King of the Romans. On
this occasion the Emperor Ferdinand collected as many of the imperial
family as possible around him. The Dukes and Duchesses of Bavaria and
Cleves were present, as well as most of the Electors and Princes of
the Empire; while Ibrahim Bey, the Sultan's Ambassador, brought camels
and rugs and Persian jars as gifts from his master. Among the old
friends whom the Duchess met at Frankfurt were the Prince of Orange,
Counts Egmont and Jacques d'Aremberg. They greeted her with renewed
friendliness, and from their lips she heard how badly things were going
in the Low Countries, and how unpopular the Regent and her Minister,
the newly-created Cardinal de Granvelle, had become with all classes
of people.[600] The Emperor and all his family returned to Heidelberg
after the coronation, and were splendidly entertained by the Palatine,
who was anxious to arrange a marriage between one of his sons and
Mademoiselle de Lorraine. But Frederic's strong Lutheran tenets were a
serious obstacle to this plan. At the recent coronation he had refused
to attend Mass, and had remained in the vestry of the cathedral until
the service was over.
Meanwhile religious strife was raging in France, and Christina returned
to Nancy to find that civil war had broken out. Earlier in the year
the massacre of a peaceable congregation at Wassy, near Joinville,
had excited the fury of the Huguenots, and a fierce struggle was
being waged on the frontiers of Lorraine. The Duke's own kindred were
divided. Condé was the leader of the revolted party, while his brother
Antoine, King of Navarre--l'Échangeur, as he was called, because he
was said to change his religion as often as he did his coat--was
mortally wounded, fighting on the King's side, in the siege of Rouen.
A month later the Constable de Montmorency was made prisoner in the
Battle of Dreux, by his own nephew Coligny. On the 21st of February,
1563, Christina and her son were attending the baptism of the Duke
of Aumale's son Claude, when a messenger arrived with the news that
the Duke of Guise had been stabbed by a Huguenot fanatic in the camp
before Orleans. After a public funeral in Notre Dame, the remains of
Antoinette's most illustrious son were buried at Joinville, amid the
lamentations of the whole nation.[601]
Fortunately, the duchy of Lorraine escaped the horrors of civil
war. On the 18th of May, 1562, Charles made his long-deferred state
entry into Nancy, and took a solemn vow to observe the rights of his
subjects before he received the ducal crown. But he still consulted
his mother in all important matters, and treated her with the utmost
respect and affection.[602] His own time and thoughts were chiefly
occupied in enlarging and beautifying the ducal palace. He extended the
Galerie des Cerfs, and built a fine hall, adorned with frescoes of the
Metamorphoses of Ovid, a translation of which had been dedicated to his
grandfather, Duke Antoine, by the poet Clement Marot. At the same time
he rebuilt the old Salle du Jeu de Paume on the model of one at the
Louvre, and made a picture-gallery above this new hall, which he hung
with portraits of the ducal family.[603]
Christina also devoted much attention to the improvement of her
estates. She rebuilt the salt-works at Les Rosières, which had been
abandoned in the last century, and placed an inscription on the gates,
recording that in February, 1563, these salt-works were erected by
"Christina, by the grace of God Queen of Denmark, Sweden,
and Norway, Sovereign of the Goths, Vandals, and Slavonians,
Duchess of Schleswig, Dittmarsch, Lorraine, Bar, and Milan,
Countess of Oldenburg and Blamont, and Lady of Tortona."[604]
[Sidenote: NOV., 1563] BIRTH OF A GRANDSON]
Several indications of the active part that she took in affairs
of State appear in contemporary records. In 1564, with the Pope's
sanction, she concluded an agreement with the Bishop of Toul, by which
he made over his temporalities to the Duke of Lorraine. Christina, as
she explained to Granvelle, had taken this step to avoid the see from
becoming the property of France; but her action roused the indignation
of her uncle, the Emperor Ferdinand, who rebuked his good niece sharply
for venturing to meddle with the affairs of the Imperial Chamber.[605]
[Illustration:
_Grand Duc le Prince Aisné, des Princes de ta Race,
Le Lorrein étonné de tés exploits guerriers,
Ne peut assez trouuer en son cloz de Lauriers,
Pour ombrager ton front, tes Temples, et ta face._
_Thomas de leu Fe: et excud_:
CHARLES III., DUKE OF LORRAINE
_To face p. 472_]
On the 8th of November, 1563, the Duchess Claude gave birth to her
first child, a boy which was named Henry, after her father, the late
King of France. Both Charles IX. and Philip II. consented to stand
godfathers, and the French King announced his intention of attending
the child's christening in person. His visit, however, was put off, as
the young Duchess fell seriously ill of smallpox, and was eventually
fixed to take place at Bar after Easter. There was even a rumour that
King Philip, whose presence in the Low Countries was earnestly desired,
would visit Lorraine on his journey, and meet the French monarch on
the 1st of May. The prospect of seeing Catherine and her son with an
armed force in Lorraine filled Christina with alarm. The Queen-mother,
as she knew, was very jealous of the Duchess-Dowager's influence with
her son, and neglected no means of placing French subjects in positions
of authority at the Ducal Court;[606] while her recent intrigues with
the Huguenot leaders might lead to the introduction of Protestant rites
at the ceremony. Before the date fixed for the christening, however,
Christina received an unexpected visitor in the person of Cardinal
Granvelle, who had been compelled to bow to the storm and leave the
Netherlands. In a private note which he sent to Granvelle on the 1st of
March, 1564, Philip had desired the Cardinal to retire to Besançon on
plea of paying a visit to his mother, whom he had not seen for nineteen
years. The desired permission was readily granted by the Regent, and,
to the great satisfaction of the nobles, the hated Minister left
Brussels on the 13th of March. "Our man is really going," wrote William
of Orange to his brother Louis. "God grant he may go so far that he can
never return!"[607]
[Sidenote: MARCH, 1564] GRANVELLE AT NANCY]
The Cardinal had by this time recognized his fatal mistake in
persuading the King to appoint the Duchess of Parma Regent instead
of Madame de Lorraine, "by which action," as he himself wrote, "I
made the Prince of Orange my enemy."[608] He was the more anxious
to recover Christina's good graces, while she on her part does not
appear to have borne him any grudge for his share in the transaction.
