_Official letter from the Marques de Montesclaros, [53] viceroy of
Peru, directed to his Majesty, in regard to changing to España the
trade between Mexico and Filipinas._
In behalf of the consulate [54] and corporation of the merchants
of Sevilla, your Majesty was entreated to have the trade between
Nueva España and Philipinas suppressed, and to order that it should
be carried on only from those kingdoms [i.e., España and Portugal]
with the said islands. Your Majesty upon hearing those merchants, was
pleased to order me to make investigation and give my opinion in the
matter. For that purpose you despatched your decree of September 1,
610, and I received it by these last mails.
The arguments which, it seems, were presented to your Majesty by the
said letter and an enclosed memorial, for this purpose, are reduced
to the exaggeration of the general and individual inconveniences
and losses with which the voyage is attended at present in the route
that is followed; and that those inconveniences and losses would all
cease, and great and recognized blessings to the universal benefit of
your Majesty's kingdoms would result, if measures of the sort that
those merchants desire were to be taken. Although one might satisfy
the originator of the idea with less, we shall enlarge the reply to
greater length bearing in mind that the dimensions of this scheme are
not measured by his yard-rule; nor can the advantages resulting from
it compare with the hundred per cent of their profits. We especially
consider that we are talking with your Majesty through councilors
and ministers of such high standing, among whom any state argument,
however great, has its due consideration and place.
It is recognized, Sire, that the chief means of keeping these kingdoms
tranquil is to make them dependencies of España, in what pertains not
only to distributive and commutative justice, but also to whatever else
is necessary for the preservation of life, in the spiritual as well
as the temporal. But dependence of this sort, when viewed entirely and
only from the sovereigns' standpoint, is regulated by what is necessary
and requisite that the vassals of regions so distant may live in the
subjection, and render the obedience and loyalty that are due from
them. Although this argument, since it is the most substantial, when
it encounters the others most justly takes precedence of any other and
private advantage of the vassals themselves and the kingdom, it would
[not] be excusable to molest and vex the subjects with what is not
actually necessary, if the above purpose could be attained at less
cost and vexation to them. Accordingly, in the matter of restricting
the mutual trade of certain kingdoms, and directing that trade to
España alone, one must proceed with very great caution, and with
measures adapted only to what the attainment of the chief end demands,
in order that we may avoid as far as possible the harm that might
result; since, if this body saw itself so disunited that it could
not even avail itself of its own members, it might become desperate,
and the whole might fall into decay, as is usual with those in despair.
They are persuading your Majesty that the trade of these kingdoms
with España is decreasing. I, Sire, feel differently, and am persuaded
that never were the profits resulting from it greater; nor am I less
certain that such result must necessarily follow, in this manner.
It was known in the beginning that neither wine nor olive
oil was produced in Nueva España, but these were brought from
Castilla. Inspired by the example of the profits made by some
persons, all--especially the inhabitants of Andalucía--began to plant
vineyards and olive-orchards. He who had esteemed any kind of trade a
degradation twenty years before, now, with the incentive of sending
away his crops, shipped greater cargoes than would a whole fair of
merchants. Consequently, the ocean trade increased, in a short time,
from at most fifty or one hundred casks of wine and a few more jars
of olive-oil--carried by one or two vessels, unauthorized and without
register--to cargoes which fill thirty or forty vessels, that sail
annually in a trading fleet. The vessel in which this is received
is earthen, and of limited capacity; and what was slowly filling it
continued to increase. Now this vessel is full to the brim, but still
they obstinately continue to pour in more. Is it not evident that what
is more than enough to fill it must overflow, and be the same as lost?
