THE PEACE OF CÂTEAU-CAMBRÉSIS
1557-1559
I.
The lull that followed the decisive battle of St. Quentin afforded the
Duchess of Lorraine a favourable opportunity for resuming her efforts
to open negotiations between the contending monarchs. The Constable,
after fighting like a lion and receiving a severe wound, had been made
prisoner, and was taken to the Castle of Ghent, where Christina and her
daughters were staying. The Duchess paid him daily visits, and brought
him letters of condolence from her aunt Eleanor, who wrote that she
wished she were still in Flanders to nurse her old friend. More than
this: Christina obtained leave for his wife to visit him, and even
proposed that the prisoner should be allowed to go to France on parole.
These good offices gratified the French King, who was very anxious for
his favourite's release, and whose behaviour towards the Duchess now
underwent a marked change.[529]
The young Duke Charles was almost fifteen, and his marriage to
the Princess Claude was fixed for the following spring. With the
King's leave, he sent his steward to Ghent to invite his mother to
the wedding, and at the same time make proposals of peace through
Montmorency. These letters were laid before Philip by Christina, and a
brisk correspondence was carried on between her and the Constable. In
December Vaudemont came to Brussels, bringing portraits of Charles and
his bride as a gift from Henry II. to the Duchess, and negotiations
were actively pursued.[530] But just when the wished-for goal at
length seemed to be in sight, and Christina was rejoicing to think of
once more seeing her son, all her hopes were shattered by the Duke
of Guise's capture of Calais. The surprise had been cleverly planned
and brilliantly executed. The new fortifications of the town were
unfinished, and after a gallant resistance the little garrison was
overpowered and forced to capitulate, on the 8th of January, 1558. This
unexpected success revived the courage of the French, and strengthened
the Guise brothers in the determined opposition which they offered to
peace. The star of their house was at its zenith, and on the 24th of
April the marriage of their niece, the young Queen of Scots, to the
Dauphin, was celebrated with great splendour at Paris. In deference
to his mother's wishes, the Duke of Lorraine's wedding was put off
till the following year, when he should have attained his majority;
but he figured conspicuously in the day's pageant, and led his lovely
cousin in her lily-white robes and jewelled crown up the nave of Notre
Dame.[531]
[Sidenote: MAY, 1558] CHRISTINA MEETS HER SON]
The French King now gave his consent to Vaudemont's request, that
a meeting should be arranged between the Duke and his mother in
the neighbourhood of Péronne. Philip, after his wont, raised many
difficulties, and insisted that the Bishop of Arras must be present at
the interview.[532] At length all preliminaries were arranged, and on
the 1st of May Charles left Paris with his uncle Vaudemont and Guise's
eldest son, Henri, Prince of Joinville, attended by an escort of 200
horse. The Duchess had already arrived at Cambray with her daughters
and Anne of Aerschot, accompanied by Egmont, Arras, and a great train
of courtiers, and had prepared a splendid reception for her son. But at
the last moment fresh difficulties arose. The Cardinal of Lorraine sent
Robertet, the King's secretary, to tell the Duchess that, although her
son was most anxious to see her, it would be derogatory to his master's
dignity for him to enter King Philip's territories as a suppliant for
peace. Would Her Highness therefore consent to come as far as his
castle at Péronne? This Philip quite refused to allow, and eventually
the village of Marcoing, halfway between Cambray and Péronne, was fixed
upon as the meeting-place. An old manor-house which had been partly
destroyed in the late military operations was hastily repaired for the
occasion, and here, on the 15th of May, the much-desired meeting at
length took place.[533] The Frenchmen, who came in riding-clothes, were
amazed to find the splendid company awaiting them. The Duchess with
the young Princesses, Anne of Aerschot, and the Princess of Macedonia,
stood under a bower of leafy boughs, and Egmont and the other courtiers
were all richly clad and mounted on fine horses. The coming of the
guests was greeted by a gay fanfare of trumpets and roll of drums,
together with salutes of artillery. Then the young Duke, springing from
his horse, rushed into his mother's arms. At the sight of her boy,
Christina burst into tears and almost fainted away. For some minutes
she remained unable to speak, and the spectators were deeply moved by
her emotion. After repeatedly embracing his mother, Charles kissed
his sisters and aunt, and proceeded to salute Egmont and the rest of
the company with charming grace; while the happy mother followed his
movements with delight, and could not take her eyes off the tall and
handsome youth whom she had last seen as a child, and who had grown up
the image of his father.
[Sidenote: MAY, 1558] DUKE CHARLES OF LORRAINE]
During the conversation which followed, Charles spoke to his mother
with great good sense and wisdom, telling her how kindly he was treated
at the French Court, and how it would be hard for him to feel at home
anywhere else. But directly after his marriage he and his wife intended
to return to Nancy, where he hoped that his mother would join them
and live among their own people. The Duchess and her children now sat
down to an exquisite _déjeuner_ with the Duchess of Aerschot and the
Cardinal, while Egmont and Arras entertained Vaudemont and the Prince
of Joinville, and the other French gentlemen dined with the members of
Christina's suite. After dinner three Spanish jennets which King Philip
had sent the young Duke were led out, and Charles mounted a spirited
charger given him by the French monarch, and performed a variety
of feats of horsemanship before the company, to his mother's great
delight. Then the Duchess and her sister and children retired to enjoy
each other's company in private, leaving the Cardinal to confer with
Arras and Egmont.