His way led him through Lorraine, and when he reached Pont-à-Mousson
he found a messenger from the Duchess begging him to come and see
her at Nancy. On his arrival he was received by the Duke's _maître
d'hôtel_, and conducted to lodgings in the palace. This "very fine
house," and the hospitality with which he and his companions were
entertained, gratified the Cardinal, and after supper he was received
by the Duchess-Dowager, with whom he had a long interview in the Grande
Galerie.[609] They conversed freely of the troubles in the Netherlands.
Christina was anxious to justify herself from the charge of fomenting
these dissensions, and declared that she had nothing to say against
the Duchess of Parma, and only complained of her refusal to allow a
Mass for her father, King Christian II., to be said in the Court chapel
on the anniversary of his death. But she had many complaints to make
of the King, who had only written to her five times in the last five
years, and who insisted on keeping her Castle of Tortona in his own
hands, and employed the revenues of the town to pay the garrison,
without giving her any compensation. Granvelle could only allege the
unsettled state of Lombardy and the disorder of Milanese finances as
excuses for Philip's behaviour. The Duchess further confided to him
her fears regarding the French King's visit, and the intrigues of
Catherine, who was always endeavouring to destroy the harmony that
prevailed between herself and her daughter-in-law. Granvelle did his
best to allay these alarms, and assured her that the rumours as to the
large force that was to accompany him to Lorraine were absolutely false.
Another subject on which Christina consulted the Cardinal was her
designs against Denmark. The young King Frederic III. at first
professed great friendship for her, and opened negotiations for his
marriage with her daughter Renée--a proposal which she was reluctant to
accept.[610] This idea, however, was soon abandoned, and the outbreak
of war between Denmark and Sweden seemed to afford an opportunity
for advancing her own claims. Peder Oxe and his companion in exile,
Willem von Grümbach, urged her to raise an army and invade Jutland,
assuring her that the discontented Danish nobles were only longing for
an excuse to rise in a body and dethrone the usurper. But Christina
realized that it would be useless to make any attempt without Philip's
support, which she begged Granvelle to obtain. The Cardinal, however,
quite declined to approach the King on the subject, and told the
Duchess that a rupture with Denmark would make him more unpopular
in Flanders than he was already, saying that he had no wish to be
stoned by the Dutch. Before leaving Nancy he discussed the situation
at length with the Duchess's latest friend, Baron de Polweiler, the
Bailiff of Hagenau, a brave and loyal servant of Charles V., who had
warmly espoused Christina's cause and was in correspondence with the
Danish malcontents. The Baron was a wise and practical man, and agreed
with Granvelle that the best course of action would be to keep up the
agitation in Denmark, without taking further measures until the coming
of King Philip, which was now confidently expected.[611]
[Sidenote: MAY, 1564] ILLNESS OF CHRISTINA]
After the Cardinal's departure, Christina fell ill at Denœuvre, and
was unable to accompany the Duke, who came to fetch her, and insisted
on putting off the child's christening until his mother was fit to
travel. At length, on the 2nd of May, the Duchess and her daughters
started for Bar, where the christening was celebrated on the following
day, and Christina held her grandson at the font. There was no display
of armed force, nor was any attempt made to introduce Lutheran rites.
On the contrary, the Queen-mother and all her suite were most amiable,
the greatest good-will prevailed on all sides, and the whole party
spent the next week in feasting, jousting, and dancing, while Ronsard
composed songs in honour of the occasion. On the 9th of May the young
King resumed his progress to Lyons, and the aged Duchess Antoinette,
who had come to Bar at the Cardinal of Lorraine's prayer, returned to
Joinville with her son. Christina's worst alarms had been dispelled,
but her suspicions were to some extent justified by the revival of
the French King's old claims to Bar, and the advance of certain new
pretensions, which were eventually referred to a court of justice in
Paris. What annoyed her scarcely less was the inferior quality of the
ring sent by the King of Spain to Duchess Claude, which excited more
than one unpleasant comment, although Count Mansfeldt, who stood proxy
for Philip, informed her privately that Margaret of Parma had spent
double the sum named by His Majesty on his christening present.[612]
IV.