Thus was the land conquered in Perú. True reports were published
concerning its so great abundance of wealth--that it was considered
easier and cheaper to arm men and shoe horses with silver than with
iron; and that for one quire of paper ten pesos of gold were paid,
for one cloth cloak one hundred pesos, and for one horse three or
four thousand pesos. At this report, various kinds of merchandise were
brought, and had a continual good outlet and sale; and they were taken
in the necessary quantity. Years passed, and the treasure--which was
too plentiful, because it was in possession of people who had no use
for it--came into the hands of those who finally saw it disseminated
through the world--and for this reason the share of each part is
less. The account that should be taken of reason and common sense is
forgotten, and men persuade themselves blindly that, since they get
a thousand for five hundred, with one million they must make two:
And as if they could expect the same profit from supplying necessity
and from adding to abundance, they multiply their trading-fleets and
double their investments. Is it not evident that if their shipments are
in excess, their profits must fall short, and that the ratio between
the two cannot be equal to what it was before? Let the records of the
customs duties belonging to your Majesty be examined, where those
who profit and those who lose pay on account of what they produce;
and they will tell how not only the commerce has not declined, but
also that rather, through its having increased so greatly, the danger
of losing the invested money results.
What their provinces can digest and assimilate, Sire, should be
exported to the Indias, and a limit should be set to the hope of
their increase, and endeavor should be made to preserve them in the
extremely flourishing condition which they reached; and if efforts
pass those limits, then, instead of causing the Indias to increase,
it will be a greater blow, whereby they will slip back more quickly
along the coast of decline.
Coming then to the particular matter, the question is one of
suppressing the commerce now carried on with the Philipinas Islands by
way of the South Sea. This may be advantageous to España in two ways:
in making the kingdom of Méjico absolutely dependent on España's
aid, without leaving it any other recourse: and in increasing the
proportions of their present trade by adding to that kingdom [_i.e._,
España] that commerce from those islands by way of the Ocean Sea,
[55] to which it is desired to direct the trade-route.
In the first place, it will be considered that Nueva-España passed
many years without any communication with the Philipinas, and that
the same will happen now if that commerce be taken away, although
at the outset there may be some ill-feeling among them; and that
the prevention of a thing so temporary, and in one province only,
ought not to over-balance what is of so different an importance, as
that España (the seat of your Majesty's monarchy) should have plenty
of money. For all that México sends to Manila will go to España,
and should have an outlet for its merchandise, since from that must
be supplied what Nueva-España now receives from the islands.
In order that Nueva-España may preserve itself if this trade be
suppressed, the years while it lived without that trade have no
consequence; for it would be a mistake to compare a period when that
kingdom was in so early an infancy [56] that the royal incomes therein
scarcely amounted to thirty or forty thousand ducados, and when in the
whole kingdom the amount of outside capital employed did not surpass
two hundred thousand, with what El Cerro [57] now alone produces,
where one reckons the product by millions and takes no account of
the tens and hundreds. From all this one may infer that whoever sits
down to a meal, however plentiful, when he sees it growing less would
doubtless have sufficient strength to call out and plead his hunger;
and much more when we baptise business with the name of diet.
But this has not much force, since it is not intended to suppress,
but only to change the mode of this supply. In order to see whether
it be feasible, one should consider, that, barring certain articles
of adornment and luxury, the chief exports from España to Méjico are
wine, oil, and linen, and from the Philipinas woven and raw silk.
The former products, in whatever quantity needed, must always be
bought from España. There is no other region that can supply them,
nor does Méjico itself produce them; therefore its enforced dependence
on España follows. However, in what pertains to linen, Méjico may
supply itself in part by using the cloth that the Indians make from
cotton. The rest (namely, silks supplied by Manila) may be obtained in
great abundance, without begging it from anyone, by only encouraging
the industry in any of Méjico's provinces. These are very suitable
for it, especially the province of Misteca, [58] where it could be
cultivated and woven admirably.
Admitting the above, my opinion is that, allowing that Nueva-España
could be maintained, although with difficulty, without trade with
the Philipinas, it must be by means that would prove harmful to those
islands alone--which would lose this aid without any resultant good
to España; since they would not ask for those products of España
which they at present demand, or increase those which they are now
exporting because of the increase of money [in Nueva España]. And we
have already stated that Nueva-España is incapable of consuming more
wine and oil than it now uses.