The Cardinal produced the royal mandate, and Robertet read out Henry's
proposals, offering to restore Savoy to the Duke, but only on condition
of receiving Milan in exchange. All Arras would say in reply to these
demands was that they must be referred to his master, upon which the
Cardinal exclaimed with some heat that these were the only terms
which the King of France would accept. "Thus," remarks the Venetian
Ambassador, "this meeting, which began with such a beautiful outburst
of motherly love and tenderness, ended in mutual recrimination."[534]
The Cardinal then took leave of the company, after presenting the
young Princesses and their mother with gifts of gold bracelets,
rings, and brooches, and receiving a box of choice gloves, perfumed,
and embroidered in Italian fashion from the Duchess. As he rode back
to Péronne, he saw the flames of a burning village which had been
destroyed by the Imperialists, and, in spite of his safe-conduct, was
seized with so great a panic that he hurried back to Paris, fearing his
château might be surprised by the foes. The young Duke and Vaudemont
spent another day with the Duchess, and only returned to Compiègne on
the 18th of May. Here Charles received the warmest of welcomes from the
royal family, who had feared that he might be induced to remain with
his mother. The King threw his arms round the boy's neck, the Queen and
Dauphin, the Princesses Elizabeth and Claude and the young Queen of
Scots, all embraced him affectionately, telling him how much they had
missed him. In fact, as Soranzo remarks, this short absence served to
show how much beloved the young Prince was by the whole Court.[535]
Meanwhile Arras and Egmont returned to Brussels, satisfied that the
French had no real wish for peace, and Philip declared his conviction
that they had made a plot to capture the Duchess, which had only
been defeated by the strong escort with which she was attended.
But Christina herself was radiant with happiness, and received
congratulations from all her friends. The French had done her many
cruel wrongs, but they had not been able to rob her of her son's heart,
and the future still held the promise of some golden hours.
[Sidenote: JUNE, 1558] THE PRINCE OF ORANGE]
For a while the war still raged fiercely. The capture of Thionville
by Guise in June was followed a month later by Egmont's fresh victory
at Gravelines, when the Governor of Calais, De Thermes, and his whole
force, were cut to pieces. The Count had always been a splendid and
popular figure; now he was the idol of the whole nation. His brilliant
feat of arms had saved Flanders from utter ruin, and made peace once
more possible. Both sides were thoroughly weary of the long struggle,
the resources of both countries were exhausted, and the unhappy
inhabitants of Picardy and Artois were crying out for a respite from
their sufferings. Christina made use of the opportunity to renew her
correspondence with the Constable and the Marshal St. André, his
companion in captivity.[536] A new recruit now came to her help in
the person of William of Orange. This young Prince had enjoyed the
favour of Charles V. and his sister Mary from his boyhood, and had
been treated with especial kindness by the Duchess of Aerschot and
her sister-in-law. The death of his young wife, Anna, Countess Büren,
in the spring of 1558, had thrown him much into the company of these
ladies, and it was already whispered at Court that he would certainly
marry Madame de Lorraine's elder daughter, Renée, who was growing up
a tall and attractive maiden. The Prince himself was a handsome youth
with fine brown eyes and curly auburn locks, and a charm of manner
which few could resist. If the cares and anxieties of his later life
made him taciturn, in youth he was the most genial and pleasant of
companions, and Arras, who never loved him, said that he "made a friend
every time that he lifted his hat." His attire was always as faultless
as it was splendid, he was renowned for his skill as a rider and
jouster, and had greatly distinguished himself in the recent campaigns.
Both in his home at Breda and in the stately Nassau house at Brussels
the Prince kept open house, and the worst faults of which his enemies
could accuse him were his reckless hospitality and extravagant tastes.
Christina had always taken especial interest in William of Orange,
for the sake of the kinsman whose name and wealth he inherited, and
he on his part became deeply attached to her. So intimate was their
friendship, that the Duchess one day told Count Feria's English wife,
Jane Dormer, in speaking of the Prince's intended marriage with her
daughter, that she would gladly have married him herself.[537]
The Prince now joined his personal exertions to those of the Duchess,
and was the frequent bearer of letters between Brussels and the camp
near Amiens, where the two Kings and their rival armies were drawn up
face to face. At length, on the 9th of September, a ten days' armistice
was proclaimed, and a few days later the Prince of Orange, Ruy Gomez,
and Arras, met the Constable and St. André at Lille, to discuss
preliminaries of peace.[538] The two French prisoners were eager for
peace, and had the secret support of Henry II. and Diane de Poitiers;
but the Guises, who had everything to lose and nothing to gain by the
cessation of war, were still strongly opposed to a truce, and Renard
told Philip that the only way of gaining their good-will would be to
give Mademoiselle de Lorraine's hand to the Prince of Joinville. In
the end, however, their opposition was overruled, and on the 30th of
September William of Orange was able to bring the Duchess news that
a Conference had been arranged, and would take place at the Abbey of
Cercamp, near Cambray, in October. He found Christina at Douai, where
she and her daughters were attending a marriage in the d'Aremberg
family. She had just heard of her son's return to Nancy, where he had
been received with acclamation by his subjects, and where her own
presence was eagerly expected. But at Philip's earnest entreaty she
consented to remain in Flanders for the present, and preside at the
coming Conference. This proposal was strongly supported by the Cardinal
of Lorraine, who hastened to send the Duchess a safe-conduct, saying
that her presence would do more than anything to bring the desired
peace to perfection.[539]
[Sidenote: OCT., 1558] THE CONFERENCE OF CERCAMP]
Christina herself was very reluctant to accept the post, as we learn
from the following letter which she wrote to Philip from Douai on the
12th of October. Her delicate child, Dorothea, was ailing, and her
faithful companion, the aged Princess of Macedonia, was hardly fit to
be left alone.
"I have received the letter which Your Majesty has been
pleased to send me, and thank you humbly for your affectionate
expressions. As to the inconvenience of the place selected for
this Conference, I should never allow my comfort or pleasure
to interfere with your commands, and will accordingly go to
Arras to-morrow and await your further orders. I have been
very unwell lately, and must beg Your Majesty to provide for
my safety, not only because I am a woman, but because, as you
know, I am not in the good graces of the French. My daughters
must remain here a few days longer, as Dorothea is indisposed,
and the Princess of Macedonia is in a very feeble state. I will
follow Your Majesty's advice as to Bassompierre's mission and
my son's affairs, and cannot thank you enough for your kind
thought of me and my children. I kiss Your Majesty's hands.