In July, 1564, Christina fell dangerously ill, and Silliers told
Polweiler that his mistress was suffering from a grave internal
malady. In November she had a severe relapse, and her death was hourly
expected. Her children and servants nursed her with untiring devotion,
and her friends at Brussels were deeply concerned. Anne d'Aerschot,
Margaret d'Aremberg, Egmont, and the Prince of Orange, made frequent
inquiries; and even Queen Mary wrote from Scotland to ask after the
Duchess's health. Philip alone took no notice of her illness, and his
indifference was keenly resented by Christina and her whole family.
"For the love of God," wrote Silliers to Polweiler, "do your best to
see that Madame is consoled, or she will certainly die of grief and
despair." And he poured out a passionate complaint, setting forth his
mistress's wrongs, and saying how, after cheating her out of Vigevano,
the King kept both the castle and revenues of her dower city in his
hands, and allowed her subjects to be exposed to the depredations
of the Spanish garrison. "To my mind," he adds, "this is a strange
proof of the singular affection which he professes to have for my
Lady!"[613] Granvelle himself was much concerned, and, when Polweiler
wrote to report an improvement in the Duchess's condition, expressed
his thankfulness, saying that the loss of such a Princess would be a
heavy blow to the cause of religion, as well as the greatest calamity
that could befall Lorraine. He owned that Madame had been harshly
treated, and could only counsel patience and assure her of Philip's
good-will; but he confessed that the task was a disagreeable one.
When Philip wrote at last, it was merely to exhort the Duchess to be
patient, as the whole world was in travail, and to promise that her
claims should be settled by the Cardinal.[614] Meanwhile fresh appeals
reached Christina every day from her Danish partisans, while King Eric
of Sweden, who had declared war on Denmark, opened negotiations with
her through his French Minister, Charles de Mornay. A marriage between
this young King and Renée was proposed, and Eric offered to support
the Duchess's rights to Denmark if she could obtain the help of the
Emperor and of the Netherlands. Ferdinand, however, quite declined to
countenance any attack on his ally, and begged his dear niece not to
stir up strife in Germany, although he assured her of his paternal love
and readiness to help her in the recovery of her rights by peaceable
methods. A few weeks after writing this letter the good Emperor died,
and, as Christina knew, she could expect little from his successor
Maximilian, who had never forgiven her friendship with Philip in bygone
days, and did not even send her the customary announcement of his
father's death.
[Sidenote: JAN., 1565] DUKE ADOLF'S MARRIAGE]
Another ally whose help the Duchess tried to enlist was the old
Landgrave, Philip of Hesse, whose daughter Christina, after being wooed
for some years by the King of Sweden, was finally married to Duke
Adolf of Holstein on the 20th of January, 1565. As Granvelle remarks,
it was a strange ending to this Prince's long courtship of Madame de
Lorraine, but he probably still hoped to support her cause in Denmark.
And as the Prince of Orange was asked to represent King Philip at the
marriage, Christina would have an opportunity of consulting him about
her Danish expedition.[615] But the Prince refused to leave Flanders,
and a serious relapse prevented the Duchess from attending the wedding.
As soon as she had recovered sufficiently, Christina dictated a letter
to her beloved sister Anne, who was still her most faithful friend:
"Your letter was most welcome, as I had not heard from you
lately, and I thank you warmly for all that you say. I am
getting better, but am not very strong yet. As to the Swedish
business, I am anxious to know the name of the person whom you
mention as having the greatest affection for me and mine, and
who might help me with the King. And as I know that you only
desire my good, I beg you to keep your eyes open, and tell me
who are my best friends at Court. I quite agree with you that
it is useless to fish in troubled waters. Monsieur d'Egmont's
journey to Spain is a surprising event! The cause is unknown
to me, but it must be some matter of importance. Thank you
again with all my heart for the love that is expressed in your
letters."[616]
The friends to whose influence at Court Anne had referred were the
Count and Countess of Aremberg, who stood high in favour with the King
and the Regent, and were in constant correspondence with Christina.
"Would to God," wrote Margaret of Aremberg, "that Madame de
Lorraine could obtain the King's favour! She would then be
easily able to regain her own, as the Danes hate their King,
and he has no power over them. But I confess I have lost all
hopes of this ever coming to pass."[617]
[Sidenote: JUNE, 1565] JOURNEY TO BRUSSELS]
By the advice of these friends, the Duchess now decided to send Baron
de Polweiler to Spain to beg the King for the 300,000 crowns due to
her, in order that she might avail herself of the opportunity presented
by the war between Sweden and Denmark, and open the campaign in the
summer. Upon this Granvelle felt it his duty to inform his master of
the Duchess's plans, which might, he thought, be successful if the
King could help her with subsidies, since she had several allies in
Germany.[618] Duke Eric of Brunswick offered to raise an army and take
the command of the expedition, and the Landgrave of Hesse promised
to help on condition that she gave her daughter Renée in marriage
to one of his sons; while, by way of removing Philip's objections,
the Cardinal dwelt on the advantages of restoring the true faith in
these Northern kingdoms. But this plan was frustrated by the Archduke
Ferdinand's refusal to give Polweiler leave of absence, and as
Silliers, who offered to go in his stead, would only have made matters
worse, Christina resolved to ask Count Egmont to plead her cause at
Madrid. Even Granvelle, who had no love for the Count, approved of this
plan. Egmont was known to be devoted to the Duchess, and his great
popularity in the Low Countries would go far to remove the objections
to a breach with Denmark in those provinces. Unfortunately, in spite
of his good-will, Egmont effected no more for Christina than he did
for the liberties of the Netherlands. He was royally entertained by
Philip and his courtiers, and loaded with presents and flatteries, but,
when he came to business, received nothing but vague words and empty
promises.