But if all this should cease, and España should have to supply the
above-mentioned necessities because of shutting the door to the trade
in the Philipinas, the bulk of silk stuffs would have to be brought
from Francia and Flandes, to whom España always gives her treasures
in exchange for this merchandise. For Constantinopla is so far from
Italia, and so little do gold and silver suit that route--or else
the French and the rebels [59] are so skilful in getting this product
away from us, that one may doubt whether they do not take it all with
them. According to this, he who is not suspicious enough to believe
that the merchants of Sevilla alone consider as enemies prejudicial
to your Majesty's crown those who do not trade much with them, should
be astonished that they direct and regulate the reform so that the
Chinese cannot avail themselves of the silver of Nueva España. For
it is a fact that the Chinese do us no other harm than to keep the
silver; and that the merchants do not consider that by that other
road all tends to come into the hands of him who exerts himself with
it in order to attempt and compass to acquire what remains.
Let us examine, then, what interest would accrue to España in
the other point, the appropriation to itself of the trade with
the Philipinas. The consulate says that España will be enriched
with the exportation, to Manda [60] and Xapon, of its products and
other merchandise that will go to those islands, where they also
desire so ardently to have an abundance of what is brought from there
[España?] and from China; and this will easily prevent the loss of the
great quantities of silver that pass by this road from Nueva España.
To the first, sufficient answer is made with what experience, that
great teacher in such matters, has taught us to the contrary--to me,
at least, during the time while I governed in México. For, since
your Majesty was pleased to order me in a decree, dated December 17,
604, to give my opinion as to whether export duties would better be
levied on the merchandise sent to the Philipinas from the port of
Acapulco--since all the other merchandise sent thence, to Guatimala
and Perú, pays two and one-half per cent--and that in order to do this
I should investigate the quality and nature of the said merchandise,
I made special efforts to ascertain these facts. After examining the
registers of several years I found that, even if the duty should be
collected from the Philipinas exports as from the others, it would not
amount to two hundred pesos of eight reals each year; for all those
goods were articles of luxury, and in very small quantity. I sent
your Majesty an official report of this in my letter of February 17,
606. On August 19 of the same year, I received a reply, ordering me to
make no change so long as the trade did not increase to such an extent
that I thought it inadvisable; and in such case to advise your Majesty
of it confidentially. Consequently, since there will be no greater
exportation from Nueva España of like commodities from that kingdom
[_i.e._, España]--where there are no others, and whence only these
would be sent--the same thing would result. [61] One errs in saying
that those goods are desired in Manila and Xapon, since cloth stuffs
(the only thing lacking to them) besides being a merchandise of so
great value that he who would export them so far to the Philipinas
would lose them--are not used, because of the heat; and in Xapon,
where the cold might make them sought, they cost very little, for
the natives clothe themselves with the taffetans of that country, and
use cotton quilts. Consequently, I have also answered what was alleged
concerning the increase of the duties that would accrue to your Majesty
from the export duties in España and the import duties at Manila.
The other argument namely, that España would be filled with products
from China and Xapon--may be conceded to them; but it remains for
them to show us the utilty that would accrue to them, after the goods
had been obtained. For I, on the contrary, regard them as a very
great harm, since with those goods would cease the present industry
[in España] of the raising of silk, its weaving and trade; and all
this would be exchanged for what is so much poorer and of so little
durability. It is a fact that even now we are experiencing that,
and are discovering here the harm caused by even the small quantity
of silk of this class [_i.e._, the Chinese silk]; it comes mixed with
that of España, in almost all the velvets and taffetans brought from
España, for in but two days' time they become useless.