"Your very humble and obedient cousin,
"CHRÉTIENNE."[540]
Some further difficulties--chiefly the work of Silliers, poor Belloni's
hated rival and successor--delayed the Duchess's journey for another
week. On the 16th Arras wrote to tell her that the Commissioners had
already arrived at Cercamp, and beg her to come as soon as possible.
The Cardinal was very anxious to see her, and hoped that she would not
fail to bring his young cousins, "Mesdames your daughters," with her.
Christina could delay no longer, and hastened to Cercamp the following
day.
II.
On the 17th of October, 1558, a fortnight's truce was proclaimed.
Both armies remained encamped on their own territories, while the two
Kings withdrew respectively to Arras and Beauvais. The next day the
Commissioners met at one o'clock in the Duchess's lodgings. The Prince
of Orange, Alva, Ruy Gomez, Arras, and Viglius, the President of the
Council, represented Philip; while the Constable, the Cardinal of
Lorraine, St. André, the Bishop of Orleans, and Secretary l'Aubespine,
were the five French deputies. Stroppiana represented the Duke of
Savoy, and the English deputies, Lord Arundel, Dr. Wotton, and Thirlby,
Bishop of Ely, arrived a few days later. The Duchess welcomed the
Commissioners in a brief speech, explaining that, as for several years
past she had endeavoured to make peace between these two illustrious
monarchs, it was their pleasure that she should continue her good
offices, adding that she would count herself too happy if her services
could help to attain this blessed end, and relieve the people of both
countries from the awful miseries of war.[541]
[Sidenote: OCT., 1558] PEACE NEGOTIATIONS]
During the next fortnight conferences were held daily in the presence
of Christina, who herself read aloud each different proposal that was
made, and showed infinite tact in smoothing over difficulties and
suggesting points of agreement. Each morning the deputies met at Mass
in the parish church, and often discussed separate questions after
service. In the evenings, private interviews took place in Christina's
rooms, and the Prince of Orange held long conversations with
Montmorency and the Cardinal, which contributed not a little to their
mutual understanding. "Loving entertainments," in Suriano's phrase,
"were exchanged," and one night the Duchess gave a banquet in honour of
the Constable's wife and daughter, who paid a visit to Cercamp. As the
Cardinal complained jestingly, Montmorency was too good a Christian and
all too ready to make peace with his country's enemies. But King Henry
supported him secretly, and sent private notes and messages, telling
him to take no notice of the Guises, and do all he could to make
peace.[542]
The great difficulty which had hitherto stood in the way of all
attempts at negotiation was the restitution of Savoy. The Constable
now proposed that the Duke should marry the King's sister, Madame
Marguerite, with a dower of 300,000 crowns, and be placed in possession
of the chief portion of his dominions. At first the Duke demurred
to this offer, and begged that the King's daughter Claude should
be substituted for her aunt, who was five years his senior. But
the Cardinal replied that this Princess was already pledged to his
nephew, Charles of Lorraine, and laid stress on Margaret's charms and
learning. The Duke yielded, and a long wrangle ensued as to the towns
and citadels to be retained by the French. But there was a still more
thorny question to be decided. This was the restoration of Calais,
which the English demanded with the utmost pertinacity, while the
French were no less determined to keep their conquest. The English
pleaded that they had held the town during two centuries; the French
replied that it had been unjustly snatched from them in the first
place. Old treaties, going back to the days of the Black Prince, were
produced, and Arras and his colleagues supported the English claim
loyally, knowing that, if Philip consented to abandon Calais, he would
lose all hold on his wife's subjects. In vain Christina proposed that,
as the marriage of the French King's elder daughter with the Infant Don
Carlos had been agreed upon, Calais should form part of Elizabeth's
dower. The Cardinal told the Duchess that the possession of the town,
which his brother had conquered, touched his honour too closely for
him to agree to the surrender, and King Henry sent word that he would
rather lose his crown than give up Calais. So stern and intractable
were the French that the only thing to be done was to adjourn the
Conference and refer the matter to the two monarchs.[543]
[Sidenote: SEPT., 1558] DEATH OF MARY OF HUNGARY]
The Constable was allowed to go to Beauvais with the Cardinal to
consult King Henry, Alva and Orange went to Brussels to see Philip,
and Christina took three days' holiday with her children at Douai.
Before she went to Cercamp, a report of Charles V.'s death had reached
Brussels. Now this was confirmed by letters from St. Yuste, announcing
that the great Emperor had passed away on the 21st of September.
The sudden death of his sister Eleanor, seven months before, had
been a great shock to him, and when the Queen of Hungary entered
his room without the accustomed figure at her side he burst into
tears. The recent events of the war, and Philip's difficulties in the
administration of the provinces, troubled him sorely, and he was very
anxious for Mary to resume the office of Regent. When, in August, the
Archbishop of Toledo brought a letter from the King, imploring the
Queen to come to his help, Charles used all his influence to induce
her to consent. In vain Mary pleaded her advancing years and failing
health; the Emperor replied that her refusal would bring ruin and
disgrace on their house, and adjured her by the love of God and her
sisterly affection to do him this last service. This appeal decided the
noble woman. On the 9th of September she wrote to tell Philip that, in
obedience to his father's orders, she would start for the Netherlands
as soon as possible. The knowledge of the Queen's decision was a great
consolation to Charles in his last moments, and as soon as she had
recovered from the first shock of his death she prepared to obey his
last wish. But before she embarked at Laredo, a fresh attack of the
heart trouble from which she suffered ended her life, and on St. Luke's
Day she passed to her well-earned rest.[544]
Her death was deeply lamented throughout the Low Countries, where her
return had been daily looked for, and no one mourned her loss more
truly than the niece to whom she had been the best of mothers. It was
with a sad heart that Christina came back to Cercamp to preside at the
second session of the Conference, which opened on the 7th of November.