On his return to Flanders in April, his house was crowded with
visitors, and the Duchess, finding that she could obtain no answer to
her letters, determined to go to Brussels herself. In June she set out
on her journey, saying that she was going to kiss the Holy Coat at
Treves and pay her devotions to the Blessed Sacrament of the Miracle at
Brussels, in fulfilment of a vow made when she had been at the point of
death.[619] Her pilgrimage excited great curiosity, and even Polweiler
was in the dark as to its object, but felt convinced that she meant to
see Egmont and Eric of Brunswick, and that they would soon hear of a
sudden call to arms.
"I hear from a trustworthy source," wrote the Landgrave to
Louis of Nassau, "that the old Duchess of Lorraine is going to
Brussels with both her daughters. She has raised 400,000 crowns
at Antwerp to make war on Denmark, and is to be helped by the
Netherlands with ships, money, and men. Her daughter Renée is
to marry King Eric, and a close alliance against the Danish
King is to be formed between Sweden, Lorraine, the States,
and the Holy Empire. Although I do not hold popular rumours
to be as infallible as Holy Gospel, I count them more worthy
of belief than Æsop's fables or the tales of Amadis de Gaul.
Of one thing I am quite sure: The Duchess does not travel to
Flanders or send an Ambassador to Sweden to roast pears or
dance a galliard. The latest report is that the Duchess is
going to sell her claims on Denmark to the King of Spain, but
I can hardly think His Majesty will be anxious to buy these
barren rights which bring a war in their train. Do not take
my gossip unkindly, but let me know what you hear of this
business."[620]
A cloud of mystery surrounds this visit which Christina paid to
Brussels in the summer of 1565. She declined the Regent's invitation
to occupy her old quarters in the palace, but stayed in the religious
house known as the Cloister of Jericho, and afterwards with the Duchess
of Aerschot at Diest. She received visits from Duke Eric, who professed
himself ready to raise troops to serve her at the shortest notice, and
also from Count Egmont. But all that she could learn from this noble
was that, when he urged her claims on the King, and begged him to see
that the arrears due to her were paid, Philip replied that Her Highness
was the wisest and most virtuous of women, and would always take the
best course possible.[621] By August Christina was back in Lorraine,
and attended the christening of Nicholas de Vaudemont's new-born
daughter, who received the name of Christina.[622]
[Sidenote: FEB., 1566] INTRIGUES WITH SWEDEN]
Whatever others may have felt about the Duchess's designs on Denmark,
the King of Sweden was evidently in earnest. Four Ambassadors arrived
at Nancy on All Saints' Day, 1565, and went on to Denœuvre. They
brought offers from Eric to conquer Norway and Denmark in the Duchess's
name and leave her in possession of the latter kingdom, and asked for
Madame Renée's hand, in order to confirm the alliance between Lorraine
and Sweden. During a whole year the Swedish Envoys remained at Nancy,
and prolonged conferences were held between them and the Duke and his
mother. A new ally also came to her help in the person of the Czar
of Muscovy, who was profuse in his offers of assistance. Christina's
hopes rose high, and a medal was struck in 1566, bearing her effigy as
Queen of Denmark, with the motto: _Me sine cuncta ruunt_ (Without me
all things perish).[623] But one ally after the other failed her. Both
the Emperor Maximilian and the Elector of Saxony, who had married a
Princess of Denmark, were strongly opposed to her schemes; while the
ancient feud between the Danes and Swedes, who, in Silliers's words,
"hated each other as much as cats and dogs or English and French,"
helped to complicate matters.[624] At the same time, she felt reluctant
to give her daughter to a man of Eric's unstable character, who had
been courting Queen Elizabeth and Christina of Hesse at the same time,
and was known to have a low-born mistress. She had good reason to be
afraid that the story of King Christian and Dyveke might be repeated,
and her fears were justified when, a year later, the King of Sweden
raised this favourite to the throne, and was soon afterwards deposed by
his subjects. The defection of Peder Oxe, who made his peace with the
King of Denmark and returned to Copenhagen at the close of 1566, was
another blow, and the ultimate defeat of the Swedes in the following
year extinguished her last hopes.[625] Cardinal Granvelle, who had been
sent to Italy by Philip to keep him away from the Netherlands, wrote
that the Viceroy, with the best will in the world, found it impossible
to pay the arrears due to the Duchess, and could not withdraw the
garrison at Tortona without the King's leave. As for the Danish
expedition, Granvelle told Polweiler that it was more hopeless than
ever, and he could only advise Her Highness to abandon the idea.[626]
"Madame de Lorraine," replied the Baron, "is in great
perplexity, abandoned by all her relatives, and, like Tantalus,
is left to die of thirst, looking down on a clear and beautiful
stream."