That by this means would be prevented the exportation of silver from
Nueva-España, is an opinion that one might value and thank them for,
if they were not trying to withdraw the silver from another and more
important region, where the harm would be greater. But, supposing
that what now goes from México will be sent later from Castilla and
Andalucía, it seems that the only utility will be found in the less
occasion [for buying Chinese goods] that each of those provinces would
have, so that the export of silver would be in smaller quantity. That
is to be regulated by the wealth of each province, and by their
facilities for diverting it. All the silver that Nueva-España obtains
now comes from its own provinces, or is brought from the provinces of
Perú. The bulk of it is used in the trade with España, some in that
with the Philipinas, and very little in the retail trade of its own
cities and towns; for although Nueva-España has intercourse with Perú,
it never uses more than the products of the country for that. What is
sent to the islands goes by way of Acapulco, which is the only port
in all the South Sea where this despatch is made or can be made. That
España would have more silver if it retained within its bounds what
it receives, seems to be undeniable, since therein is gathered the
silver of México, Perú, and all the Indias. But the gates by which
that silver issues [from España]--now it is known whether there are
any--are, to speak correctly, as many as there are seaports and sterile
districts, with the usual and accustomed communication between them.
Accepting this as true--on which is based assertions of those who
say that less silver will be sent to Manila from a kingdom where
conditions are such [_i.e._, España] than México [now] gives--I,
at least, no matter how long may be the argument, do not comprehend
so obscure a secret; on the contrary, I am persuaded that España
will be no poorer thereby. For, if this mouth be stopped, España
must be drained, by those that remain (as is done today), of all of
this article that other kingdoms are offering it, as in a flood. But
with equal certainty, I understand that incomparably more money will
go to the Philipinas by this road than now goes by the other. And to
assert that this loss will cease because, with the increase of trade
with Xapon, the merchandise which must go to España will come from
that country, is a statement without foundation. For if this argument
were worth anything, it must have the same force, in preventing what
is today carried from México; since trade with Xapon from Manila is
open and permitted to all who wish it.
The consulate is trying also to strengthen its proposition with the
improvements that it pretends to find in the voyage, if it were to be
made by the cape of Buena-Esperanza. But, discussing that point by what
I have been able to learn of it, I find that the emperor and king our
sovereign, of glorious memory, your Majesty's grandfather, having been
persuaded that the discovery and conquest of the Spice Islands--the
name then given to those islands today included in the name of
Philipinas or Malucas--pertained to the crown of Castilla, inasmuch
as they were within the line drawn by his Holiness, Alexander VI, for
the division of the world, ardently desired, and made extraordinary
efforts, so that his vassals might make that voyage without touching
at the ports and lands of the kingdom of Portugal. For that purpose
he made an agreement with Fernando de Magallanes to discover [such
a route]. The latter discovered and gave name to the strait in
this region at the south. Although by the result [of Magallanes's
expedition] one could recognize the great difficulty and danger of
the voyage, his Majesty would not desist from the undertaking. On the
contrary, he immediately sent, in the year 25, two other fleets by
that way while, at the same time, he sent a ship under command of an
intelligent man to find a new entrance by the coast of Labrador and
the Bacallaos. [62] Following up the attempt, he ordered Don Fernando
Cortés, conqueror of Nueva-España, to attempt this expedition from
Nueva-España. He would not have ceased like means until attaining it,
had not he made that contract or agreement concerning those islands
with the king of Portugal in the year 29. [63] That put an end to
the enterprise until afterward, when Don Antonio de Mendoza, viceroy
of Nueva-España, took up again the same search in the year 42, and
continued to persevere in it, so that it was realized during the
latter years of the governorship and life of Don Luis de Velasco,
who succeeded the said Don Antonio in that office.