Alarming accounts of their mistress's health now reached the English
Commissioners, and Count Feria, whom Philip sent to London, wrote that
the Queen's life was despaired of, and that Parliament was in great
alarm lest, if she died, the King would cease to care for the recovery
of Calais. But, although Arras and Alva still declared that they would
never consent to any treaty which did not satisfy the English, the
French remained obdurate, and the Commissioners were at their wits'
end. The Bishop of Ely was in tears, and on the 18th of November Lord
Arundel wrote home that
"it seemed very hard that all others should have restitution of
their owne, and poore England, that began not the fray, should
bear the burthen and loss for the rest, and specially of such a
jewel as Calais."[545]
The next day came the news of the Queen's death. The French, who,
Wotton remarked, "have ears as long as those of Midas," were the first
to inform Her Majesty's Envoys that their mistress had breathed her
last, on the morning of the 17th of November, after sending a message
to Elizabeth, recognizing this Princess as her successor, and begging
her to maintain the Catholic religion. The new Queen at once sent Lord
Cobham to announce her accession to Philip, and assure him of her
resolve to hold fast the ancient friendship between England and the
House of Burgundy.
[Sidenote: DEC., 1558] THE EMPEROR'S FUNERAL]
The news of Mary's death decided the Commissioners to adjourn the
Conference. The truce was prolonged for two months, and on the 2nd
of December they all left Cercamp. Arundel had already started for
England, and Wotton was longing to get away, saying "that he was never
wearier of any place than he was of Cercamp, saving only of Rome after
the sack." The Constable was set at liberty, and received a promise
that his 200,000 crowns ransom should be reduced by half, if peace
were finally made. Arras, Alva, and Orange, went to the Abbey of
Groenendal to see Philip, who had retired to pray for his father's
soul, and there received the tidings of his wife's death. Christina
returned to Brussels to assist at a succession of funerals. On the
22nd of December a requeim for the Queen of England was chanted in
S. Gudule, the Duke of Savoy acting as chief mourner in the King's
absence, and on the following day solemn funeral rites for the late
Queen of Hungary were performed in the Court chapel, which she and the
Emperor had built and adorned. The Duchess of Lorraine was present at
this service, together with the Duke of Savoy, the Prince of Orange,
and all the chief nobles and Crown officials, while the palace gates
were thronged with a crowd of sorrowing people.[546] But the grandest
funeral ceremonies ever known in Brussels were those that were
celebrated on the 29th of December, in memory of the late Emperor.
[Sidenote: JAN., 1559] CHARLES'S WEDDING]
Great preparations had been made for this solemnity during the last
few weeks. A _chapelle ardente_ was erected in S. Gudule, rising in
tiers to the lofty roof, adorned with golden diadems and shields
emblazoned with the dead monarch's arms and titles, and lighted with
3,000 candles. Here, on a couch draped with cloth of gold, an effigy
of the Emperor was laid, clad in robes of state and wearing the collar
of the Order. On the morning of the 29th a long procession wound its
way through the narrow streets leading from the palace on the heights
of the Caudenberg to the cathedral church, and a stately pageant
unfolded the glorious story of Charles of Austria's deeds. A richly
carved and gilded ship, drawn by marine monsters, bore the names of his
journeys and battles and armorial bearings of the kingdoms over which
he reigned, while banners of the Turks and of the other foes whom he
had vanquished were plunged in the waves below, and white-robed maidens
sat in the stern, bearing the cross and chalice, the symbols of the
faith by which he had conquered the world. This imposing group was
followed by a representation of the Pillars of Hercules with Charles's
motto, _Plus oultre_, and twenty-four horses decked in coloured
plumes and trappings to match the banners of his different States.
Each of these pennons was borne by a noble youth, while four Princes
supported the great standard of the Empire. Then came the officers of
the imperial household, leading Charles's war-horse, and bearing his
armour and insignia; the Prince of Orange with his master's sword, Alva
with the orb of the world, and the Grand Commander of Castille with
the imperial crown. Last of all King Philip himself appeared on foot,
clad in a mourning mantle five yards long, and followed by the Duke of
Savoy and a long train of Knights of the Golden Fleece, Councillors
and Ministers, with the Archers of the Guard bringing up the rear. The
procession left the palace at nine, and the funeral service, which
included a lengthy oration by the Bishop of Arras's coadjutor, Abbé
Richardot, was not over till five o'clock. The next day Philip and all
his nobles attended High Mass, and at the end of the celebration the
Prince of Orange, standing before the funeral pile, smote his breast
three times, repeating the words: "He is dead, and will remain dead;
and there is another risen up in his place, greater than ever he has
been." So the solemn function ended.
"It was a sight worth going 100 miles to see," wrote Richard Clough,
an English apprentice who had been sent by Sir Thomas Gresham from
Antwerp, and counted himself fortunate to witness this imposing
ceremony. "The like of it, I think, hath never been seen. The Lord give
his soul rest!"[547]
The Duchess of Lorraine had been anxious that her son should attend
his great-uncle's funeral, but the tardy invitation which Philip
sent to Nancy arrived too late, and the young Duke could not reach
Brussels in time to take part in the ceremony. To console herself for
this disappointment, Christina went to meet Charles at Treves on the
6th of January, and spent two days in his company, before he returned
to France for the wedding. His loyal subjects presented him with a
marriage gift of 200,000 crowns, double the amount which any Duke of
Lorraine had received before. Charles who inherited his mother's lavish
generosity, spent most of the money in costly jewels for his bride, and
presented the King and Dauphin, Vaudemont and the Guises, with superb
robes embroidered with the arms of Lorraine and lined with lynx fur.