[Sidenote: MARCH, 1567] LES GUEUX]
But a few faithful friends were still left. In May, 1566, the Duchess
of Aerschot came to Lorraine with her young son, and spent the summer
in her old home. The troubles in the Netherlands filled her with the
utmost anxiety, and her family, like many others, was divided. All her
own sympathies were with William of Orange and Egmont in the struggle
for freedom, but her stepson, Philip of Aerschot, and her cousin, Count
d'Aremberg, were among the few nobles who refused to join the League,
and stood fast by the Regent. Margaret of Parma looked coldly on her,
owing to Anne's connection with Christina and the Prince of Orange, and
did not even send her an invitation to her son Alexander's wedding.
With her wonted good sense, Anne refused to notice this affront, and
told her friends that she was too unwell to attend the festivities,
which excited much discontent by their profuse extravagance.[627] But
the situation was painful, and she was glad to retire to Lorraine
and enjoy the company of Christina and her venerable aunt, Duchess
Antoinette. Together they read the affectionate letters which Mary
Stuart wrote from her Northern home, and sighed over the perils
surrounding the young Queen. In spite of her relatives' advice, she had
married Darnley, the handsome Scottish boy whom her uncle the Cardinal
of Lorraine termed "that great nincompoop of a girl," and was already
learning to her cost the mistake that she had made.
Terrible news now came from Flanders. Riots broke out in Antwerp and
Ghent, and spread rapidly through the provinces. The great church
of St. John was plundered, Hubert van Eyck's famous Adoration was
only saved by the presence of mind of the Canons, and the tomb of
Christina's mother, Queen Isabella, was hacked to pieces.[628] In
Brussels S. Gudule was stripped of its pictures and statues, and the
cry of "Vivent les Gueux!" rang through the courts of Charles V.'s
palace. The Regent tried in vain to escape, and was forced to turn for
help to the Prince of Orange and her most bitter enemies. Anne returned
home to find public affairs in dire confusion, and retired to her
dower-house at Diest. After her departure Christina became seriously
ill, and in the spring of 1567 her daughters entreated the Countess
of Aremberg to come to Lorraine, saying that her presence would be
the best medicine for their mother. Margaret obeyed the summons and
spent three months at Nancy and Denœuvre.[629] On her return she told
Granvelle's friend, Provost Morillon, that the King made a great
mistake in being so unfriendly to the House of Lorraine, and that if
Madame died the Duke would become altogether French, and his duchy
might at any moment fall into the hands of France. Charles was Catholic
to his finger-tips, and entirely devoted to his mother, but after her
death no one could tell what might happen.[630] These representations
were not without effect. Philip wrote in a more kindly strain to the
Duchess, and sent one of his Chamberlains--Don Luis de Mendoza--to wait
upon her at Nancy, and remain in Lorraine until the arrival of the Duke
of Alva, who was now despatched from Spain to replace Margaret of Parma
as Captain-General of the Netherlands. In July he crossed the Mont
Cenis, and marched through Lorraine at the head of a force of picked
Spanish and Italian soldiers. Brantôme rushed to Nancy to see this
"gentle and gallant army," with their fine new muskets and pikes, but
the sight filled many of the spectators with profound misgivings.[631]
[Sidenote: JUNE, 1568] DEATH OF EGMONT]
The Prince of Orange had already resigned all his offices and retired
to Germany, but Egmont and his friend Count Horn were caught in the
fatal snare, and were both arrested at a banquet in Alva's house on
the evening of the 9th of September. The news filled Europe with
consternation. In her distress Christina wrote several letters to the
King of Spain, pleading passionately for the Count's release, and
recalling his great deeds and the devotion which he had always shown
to the King's service.[632] Her appeals were seconded by the Duke and
his wife, by Vaudemont,--Egmont's own brother-in-law--by the Duke and
Duchess of Bavaria, the Elector Palatine, and all the Princes of the
Empire. Maximilian himself addressed two autograph letters to Philip,
praying for the Count's release, and the Knights of the Golden Fleece
protested against this violation of the rules of their Order. But
all was in vain. Philip vouchsafed no answer to any of these appeals,
saying he would not change his mind if the sky were to fall on his
head,[633] and on the 6th of June, 1568, the Grande Place witnessed
the execution of the hero of Gravelines. A fortnight before this
shocking event, Anne, Duchess of Aerschot, breathed her last at Diest,
thankful to escape from a world so full of misery, and only grieving
to think that her vast dower and fine estates would not pass to their
rightful owner, William of Orange.[634] In the same month of May the
first battle was fought between the revolted nobles and the Spanish
forces, and Margaret of Aremberg's husband fell fighting valiantly
in the mêlée. Meanwhile civil war had broken out again in France,
and in November, 1567, the Constable Montmorency, the old Nestor of
France, was killed in a battle at St. Denis, fighting against the
Huguenots, with Condé and his own nephew Coligny at their head. Old
friends were falling on every side, and before Christina's tears for
her sister-in-law were dried, she and the aged Duchess of Guise were
mourning the sad fate of Antoinette's luckless granddaughter, the Queen
of Scots, who had been compelled to abdicate her throne, and was now a
captive in the hands of her rival, Queen Elizabeth.
V.
