Cambridge, and he has as little leisure for philosophy as myself. * *
* Believe me ever, with sincere esteem, my dear friend,
Yours most affectionately.
FOOTNOTE:
[149] This and the two following letters were addressed to Dr.
Priestley, as appears by a letter from that gentleman to the editor
of the Monthly Magazine, which will be found in the appendix to the
present volume. _Editor._
_Account of the first Campaign made by the British Forces in
America[150]._
_Philadelphia, Oct. 3, 1775._
DEAR SIR,
I am to set out to-morrow for the camp[151], and having but just
heard of this opportunity, can only write a line to say that I am
well and hearty.--Tell our dear good friend * * *, who sometimes has
his doubts and despondencies about our firmness, that America is
determined and unanimous; a very few tories and place-men excepted,
who will probably soon export themselves.--Britain, at the expence
of three millions, has killed one hundred and fifty Yankies this
campaign, which is 20,000_l._ a head; and at Bunker's Hill she gained
a mile of ground, half of which she lost again by our taking post on
Ploughed Hill. During the same time sixty thousand children have been
born in America. From these _data_ his mathematical head will easily
calculate the time and expence necessary to kill us all, and conquer
our whole territory. My sincere respects to * * * *, and to the club
of honest whigs at * * * * *. Adieu. I am ever
Yours most affectionately,
B. FRANKLIN.
FOOTNOTES:
[150] This letter has been several times very incorrectly printed: it
is here given from a genuine copy. B. V.
[151] Dr. Franklin, col. Harrison, and Mr. Lynch, were at this time
appointed by congress (of which they were members) to confer on
certain subjects with gen. Washington. The American army was then
employed in blocking up gen. Howe in Boston; and I believe it was
during this visit, that gen. Washington communicated the following
memorable anecdote to Dr. Franklin; _viz._ "that there had been a
time, when this army had been so destitute of military stores, as
not to have powder enough in all its magazines, to furnish more than
_five_ rounds per man for their small arms." Great guns were out
of the question; they were fired now and then, only to show that
they had them. Yet this secret was kept with so much address and
good countenance from both armies, that gen. Washington was enabled
effectually to continue the blockade. B. V.
_Probability of a Separation._
_Philadelphia, Oct. 3, 1775._
I wish as ardently as you can do for peace, and should rejoice
exceedingly in co-operating with you to that end. But every ship from
Britain brings some intelligence of new measures, that tend more and
more to exasperate: and it seems to me, that until you have found
by dear experience the reducing us by force impracticable, you will
think of nothing fair and reasonable. We have as yet resolved only on
defensive measures. If you would recal your forces and stay at home,
we should meditate nothing to injure you. A little time so given for
cooling on both sides would have excellent effects. But you will goad
and provoke us. You despise us too much; and you are insensible of
the Italian adage, that _there is no little enemy_. I am persuaded
the body of the British people are our friends; but they are
changeable, and by your lying gazettes may soon be made our enemies.
Our respect for them will proportionally diminish; and I see clearly
we are on the high road to mutual enmity, hatred, and detestation. A
separation will of course be inevitable. It is a million of pities
so fair a plan, as we have hitherto been engaged in for increasing
strength and empire with _public felicity_, should be destroyed by
the mangling hands of a few blundering ministers. It will not be
destroyed: God will protect and prosper it: you will only exclude
yourselves from any share in it. We hear, that more ships and troops
are coming out. We know you may do us a great deal of mischief, but
we are determined to bear it patiently as long as we can; but if you
flatter yourselves with beating us into submission, you know neither
the people nor the country.
The congress is still sitting, and will wait the result of their
_last_ petition.
_Letter to Monsieur Dumas, urging him to sound the several Courts
of Europe, by Means of their Ambassadors at the Hague, as to any
Assistance they may be disposed to afford America in her Struggle
for Independence[152]._
_Philadelphia, Dec. 9, 1775._
DEAR SIR,
I received your several favours, of May 18, June 30, and July 8,
by Messrs. Vaillant and Pochard; whom, if I could serve upon your
recommendation, it would give me great pleasure. Their total want of
English is at present an obstruction to their getting any employment
among us; but I hope they will soon obtain some knowledge of it. This
is a good country for artificers or farmers, but gentlemen of mere
science in _les belles lettres_ cannot so easily subsist here, there
being little demand for their assistance among an industrious people,
who, as yet, have not much leisure for studies of that kind.