The wedding was solemnized at Notre Dame on the 22nd of January, with
as much splendour as that of the Dauphin in the previous spring. The
Guises held open house for ten days in their palatial abode, the "Hôtel
de Lorraine et de Sicile," near the royal palace of Les Tournelles, and
gave a grand tournament in which the young Duke appeared at the head
of a troop splendidly arrayed in corslets of gold and silver, with
the _alérions_, or eagles, of Lorraine on the crest of their helmets.
Ronsard celebrated the union of the eagles of Lorraine and the golden
lilies of France, and sang the praises of the "Fair Maid of Valois and
her bridegroom, the beautiful Shepherd who feeds his flock in the green
pastures along the banks of Meuse and Moselle."[548]
The French King and Queen had invited the Duchess in courteous and
affectionate terms to be present at the wedding, but she declined on
the plea of her deep mourning, as well as of the promise which she had
made to preside at the Peace Conference, which was shortly to meet
again.[549]
III.
[Sidenote: FEB., 1559] AT CÂTEAU-CAMBRÉSIS]
The Commissioners who had attended the Conferences at Cercamp were
unanimous in refusing to return to this unhealthy and inconvenient
spot, and at the Duchess of Lorraine's suggestion the small town of
Câteau-Cambrésis, belonging to the Bishop of Cambray, was chosen for
their next meeting-place. The Bishop's manor-house at Mon Soulas, which
had been damaged in the war, was hastily repaired by the Duchess's
_fourriers_, the rooms were furnished anew, and paper windows were
inserted in place of the broken glass. The Bishop of Arras, who arrived
with the Prince of Orange's servants, secured a decent lodging and
good cook for himself and his colleagues in the neighbouring villas
of Beau Regard and Mon Plaisir, while Wotton and the Bishop of Ely
found very indifferent quarters in a ruinous house belonging to the
Bishop of Cambray. The French complained that the accommodation was no
better than at Cercamp, if the air was healthier, and, after a good
deal of grumbling, fixed on two houses, known as Mon Secours and Belle
Image, outside the gates.[550] The dilapidated country-house, with its
patched-up walls and paper windows, could hardly have been a pleasant
residence in the cold days of February, but Christina made light of
these discomforts, and threw herself heart and soul into the difficult
task before her. The Commissioners all recognized the tact and patience
which she showed in conducting the negotiations, and the courtesy which
the Ambassadors of other nationalities received at her hands, during
the next two months.
The French delegates were delayed by the fêtes for the Duke of
Lorraine's wedding, and did not reach Câteau-Cambrésis until late on
the evening of the 5th of February. On the following afternoon they
held their first meeting with the King of Spain's Commissioners in the
Duchess's rooms at Mon Soulas. They seemed very cheerful, and, the
next day being Shrove Tuesday, were all entertained at dinner by the
Constable. On Ash Wednesday, Mass of the Holy Ghost was sung in church,
after which business began in earnest, and various points regarding the
Duke of Savoy's marriage were decided. The next evening Lord William
Howard, who had been made Lord Chamberlain by the new Queen, and
advanced to the peerage with the title of Lord Howard of Effingham,
arrived from England. He was received with great civility by Alva and
his colleagues, and conducted by the Prince of Orange to salute the
Duchess. Christina welcomed him graciously, asked after Queen Elizabeth
with great interest, and kept him talking of England "for a pretty
while" in the most friendly manner.
"This assembly," wrote Howard to his mistress, "hath been
entirely procured by the Duchess's labour and travail; and she
being a Princess not subject to the King of Spain or France,
the Commissioners are content to use her as one that is
indifferent betwixt all parties, and she is continually present
at all meetings and communications."[551]
[Sidenote: FEB., 1559] ANGRY DISCUSSIONS]
But the Frenchmen, Lord Howard complained, behaved in a very strange
fashion, and quite refused to meet him and his colleagues if they
persisted in their demand for Calais, pretending that this question had
been finally settled at Cercamp. At Christina's entreaty, however, the
Cardinal consented to an interview, and at one o'clock on Saturday,
the 11th of February, the whole body of Commissioners met at Mon
Soulas. The Duchess sat at the head of the table, the English on her
right, the French deputies opposite, and Alva and his companions at
the other end. A long wrangle followed; all the old arguments were
revived, and the Cardinal, as Howard noticed, did his best to stir up a
quarrel between the English and the King of Spain's servants. After the
meeting broke up, the members stood about in little knots, conversing
amicably with each other and the Duchess. On Sunday the Constable had
a long private interview with Howard, and, as the latter afterwards
discovered, caught Alva and Stroppiana as they left church, and tried
to induce them to abandon the English. But Philip's servants stood
loyally by their allies, and the Prince of Orange and Alva discussed
the matter with Howard until a late hour. During the next two days the
debate was continued with ever-increasing acrimony, until on Tuesday
afternoon Howard broke into so violent a passion that the Cardinal
and his friends rose and walked out of the house, saying that it was
impossible to argue with such people. As Arras remarked shrewdly: "The
French are better advocates of a bad cause than the English are of a
good one."[552]
Presently a page brought the Duchess word that the French Commissioners
had ordered their horses, and were preparing to pack up and leave.
Upon this Christina followed them into the garden, and by dint of much
persuasion prevailed upon the Cardinal to listen to her suggestion
that Calais should remain for eight years in the hands of the French,
and that a yearly sum should be paid to Queen Elizabeth as a security
for its ultimate surrender. Meanwhile the outer world was becoming
very impatient. Philip wrote to the Prince of Orange, saying that he
could get no more supplies from Spain, and that the greatest service
he could do him would be to obtain peace at any cost; and Henry sent
an autograph letter to the Constable, complaining of the Guises'
opposition, ending with the words: "Never mind what these men say;
let them talk as they please, but make peace if possible!" It was
accordingly decided to refer the Duchess's proposal to Queen Elizabeth
and her Council, while the Constable went to consult the French King at
Villers-Cotterets.[553]
Late this same evening the Duke of Lorraine arrived from Court, with
two of the Guise Princes, the Grand Prior of Malta, and the Marquis of
Elbœuf, and was met by the Prince of Orange, and taken to Mon Soulas.