While civil war was raging all round, and Christina's best friends
were dying on the scaffold or the battle-field, the marriage of her
daughter Renée brought a ray of light into her life. The tale of
Renée's courtships almost rivals that of her mother's. The Kings of
Sweden and Denmark, William of Orange and Henri de Joinville, were only
a few among the candidates who sought her hand. Granvelle once proposed
the Duke of Urbino as a suitable match, and Philip was anxious to marry
her to his handsome and popular half-brother, Don John of Austria. But
the Duchess declined this offer repeatedly, saying that no child of
hers should ever wed a bastard. When in the summer of 1567, Don Luis
de Mendoza again urged this suit on the King's behalf, the Duchess
informed him that her daughter's hand was already promised to Duke
William of Bavaria, the eldest son of the reigning Duke Albert and his
wife, the Archduchess Anna. The contract was signed in September, and
the marriage took place early in the following year,[635] and turned
out very happily. Throughout his life the Bavarian Duke maintained
worthily the strong Catholic traditions of his house, and proved a
dutiful and affectionate son-in-law. Christina spent the following
winter at the Castle of Friedberg in Bavaria, where she was once more
dangerously ill, and Silliers as usual complained bitterly of Philip's
neglect and unkindness in never making inquiries after her health.
But, in spite of all rebuffs, neither the Baron nor his mistress had
abandoned their dreams of conquering Denmark, and in April, 1569,
Cardinal Granvelle wrote to the King from Rome:
[Sidenote: SEPT., 1572] DEATH OF SILLIERS]
"Madame de Lorraine is still trying to recover her father's
kingdom, and both she and her Councillor, Silliers, are
continually begging me for help in this matter. In vain I have
replied for the hundredth time that I am too far from Madrid
and the Low Countries to know if the affair is practicable,
and have pointed out that, in the first place, the Dutch will
never break with Denmark; secondly, that the Emperor would
object to any attempt of this kind; and, thirdly, that Your
Majesty's hands are full. In fact, I have told her that I
cannot see any solid foundations for her hopes. But she returns
to the charge again and again."[636]
It was the last flicker of an expiring flame. After this, even
Christina seems to have recognized the futility of her schemes, and the
death of Silliers finally decided her to abandon them altogether. This
"vain, insupportable, and foolish man," as the Cardinal called him,
and whom her son, the Duke, also detested cordially, lost his life in
Bavaria, in September, 1572, being killed by a shot from a crossbow,
which was said to be accidental, but which Granvelle and his other
enemies ascribed to a paid assassin.[637] During the last twenty years,
it must be owned, Silliers had been the Duchess's evil genius; but, in
spite of all his faults, he was sincerely attached to his mistress, and
his devotion to her interests cannot be questioned.
Christina spent the next six years chiefly at Nancy or Denœuvre, in the
company of her children and grandchildren. The Duke had a large family
of three sons and six daughters, the eldest of whom, Christina, bore
a strong likeness to her grandmother both in face and character. This
Princess and her cousin Louise de Vaudemont, the daughter of Nicholas
by his first wife, Margaret of Egmont, were great favourites with the
Duchess-mother, and spent much time in her society. Louise was a fair
and gentle maiden, whose charms captivated Henry, Duke of Anjou, when
he came to Lorraine in 1573, on his way to take possession of the
throne of Poland. He was accompanied by his mother, Queen Catherine,
who spent a week at Nancy, and after her son's departure remained some
days at Blamont with Christina. When, two years later, Henry succeeded
his brother, Charles IX., the new King's first thought was to make
the Princess of Lorraine his wife. Christina was too ill to leave her
bed, but Duchess Antoinette, still young in spite of her eighty years,
brought the bride to Reims, where the wedding was celebrated two days
after Henry III.'s coronation. The Duke and his sister Dorothea were
present at the ceremony, as well as all the Guise Princes.[638] Five
days afterwards, on the 20th of February, 1575, the Duchess Claude,
whose health had long been failing, and who had lately given birth to
twin daughters, died in the ducal palace, at the age of twenty-eight,
leaving the Duke an inconsolable widower. He was only thirty-two,
and although he lived till 1608, never married again. Soon after
Claude's death, her eldest daughter, Christina, went to live with her
grandmother, Catherine de' Medici, at the French Court. This masterful
lady, who quarrelled with her own daughter Margaret, was very fond of
Christina, and kept this young Princess constantly at her side during
the next fourteen years.
[Sidenote: DEC., 1575] MARRIAGE OF DOROTHEA]
In the following December, Elizabeth of Austria, the widow of Charles
IX., and daughter of the Emperor Maximilian II., visited Nancy on
her way back to Vienna, and was escorted on her journey by Renée and
her husband, the Duke of Bavaria. They were all three present at the
wedding of the Princess Dorothea, who was married in the Church of
St. Georges, on the 26th of December, to Duke Eric of Brunswick.[639]
This wild and restless Prince had always been on friendly terms with
Christina and her family, and was one of King Philip's favourite
captains and a Knight of the Golden Fleece. He had lately lost
his first wife, and succeeded his father in the principalities of
Göttingen and Calenberg, although his roving tastes made him prefer
foreign service to residence on his own estates. Now, at the age of
forty-seven, he became the husband of Christina's younger daughter.