I would, Sire, narrate in minute detail to your Majesty these labors,
and those of many others, who lost their lives and possessions at
various times to see the accomplishment of so important a matter,
if I were not afraid of making a history of this letter--in order to
entreat you that, since God our Lord ordained that a good desired
by so many should be enjoyed with so great quietness in these most
fortunate days of your Majesty, you will not permit the glory of
this happiness to be disturbed and obscured; for the motives and
efforts of so suspicious a people embarrass it. They, in order to
gain their own private interests, try to cover them with this cloak
of convenience and conservation of so superior authority. And although
it appears that a great part of the former injuries are lacking today,
since the kingdom of Portugal (although by light of a separate crown)
is under the universal domain of your Majesty, still, the zeal and
affection that your Majesty has always felt in greater proportion
for the inhabitants of Castilla ought not on that account to cease;
since there is also no cessation of the rancor and hostility with
which the Portuguese, in all the Indias where they rule, withhold the
friendly intercourse that they owed to the Castilians as the vassals
of the same sovereign.
I am quite persuaded that there is little difference between these two
routes as regards the weather and dangers of the sea. For, although the
Nueva-España vessels consume not longer than sixty days, and sometimes
less, the return voyage is of longer duration, and the whirlwinds and
gales more continuous. And although I believe that voyages made by
way of the cape of Buena Esperanza take more than the three months
that the prior and consuls assert (especially since the vessels
have to stop at one or two way-stations), yet, in regard to this,
I estimate the two routes as equal. But in point of certain security,
the advantage lies greatly with the voyages made by way of the South
Sea, as it is at all times so free from enemies. No further proof is
necessary regarding this statement than the fact that not a single
vessel going to and fro between Acapulco and Cavite and the port of
Manila has been captured; [64] while very many vessels take that other
route, which are so heavily armed that, in comparison with the first,
one may consider them as more than fortresses. The warning that the
Dutch make use of this route [_i.e._, through the Strait of Magellan]
cannot force me to believe the contrary; and by it without so many
advantages as those enjoyed by your Majesty's ships they have made
themselves almost complete masters of all the Spice Islands, for they
had no other routes from which to select this one. I assert from
the prudence with which the Dutch consider what is of advantage to
them, that if they could enjoy so great convenience as Nueva-España
possesses, they would not take the risk of running by the coast and
ports of your Majesty as they do today by the open sea, where they
might meet one who would resist their progress. An excellent proof of
this truth is their so-oft repeated effort to find a passage through
the strait of Anian. [65] For they consider it more conducive to the
peace of their voyage to experience rough and unknown seas, than to
be liable to the sudden surprises to which those that are milder and
more traversed are liable. The mastery that I know them to exercise in
those districts, is to enter for pillage and barter, as they usually
do, even in the very kingdoms of your Majesty which are nearest to
the defense and power of your fleets And if, in addition, the Dutch
have any trading-posts, established and manned with soldiers, it is
not necessary that España should trouble itself to dislodge them,
but the governor of the Philipinas, and the soldiers and ships of
Malaca and of the viceroy of India, should attempt it; and it will
be easy to drive them out at once. In truth, however, (that I may
always discuss a similar case), our design must be more difficult to
attain than theirs; for they content themselves with going where they
are received, and of receiving what they are given, without caring
much whether others enter that district, while your Majesty desires,
as is right, to be absolute and sole ruler, and to shut the gate to
all who do not enter under the name and title of vassals.
As to the difficulty and delay of sending aid to the islands, although
it is understood that the enemy is attempting some entrance in the
islands, I can easily comprehend that it would be easier to build a
fleet in España, and that it would be despatched much more quickly
than from these provinces. But I have always considered that, in this
regard, Sire, he who has so extensive a monarchy as your Majesty,
must see that each part of it have all the force necessary for
its sole defense, without being dependent for so costly and remote
reenforcement, as would necessarily be the case did your Majesty send
it from the the ports of that kingdom. Consequently, I presume that,
if the islands should find themselves in a like necessity, either
they would have to resist an attack with their presidios and walls,
or (to extend the hope farther) that they would not have need for
more aid than what they could secure from Malaca with the galleons
of that crown. The aid that is not so pressingly needed, and which,
it seems, must necessarily come from España--such as infantry for the
presidios--is sent there with some difficulty, because of the long
distance overland from Veracruz to the port of Acapulco, in a land
so open that the companies necessarily lose some men. But it would
prove more costly should your Majesty, in order to avoid this, have to
form a fleet on occasions when it would be necessary. However, I have
thought that an effort might be made, some time, to send the soldiers
who must go to the islands in the trading fleet or galleons sailing to
Puertobelo; [66] and to advise the president [of the Audiencia there],
somewhat earlier, to have small boats provided to take the soldiers
by river from Chagre to Cruces. Since from that point to Panama it is
only five leguas overland, the men might be taken there easily and at
little expense. The viceroy of Peru, having been notified beforehand,
should, without any expense to your Majesty, have a vessel at Panamá,
where the soldiers could embark and go to Acapulco. There they could
change ships for those in the Philipinas line. By this method some
of the greatest inconveniences could be avoided.