The Duchess was overjoyed to see her son, and the next three days were
devoted to hunting-parties. Howard was invited to join in one of these,
and he and the Prince of Orange accompanied Christina and Margaret of
Aremberg out hunting. As they rode home together, the ladies began to
talk of Queen Elizabeth, and Christina expressed her wish that she
would marry the King of Spain.
"Why?" returned Howard. "What should my mistress doe with a
husband that should be ever from her and never with her? Is
that the way to get what we desire most--that is, children? I
think not."
[Sidenote: FEB., 1559] ROYAL INTERVIEWS]
At this both the Duchess and Madame d'Aremberg laughed, and Christina,
remembering her unlucky experiences at the English Court, observed
that the late Queen was too old to bear children, and had not the
art of winning her husband's affections. Howard was entirely of the
same opinion, but assured her that whoever the present Queen chose to
marry, "would be honoured and served to the death by every one of her
subjects, and all the more so if he make much of his wife."[554] This
conversation was duly reported to Elizabeth by Howard, who begged his
royal mistress to forgive his boldness, and not impute it to him as
folly. All the world knew that Philip was paying assiduous court to his
sister-in-law, and Christina's remarks were no doubt prompted by the
wish to do him a good turn. But three weeks after this conversation
the Queen told Count Feria that she was determined to restore the
Church of the land to what it was in her father's time, and that, being
a heretic, she could not become his master's wife.[555]
Christina had long sought an opportunity of presenting her son to the
King, and at her request Philip agreed to come to Binche for hunting,
and meet the Duke at Mons. On the 22nd of February, the Duchess and her
son, accompanied by Madame d'Aremberg, the Prince of Orange, and the
Guise Princes, rode to Mons, where they were hospitably entertained by
the Duke of Aerschot, and received a visit from the King, who came over
on St. Matthias's Feast from Binche to spend the day with his cousins.
He showed himself unusually amiable to the young Duke, and delighted
the boy with the gift of a richly carved and jewelled sword, in memory
of the great Emperor, whose birthday fell on this day. On the 25th,
Marguerite d'Aremberg wrote to inform Arras that the Duchess hoped to
be back in a few days, and thanked
"him for having her hall put in order, promising the Bishop
that, if he were seized with a wish to dance when the ladies
from the French Court arrived, he should have the best
place."[556]
Three days afterwards Christina returned to Mon Soulas, bringing
both her daughters to meet their brother's wife, who was expected in
a few days. The conferences were resumed on the 2nd of March, but
there seemed little prospect of a settlement. The Cardinal made more
difficulties than ever, and even ventured to question Queen Elizabeth's
right to the crown, saying that she was a bastard, and Mary, Queen
of Scots was the true Queen of England. Here Christina intervened
once more, and succeeded in soothing down her irascible kinsman. But
the leading part taken by the Duchess in these debates annoyed Arras
seriously. He blamed her for playing into the hands of the French,
and complained to the Duke of Savoy that there were too many ladies
at Mon Soulas, and that their absence would be of more advantage than
their presence. This last remark was aimed at the young Duchess of
Lorraine, who, on the 5th of March arrived from Court with the Duchess
of Guise, Anna d' Este, and a numerous suite of ladies. An innocent,
simple girl, devoted to her young husband, Claude responded warmly to
the affectionate welcome which she received from her mother-in-law
and sisters; and Christina thus surrounded by her children, declared
herself to be the happiest of mothers. Everyone, as Arras complained,
was given up to amusement. Lord Howard went out hunting with his old
friend the Constable, and the Prince of Orange and the Cardinal spent
their evenings with the Duchess and her joyous family circle.[557]
[Sidenote: MARCH, 1559] THE CALAIS QUESTION]
On Saturday, the 12th of March, there was another stormy meeting in
the Duchess's rooms. This time the French and Spanish Commissioners
quarrelled violently, and Alva and Arras left the room in anger,
declaring they had been fooled, and retired to their own lodgings. In a
private letter to the Duke of Savoy, the Bishop complained bitterly of
the Frenchmen's insolence, saying that nothing could be "done with such
people by fair means, and the only way was to show your teeth."[558]
The next afternoon, however, at the Duchess's earnest entreaty, he
and Alva returned to the Conference. This time the Cardinal was in
a more amiable mood, and the terms originally proposed by Christina
were accepted by all parties. Calais was to remain in the hands of
France for eight years, and hostages were to be given for the payment
of a yearly ransom of 500,000 crowns. There was great rejoicing at
this agreement, and the young Duchess and her ladies returned to
Court on the 19th of March, full of the goodness and generosity of
the Duke's mother, who loaded them with costly presents, and gave her
daughter-in-law the magnificent jewelled necklace which had been the
Emperor's wedding gift on her marriage to the Duke of Milan. Christina
herself was now so convinced of the certainty of peace that she begged
her son to delay his departure a few more days, in order that he
might take the good news to the Most Christian King. The end of the
Conference seemed really in sight, and Lord Howard wrote to inform
Queen Elizabeth of the treaty regarding Calais, only to receive a sound
rating from his mistress for having dared to allow the French and
Spaniards to call her title in question.[559]
IV.