In spite of her lameness, this Princess inherited much of her aunt
Dorothea's charm and gaiety, and was fondly beloved by her brother
and all his children. She took especial interest in the improvements
which the Duke was never tired of making at Nancy, and helped him in
laying out the beautiful terraced gardens, adorned with fountains and
orangeries, in the precincts of the ducal palace. And the bell in the
new clock-tower, which the Duke built in 1577, was named Dorothea,
after the Duchess of Brunswick.[640] Charles himself, like his father,
was a Prince of cultured tastes, who studied the Latin and Italian
poets and took delight in Ronsard's verses. The foundation of the
University at Pont-à-Mousson bore witness to his love of learning,
while he employed scholars to collect precious books and manuscripts,
and sent his gardeners to inspect the royal palaces at Fontainebleau
and St. Germain, and to bring back rare plants and exotics.[641]
In these last years of Christina's life at Nancy, new hopes and
interests were suddenly brought into her life by Don John of Austria's
arrival in the Low Countries. When terrorism and massacre had failed
to crush the revolted provinces, the hero of Lepanto was appointed
Governor, in the hope that he might succeed in restoring order, by
appealing to his illustrious father's memory and ruling the Netherlands
according to his example. In October, 1576, Don John travelled through
France in the disguise of a Moorish servant, and, after spending one
night in Paris, came to Joinville to consult the Duke of Guise on a
romantic scheme which he had formed to release and marry the captive
Queen of Scots. Then he hurried on to Luxembourg and proclaimed his
intention of withdrawing the Spanish troops and granting a general
amnesty. The coming of this chivalrous Prince, with his message of
peace, filled the people of the Netherlands with new hope. Don John was
received with open arms by the Duke of Aerschot and his half-brother,
Anne of Lorraine's son, Charles de Croy, Marquis of Havré. His first
act was to restore the lands and fortune of the late Count Egmont to
his widow, the Countess Palatine Sabina, and her innocent children.
This rejoiced the heart of Madame d'Aremberg, who had been spending the
winter at Nancy with the Duchess, and Christina's nephew, Charles de
Croy, told Don John frankly that the Low Countries would gladly have
him, not only for their Governor, but for their King. Christina herself
was deeply stirred, and sent a member of her household to Luxembourg
with a letter welcoming the Prince in the warmest terms, and thanking
him for the cheering news which he had sent her.
[Sidenote: NOV., 1576] DON JOHN OF AUSTRIA]
"I can only praise God," she wrote, "for your appointment to
the government of the Low Countries, and trust that the same
success that, thanks to your great valour and prudence, has
everywhere attended you will continue to crown your efforts.
"Your very loving and more than
very affectionate cousin,
"CHRÉTIENNE.
"Blamont, November 12, 1576."[642]
In her anxiety to see Don John, the Duchess set out for Pont-à-Mousson;
but when she reached Nancy, on the 12th of December, she heard that the
Prince had already left Luxembourg for the Netherlands, and sent him
the following letter by a confidential servant, who was to tell him
many things which she could not commit to paper:
"MY COUSIN,
"The singular wish that I have to see Your Highness, and confer
with you on many points of the highest importance, induced
me to leave Blamont and come to Pont-à-Mousson, in order to
be near you and to have an opportunity of seeing you and
conversing together, as you will learn more fully from this
gentleman whom I am sending to wish you all prosperity and
success in your noble designs and enterprises, as well as to
tell you many things which I beg you to hear and believe."[643]
Don John replied in the same friendly spirit, telling her his plans and
thanking her most warmly for her advice.
"As for me," he wrote, "I am exceedingly obliged to Your
Highness for your offers, and shall always be most grateful for
your advice and help, knowing, Madame, your great experience
and wisdom in affairs. God knows how anxious I was to come and
see Your Highness on my journey here, and kiss your hands, but
it was impossible owing to the urgency of affairs requiring my
presence here. I am very glad indeed," he adds in a postscript,
"to hear that you are in good health."[644]
The Prince was evidently impressed by the soundness of the Duchess's
judgment and by her great popularity in the Netherlands, for when, a
few weeks later, he began to realize the hopeless nature of his task,
and begged for his recall, he repeatedly told Philip that, in his
opinion, the Duchess of Lorraine would be the best person to take his
place.
"The Duchess of Lorraine," he wrote on February 16, 1577,
"has all the qualities necessary for the government of these
provinces, which she would administer far better than I can,
because they are beginning to hate me, and I know that I hate
them."
Again, a little later:
"I find in Madame de Lorraine a real desire to serve Your
Majesty. She has come to Pont-à-Mousson to see if she can be of
help to me, and I am sure would gladly execute any orders that
she may receive."
[Sidenote: OCT., 1578] DEATH OF DON JOHN]
Christina heard with delight of Don John's joyous entry into Brussels
on May Day, and received with deep thankfulness his letter informing
her of the departure of the hated Spanish troops. But these high hopes
were doomed to disappointment. The war soon broke out again, and after
Don John's victory of Gembloux in January, 1578, Madame de Lorraine was
one of the first persons to whom he announced the news by letter.[645]
Both of the Duchess's sons-in-law joined in supporting Don John, and in
May, 1578, the Duke of Brunswick brought a force of 3,000 Germans to
join him at Namur. Dorothea accompanied her husband, and was about to
pay the Prince a visit, when she received a message from her brother
Charles, informing her of their mother's serious illness, and left
hastily for Nancy.[646]
Five months afterwards a premature death closed the brilliant
adventurer's career, and Christina was left to grieve over the tragic
end of this Prince, of whom so much had been expected.