And lastly, as the concluding argument of this discourse, I remind your
Majesty that since the Philipinas Islands are surrounded by enemies so
powerful as are Xapon and China--one because of its strength and valor,
and the other because of its incredible multitude of inhabitants--with
only the seven hundred Spaniards that the islands had, during
my government of Nueva España, who could bear arms (a number now
increased somewhat by the presidios of Terrenate and Thidore), they
are preserved solely for this reason, that by their means the trade
of those countries is opened to your Majesty's kingdoms. Thus said
the emperor of Xapon, when he was advised to conquer Manila. The
Chinese king wrote the same words to Don Pedro de Acuña, when the
latter suspected that the insurrection made in those islands by the
Chinese king's vassals had been made by his orders. And it must be
considered seriously that if the trade be carried on by way of the cape
of Buena Esperanza, it would be quite possible that the Chinese--who,
in order to go to Manila, have to sail, both in the open and among
islands, with some risk and danger because of the smallness of their
craft--after seeing that the Spanish ships had to make a way-station
at Malaca or Xava, would go from the river of Canton, which is the
gateway from which the Chinese ships set out, coasting from land to
land along their own country, and would change the bulk of their
trade to Portuguese ports, and thus deserting Manila. If they did
this, the principal support and defense of Manila would fail, and
its enemies would change their opinion, since they would no longer
enjoy the benefits that now attract them.
For all the above, Sire, my opinion is that, if the matter were in its
beginnings, from no other part could this trade be directed than from
Nueva España; for it is nearer the islands, and is the region from
which less silver can go. And should this cease, without doubt that
kingdom would be greatly weakened, and the Philipinas destroyed--and
none of this to España's advantage. On the contrary it would be
to España's greater loss, since that country would be filled with
merchandise of little value, at double the money that would be derived
from its sale. The dependence of all the other kingdoms, which is now
sure and not uncertain, would possibly be endangered by venturing upon
the execution of this plan; and your Majesty would also be obliged,
in order to make the sea safe in this route, to have two war vessels
to accompany every trading vessel, notwithstanding the extraordinary
cost which this would involve.
The other things mentioned in the memorial, namely, [_original
MS. broken_; the appointment(?)] of officials, soldiers, and
sailors now engaged in this despatch do not seem of such nature
that they oblige me to answer them in detail. It is certain that
the viceroys appoint very suitable persons, and will always do so,
since they rely on their honor; and the commander does not care
to overload the vessels, since he is not interested in the freight
charges. Consequently, when the auditor of Manila obliges them to
load much cargo in Cabite, they usually unload and leave goods on
the shoals that they meet, whence arise innumerable complaints and
suits. The pilots and sailors are examined in what is necessary for
them, and the soldiers are sufficient for a navigation route of so
great safety. If it is true that the latter are lazy and vagabonds,
few times have I seen men enlisted in any region who are not such,
or who do not desire to be such. Although there may be things to
correct in all matters, there are other reforms less costly and easier.
Your Majesty might wish to have these arguments in briefer form;
but, although I have omitted some things, the matter is of so great
moment that I have not been able to pass over anything that I judge
essential for your proper decision in this matter.
May God preserve your Majesty as Christendom has need. Los Reyes,
April 12, 1612.