The question of Calais having been settled, the French and Spanish
Commissioners met again on the 13th of March, and conferred for six
hours on their own affairs. The Duke of Savoy's marriage treaty was
the chief point under discussion. Madame Marguerite's own eagerness
for the union was well known. She had repeatedly asked her friend the
Constable to press the matter, and on the 25th of March she sent her
_maître d'hôtel_, Monsieur de l'Hôpital, to Câteau-Cambrésis to sign
the contract on her behalf. The Duke's original reluctance had been
overcome, and he sent Margaret word through a friend that she must
not think him ill-disposed towards her, but that, on the contrary, he
counted himself fortunate to win so noble and accomplished a bride,
adding, with a touch of irony:
"I believe that the fate with which you have often threatened
me is really in store for me, and that I shall submit to be
governed by a woman whom I shall try to please."[560]
But there still remained some troublesome details to arrange. All
through Holy Week, Christina stayed at her post, while the French and
Spanish delegates wrangled over the citadels to be given up by Henry
and Philip respectively. On Maundy Thursday a sharp contest arose
between Ruy Gomez and the Cardinal on this point. Both parties left the
room angrily, and a complete rupture seemed imminent.
"They fell suddenly to such a disagreement," wrote Howard,
"that they all rose up, determined to break off and depart home
the next morning, being Good Friday."[561]
The Cardinal ordered his rooms to be dismantled and his beds and
hangings packed, and on Good Friday morning he and his colleagues had
already put on their riding-boots, when Christina appeared at the door
and made a last appeal.
[Sidenote: APRIL, 1559] CHRISTINA'S EFFORTS]
"The Duchess," wrote the Venetian Tiepolo, "regardless of
personal fatigue, went to and fro between the Commissioners,
with the greatest zeal, ardour, and charity, imploring them to
come together again."[562]
Seven years before, on another Good Friday, in her own palace,
Christina had knelt in an agony of grief at the King of France's feet,
asking to be allowed to keep her only son. To-day she pleaded with
tears and prayers, in the name of the same Christ who died on the
cross, for the suffering thousands who were sighing for peace. This
time her prayer was heard. The Cardinal was induced to meet the Spanish
delegates once more, and, after a conference which lasted over seven
hours, it was decided that King Philip should keep Asti and Vercelli,
and surrender all the other citadels which he held in Savoy. Ruy Gomez
hastened to the Abbey of Groenendal to obtain his master's consent
to this plan, and, to the amazement of the whole Court, the Cardinal
appeared suddenly at La Ferté Milon, at dinner-time on Easter Day.
Happily, there was little difficulty in arranging matters. Madame
Marguerite told her brother plainly that he ought not to let her marry
the Duke, if he treated him with suspicion, and Henry bade her be of
good cheer, for all would be well.[563]
On Easter Tuesday the Commissioners held another meeting at Mon Soulas,
and by the following evening the terms of the treaty were finally
arranged. The Cardinal embraced the young Princesses of Lorraine,
and the Duke bade his mother farewell, and rode off as fast as his
horse could take him to bear the good news to the French King. All
the Commissioners attended a solemn _Te Deum_ in the church, and
bonfires were lighted in the town. "Thanks be to God!" wrote the
Constable to his nephew, Coligny: "Peace is made, and Madame Marguerite
is married."[564] One point still awaited settlement. The Princess
Elizabeth's hand had been originally offered to Don Carlos, but the
Constable brought back word that Henry would greatly prefer his
daughter to wed King Philip himself. The plan had already been mooted
at an earlier stage of the Conference, but it was not until Philip
saw that there was no hope of marrying the Queen of England that he
consented to wed the French Princess. On the 2nd of April, when the
articles of the treaty were being drafted, the Constable made a formal
proposal from his master to the Duchess, who, after a few words with
Arras and Ruy Gomez, graciously informed him that King Philip was
pleased to accept his royal brother's offer.[565]
"It seems a bold step," wrote Tiepolo, "for the Catholic King
to take to wife the daughter of the Most Christian King, who
had been already promised to his son, especially as marriage
negotiations with the Queen of England are still pending. But,
seeing how this Queen has already alienated herself from the
Church, he has easily allowed himself to be brought over to
this plan, which will establish peace more effectually, and
will no doubt please the French, who are above all anxious to
keep him from marrying the Queen of England."[566]
[Sidenote: APRIL, 1559] CONCLUSION OF PEACE]
On the next morning the Commissioners met for the last time, and signed
the treaty, after which they heard Mass and all dined with the Duchess,
who received the thanks and congratulations of the whole body. Then
they went their several ways, rejoicing, in Arras's words, "to escape
from purgatory." Howard and his colleagues hastened home to make their
peace with the offended Queen. In spite of her affected indifference,
Elizabeth was by no means gratified to hear of Philip's marriage. "So
your master is going to be married," she said with a smile to Count
Feria. "What a fortunate man he is!" Presently she heaved a little
sigh, and said: "But he could hardly have been as much in love with me
as you supposed, since he could not await my answer a few months."[567]
Before leaving Câteau-Cambrésis, Christina sent letters of
congratulation to the French King and Queen and to Madame Marguerite,
expressing her joy at the conclusion of the treaty, and the pleasure
which she had received from her son's presence. To Henry II. she wrote:
"It has pleased God to set the seal on all the joy and content
which I have experienced here--chiefly owing to Your Majesty's
kindness in allowing me to see my son, and, after that, Madame
your daughter and her company--by bringing those long-drawn
negotiations to a good end, and concluding, not only a lasting
peace, but also the marriage of the Catholic King with Madame
Elizabeth. For all of which I thank God, and assure Your
Majesty that I feel the utmost satisfaction in having been
able to bring about so excellent an arrangement, and one which
cannot fail to prove a great boon to Christendom."
In her letter to Catherine, Christina dwells chiefly on her gratitude
to the Queen and her daughter for allowing her to keep her son so long.