FOOTNOTES:
[572] Venetian Calendar, vi. 1533.
[573] T. Juste, "Philippe II.," 209; Gachard, "Correspondance de
Guillaume d'Orange," i. 431; Granvelle, v. 628.
[574] T. Juste, 206; Venetian Calendar, vii. 83.
[575] Venetian Calendar, vii. 83.
[576] Venetian Calendar, vii. 83.
[577] Granvelle, v. 625-627.
[578] Venetian Calendar, vii. 112.
[579] Calendar of State Papers, Elizabeth, i. 82.
[580] Sébastien de l'Aubespine, "Négociations au Règne de François
II.," 43, 66.
[581] Venetian Calendar, vii. 119, 121; Gachard, iv. 72.
[582] Kervyn de Lettenhove, i. 583.
[583] Groen, i. 49; Kervyn de Lettenhove, ii. 8; Venetian Calendar,
vii. 112.
[584] Groen, i. 35; Granvelle, v. 652.
[585] Granvelle, v. 672, vi. 29.
[586] Groen, i. 49, 52; "Correspondence de Granvelle," iii. 529.
[587] Calmet, ii. 1552; Pfister, ii. 246; Calendar of State Papers,
Elizabeth, i. 562.
[588] Calendar of State Papers, Elizabeth, Foreign, ii. 55.
[589] A. de Ruble, 308; Bibliothèque Nationale, 123, 4, f. 40.
[590] Calmet, ii. 1353; Pfister, ii. 246.
[591] Venetian Calendar, vii. 163; Calendar of State Papers, Elizabeth,
Foreign, iii. 224.
[592] Calendar of State Papers, Elizabeth, Foreign, iv. 91; Venetian
Calendar, vii. 290.
[593] A. de Ruble, 210; Brantôme, xii. 116; Aubespine, 752.
[594] Aubespine, 80-84; Bouillé, ii. 74; Venetian Calendar, vii. 290.
[595] Brantôme, xii. 117.
[596] Aubespine, 867.
[597] Schlegel, 253; Granvelle, vi. 1.
[598] Calendar of State Papers, Elizabeth, Foreign, ii. 458, iii. 328.
[599] A. Churchill, "Collection of Voyages and Travels," vi. 458.
[600] Calendar of State Papers, Elizabeth, Foreign, v. 554; Granvelle,
vi. 683.
[601] Pimodan, 215.
[602] Granvelle, vii. 488.
[603] Pfister, ii. 184; H. Lepage, "Le Palais Ducal de Nancy," 3.
[604] Calmet, iii. 30.
[605] Granvelle, vii. 344; Calmet, iii. 434, 438.
[606] Granvelle, vii. 488.
[607] Gachard, "Correspondance de Guillaume, Prince d'Orange," ii. 67;
Groen, i. 214.
[608] "Mémoires de Granvelle," xxxv. 19.
[609] Granvelle, vii. 437-440.
[610] Schäfer, v. 111, 112.
[611] Granvelle, vii. 533, 671, viii. 522.
[612] Calmet, iii. 1359; Granvelle, viii. 46.
[613] Granvelle, viii. 345.
[614] _Ibid_., viii. 472.
[615] Granvelle, viii. 609.
[616] _Ibid._, viii. 637.
[617] Granvelle, viii. 637.
[618] Granvelle, ix. 22, 28; Schäfer, v. 114.
[619] Granvelle, ix. 373.
[620] Groen, i. 408.
[621] Granvelle, ix. 498.
[622] _Ibid_., ix. 496.
[623] Schäfer, v. 116-118; Calmet, ii. 26.
[624] Granvelle, ix. 661-664; Groen, i. 303.
[625] Schäfer, v. 167.
[626] Granvelle, "Correspondance," i. 126, 178.
[627] _Ibid._, i. 43, 524.
[628] Granvelle, "Correspondance," i. 444.
[629] _Ibid._, i. 494.
[630] Granvelle, "Correspondance," ii. 494.
[631] Brantôme, i. 104.
[632] Gachard, "Correspondance de Philippe II.," i. 18.
[633] Gachard, "Correspondance de Philippe II.," i. 588, 738, 762.
[634] Granvelle, "Correspondance," iii. 235.
[635] Calmet, i. 265.
[636] Granvelle, "Correspondance," iii. 463.
[637] _Ibid._, v. 418.
[638] Pimodan, 254.
[639] Calmet, i. 265; Pfister, ii. 256.
[640] Pfister, ii. 246; H. Lepage, "La Ville de Nancy," 63, "Palais
Ducal," 3.
[641] Pfister, ii. 496.
[642] Gachard, "Correspondance de Philippe II.," v. 29.
[643] _Ibid._, v. 92.
[644] Granvelle, "Correspondance," vi. 521.
[645] _Ibid._, vii. 572.
[646] Granvelle, vii. 638.