I am much obliged by the kind present you have made us of your
edition of _Vattel_. It came to us in good season, when the
circumstances of a rising state make it necessary frequently to
consult the law of nations. Accordingly that copy which I kept
(after depositing one in our own public library here, and sending
the other to the college of Massachusett's Bay, as you directed) has
been continually in the hands of the members of our congress, now
sitting, who are much pleased with your notes and preface, and have
entertained a high and just esteem for their author. Your manuscript
_Idée sur le government et la royauté_, is also well relished, and
may, in time, have its effect. I thank you, likewise, for the other
smaller pieces, which accompanied Vattel. _Le court exposé de ce qui
s'est passé entre la cour Br. et les colonies, &c._ being a very
concise and clear statement of facts, will be reprinted here for the
use of our new friends in Canada. The translations of the proceedings
of our congress are very acceptable. I send you herewith what of them
has been farther published here, together with a few newspapers,
containing accounts of some of the successes providence has favoured
us with. We are threatened from England with a very powerful force,
to come next year against us. We are making all the provision in our
power here to oppose that force, and we hope we shall be able to
defend ourselves. But, as the events of war are always uncertain,
possibly, after another campaign, we may find it necessary to ask
aid of some foreign power. It gives us great pleasure to learn from
you, that _toute l'Europe nous souhaite le plus heureux succes pour
le maintien de nos libertés_. But we wish to know, whether any one
of them, from principles of humanity, is disposed magnanimously to
step in for the relief of an oppressed people, or whether, if, as
it seems likely to happen, we should be obliged to break off all
connection with Britain, and declare ourselves an independent people,
there is any state or power in Europe, who would be willing to enter
into an alliance with us for the benefit of our commerce, which
amounted, before the war, to near seven millions sterling per annum,
and must continually increase, as our people increase most rapidly.
Confiding, my dear friend, in your good will to us and our cause,
and in your sagacity and abilities for business, the committee of
congress, appointed for the purpose of establishing and conducting
a correspondence with our friends in Europe, of which committee
I have the honour to be a member, have directed me to request of
you, that, as you are situated at the Hague, where ambassadors from
all the courts reside, you would make use of the opportunity that
situation affords you, of discovering, if possible, the disposition
of the several courts with respect to such assistance or alliance,
if we should apply for the one, or propose the other. As it may
possibly be necessary, in particular instances, that you should, for
this purpose, confer directly with some great ministers, and show
them this letter as your credential, we only recommend it to your
discretion, that you proceed therein with such caution, as to keep
the same from the knowledge of the English ambassador, and prevent
any public appearance, at present, of your being employed in any such
business, as thereby, we imagine, many inconveniences may be avoided,
and your means of rendering us service, increased.
That you may be better able to answer some questions, which will
probably be put to you, concerning our present situation, we inform
you--that the whole continent is very firmly united--the party for
the measures of the British ministry being very small, and much
dispersed--that we have had on foot, the last campaign, an army of
near twenty-five thousand men, wherewith we have been able, not only
to block up the king's army in Boston, but to spare considerable
detachments for the invasion of Canada, where we have met with
great success, as the printed papers sent herewith will inform
you, and have now reason to expect the whole province may be soon
in our possession--that we purpose greatly to increase our force
for the ensuing year; and thereby we hope, with the assistance
of well-disciplined militia, to be able to defend our coast,
notwithstanding its great extent--that we have already a small
squadron of armed vessels, to protect our coasting trade, who have
had some success in taking several of the enemy's cruisers, and some
of their transport vessels and store-ships. This little naval force
we are about to augment, and expect it may be more considerable in
the next summer.
We have hitherto applied to no foreign power. We are using the
utmost industry in endeavouring to make salt-petre, and with daily
increasing success. Our artificers are also every where busy in
fabricating small arms, casting cannon, &c. yet both arms and
ammunition are much wanted. Any merchants, who would venture to send
ships, laden with those articles, might make great profit; such is
the demand in every colony, and such generous prices are and will be
given; of which, and of the manner of conducting such a voyage, the
bearer, Mr. Storey, can more fully inform you: and whoever brings in
those articles, is allowed to carry off the value in provisions, to
our West Indies, where they will probably fetch a very high price,
the general exportation from North America being stopped. This you
will see more particularly in a printed resolution of the congress.
We are in great want of good engineers, and wish you could engage,
and send us two able ones, in time for the next campaign, one
acquainted with field service, sieges, &c. and the other with
fortifying of sea-ports. They will, if well recommended, be made
very welcome, and have honourable appointments, besides the expences
of their voyage hither, in which Mr. Storey can also advise them. As
what we now request of you, besides taking up your time, may put you
to some expense, we send you for the present, enclosed, a bill for
one hundred pounds sterling, to defray such expences, and desire you
to be assured that your services will be considered, and honourably
rewarded by the congress.
We desire, also, that you would take the trouble of receiving from
Arthur Lee, esquire, agent for the congress in England, such letters
as may be sent by him to your care, and of forwarding them to us with
your dispatches. When you have occasion to write to him to inform
him of any thing, which it may be of importance that our friends
there should be acquainted with, please to send your letters to him,
under cover, directed to Mr. Alderman Lee, merchant, on Tower-hill,
London; and do not send it by post, but by some trusty shipper, or
other prudent person, who will deliver it with his own hand. And
when you send to us, if you have not a direct safe opportunity, we
recommend sending by way of St. Eustatia, to the care of Messrs.
Robert and Cornelius Stevenson, merchants there, who will forward
your dispatches to me.