"I thank you, Madame," she writes, "very humbly for your kind
interest in our son, who is very well, thank God, and I hope
that the pleasure of seeing you will prevent him from feeling
the fatigues of the journey. And I am greatly obliged to Your
Majesty and our daughter for having lent him to me so long. I
praise God that our negotiations have ended so happily, and
that these two great monarchs will henceforth not only be
friends, but closely allied by the marriage of the Catholic
King and Madame Elizabeth, which, as you will hear, was frankly
and joyfully arranged after all the other articles of the
treaty had been drawn up. I rejoice personally to think that
by this happy arrangement I shall often have the pleasure of
seeing your Majesties, our daughter, and my son, and take this
opportunity of wishing you joy on this auspicious event, hoping
that in future you will not fail to make use of me as of one
who is ever ready to do you service."[568]
The Duchess now returned to Brussels with her daughters and the Prince
of Orange. All the towns and villages through which she passed were
hung with flags and garlands of flowers, and her coming was hailed
with shouts of joy. The prison doors were thrown open, and the poor
French soldiers, who had languished in captivity for years, called down
blessings on her head.[569] When she reached Brussels, the King himself
rode out to meet her, at the head of his nobles, while courtiers and
ladies flocked from all parts to welcome her return and offer their
congratulations on the triumphant success of her labours. For Christina
it was a great and memorable day. The bitterness of past memories was
blotted out, and peace and good-will seemed to have come back to earth.
[Sidenote: MAY, 1559] REJOICINGS AT BRUSSELS]
At Whitsuntide the Treaty was ratified. The Duke of Lorraine came to
Brussels with the Cardinals of Lorraine and Guise and the Constable,
and spent a fortnight with his mother. They were present in the Court
chapel, with Cardinals and Princes, when the King, laying his hand on
a relic of the True Cross, took a solemn oath to keep the articles of
the Treaty. And Christina occupied the place of honour at Philip's
right hand at the state banquet in the great hall, while her son and
daughters and the Duchess of Aerschot were all at table.[570] The King
gave the Cardinal of Lorraine a service of gold plate and a wonderful
ship of rock-crystal studded with gems, and bestowed similar presents
on the Constable; while the Marshal St. André, being a poor man was
excused his ransom. They all left Flanders on the following Sunday,
except the Duke of Lorraine, who remained another week with his mother.
Before he left Brussels, letters from Denmark were received, confirming
a report which had already reached the Court of his grandfather
King Christian II.'s death. The old King had died in the Castle of
Kallundborg, after forty-five years of captivity, on the 25th of
January, 1559, at the ripe age of seventy-seven. He was buried with his
parents in the Franciscan church at Odensee, and Duke Adolf of Holstein
followed his kinsman's remains to their last resting-place. When her
son left Brussels, Christina put her household into mourning, and
retired to the Convent of La Cambre to spend a month in retreat. After
the strain and stress of the last six months, she felt the need of rest
sorely, and the shelter of convent walls was grateful to her tired
soul.[571]
FOOTNOTES:
[529] F. Decrue, "Montmorency à la Cour de Henri II.," 207.
[530] Venetian Calendar, vi. 1346, 1363.
[531] Ruble, "La Jeunesse de Marie Stuart," 153; Bouillé, i. 455;
Pimodan, 173-180.
[532] Venetian Calendar, vi. 1471, 1488.
[533] Granvelle, v. 168.
[534] Venetian Calendar, vi. 1496-1498.
[535] Venetian Calendar, vi. 1500.
[536] _Ibid._, vi. 1528.
[537] Groen van Prinsterer, "Archives de la Maison d'Orange et de
Nassau," i. 1; Kervyn de Lettenhove, ii. 257.
[538] Granvelle, v. 171.
[539] _Ibid._, v. 227.
[540] Granvelle, v. 231.
[541] Granvelle, v. 266.
[542] Venetian Calendar, vi. 1537; Ruble, "Traité de Câteau-Cambrésis,"
12.
[543] Calendar of State Papers, Mary, Foreign, 402-404.
[544] Gachard, "Retraite," etc., i. 44-48; Venetian Calendar, vi. 1544.
[545] Kervyn de Lettenhove, i. 257.
[546] Venetian Calendar, vi. 1568.
[547] Kervyn e Lettenhove, i. 384; Gachard, "Voyages," iv. 35-62.
[548] Calmet, ii. 1, 351; Pfister, ii. 244; Venetian Calendar, vii. 19,
20.
[549] Venetian Calendar, vii. 8, 10.
[550] Granvelle, v. 420-426; Kervyn de Lettenhove, i. 420.
[551] Kervyn de Lettenhove, i. 422, 444.
[552] Granvelle, v. 454.
[553] Ruble, "Traité de Câteau-Cambrésis," 23; Venetian Calendar, vii.
39; Granvelle, v. 495.
[554] Kervyn de Lettenhove, i. 457.
[555] Kervyn de Lettenhove, i. 475.
[556] Granvelle, v. 487, 495, 502.
[557] Venetian Calendar, vii. 54; Granvelle, v. 520, 525.
[558] Granvelle, v. 529.
[559] Kervyn de Lettenhove, i. 460.
[560] V. de St. Génis, "Histoire de Savoie," iii. 181.
[561] Kervyn de Lettenhove, i. 485.
[562] Venetian Calendar, vii. 56; J. F. Le Petit, "Grande Chronique de
Hollande," ii. 20.
[563] Venetian Calendar, vii. 57.
[564] Ruble, 26; Venetian Calendar, vii. 67, 77.
[565] Granvelle, v. 577.
[566] Venetian Calendar, vii. 62.
[567] Calendar of Spanish State Papers, i. 49, Archives of Simancas;
Kervyn de Lettenhove, i. 494.
[568] Granvelle, v. 582, 583.
[569] Venetian Calendar, vii. 64.
[570] Gachard, iv. 67; Venetian Calendar, vii. 87-90.
[571] Schäfer, iv. 445.