With sincere and great esteem and respect,
I am, sir,
Your most obedient, humble servant,
B. FRANKLIN.
Mons. Dumas.
FOOTNOTE:
[152] This letter is taken from an American periodical publication
entitled The Port Folio, in which it appeared July 31, 1802. _Editor._
_Letter from Lord Howe to Dr. Franklin[153]._
_Eagle, June the 20th, 1776._
I cannot, my worthy friend, permit the letters and parcels, which I
have sent (in the state I received them) to be landed, without adding
a word upon the subject of the injurious extremities in which our
unhappy disputes have engaged us.
You will learn the nature of my mission, from the official
dispatches which I have recommended to be forwarded by the same
conveyance. Retaining all the earnestness I ever expressed, to see
our differences accommodated; I shall conceive, if I meet with the
disposition in the colonies which I was once taught to expect, the
most flattering hopes of proving serviceable in the objects of
the king's paternal solicitude, by promoting the establishment of
lasting peace and union with the colonies. But if the deep-rooted
prejudices of America, and the necessity of preventing her trade from
passing into foreign channels, must keep us still a divided people;
I shall, from every private as well as public motive, most heartily
lament, that this is not the moment wherein those great objects of my
ambition are to be attained; and that I am to be longer deprived of
an opportunity, to assure you personally of the regard with which I am
Your sincere and faithful
humble servant,
HOWE.
P. S. I was disappointed of the opportunity I expected for sending
this letter, at the time it was dated; and have ever since been
prevented by calms and contrary winds from getting here, to inform
general Howe of the commission with which I have the satisfaction to
be charged, and of his being joined in it.
_Off of Sandy Hook, 12th of July._
Superscribed, HOWE.
_To Benjamin Franklin, Esq.
Philadelphia._
FOOTNOTE:
[153] In the year 1776 an act of parliament passed, to prohibit
and restrain, on the one hand, the trade and intercourse of the
refractory colonies respectively during the revolt; and on the other
hand, to enable persons appointed by the crown to grant _pardons_
and declare any particular district at the _king's peace, &c._ Lord
Howe (who had been previously appointed commander of the fleet in
North America) was, on May 3, declared joint _commissioner_ with his
brother gen. Howe, for the latter purposes of the act. He sailed May
12; and while off the Massachusett's coast prepared a declaration
announcing this commission, and accompanied it with circular letters.
July 4, independence had been declared; but nevertheless congress
(invited by various attempts made to procure a conference) resolved
to send Messieurs Franklin, J. Adams, and E. Rutledge, to learn
the propositions of the commissioners, by whom authorized, and to
whom addressed. The commissioners having no power to treat with
congress in its public capacity, and congress not being impowered
by their representatives to rescind the act of independence, the
conference was broken off. It remains only to add, that, on Sept.
19, the commissioners declared themselves ready to confer with any
of the well-affected, on the means of restoring peace and permanent
union with every colony as part of the British empire; and promised
a _revision_ of the several royal _instructions_ supposed to lay
improper restraints on colony-legislation, and also the king's
_concurrence_ in a revision of the objectionable acts of parliament:
which seemed the ultimatum of the commission.--Parliament however,
by a subsequent act (which, among other things, formally renounced
taxation in North America and the West Indies) authorized five
commissioners to treat, settle, and agree, even with congress; but
subject to the farther confirmation of parliament. Lord Carlisle, and
Messieurs Johnson and Eden, with the commanders in chief of the land
and sea forces, were the commissioners appointed by the crown under
this act; and Dr. Adam Ferguson was made secretary to the commission.
Mr. Henry Strachey had been secretary to the _first_ commission,
attended with the following singular circumstance, as stated in the
house of lords. In this commission for restoring peace to America,
"(or _in other words_ to induce America at once to put a confidence
in the crown, and to believe that the parliament of England is a
sufficiently powerful and honest barrier for them to trust to) the
secretary (Mr. Strachey) had 500_l._ granted for life out of the _four
and a half_ per cent. duty, filched by the crown from the West-India
Islands, and in opposition to a solemn address of parliament desiring
that it might be applied to the original purposes for which it was
granted by the respective assemblies of the islands."--What these
original purposes of the grants were, I meant very briefly to have
stated: but have not been able to procure the proper documents in
time. B. V.
_Dr. Franklin's Answer to Lord Howe._
_Philadelphia, July 30, 1776._
MY LORD,
I received safe the letters your lordship so kindly forwarded to me,
and beg you to accept _my_ thanks.
The official dispatches to which you refer me, contain nothing more
than what we had seen in the act of parliament, viz. "Offers of
pardon upon submission;" which I was sorry to find; as it must give
your lordship pain to be sent so far on so hopeless a business.
Directing pardons to be offered to the colonies, who are the very
parties injured, expresses indeed that opinion of our ignorance,
baseness, and insensibility, which your uninformed and proud nation
has long been pleased to entertain of us; but it can have no other
effect than that of encreasing our resentments.----It is impossible
we should think of submission to a government, that has, with the
most wanton barbarity and cruelty, burned our defenceless towns in
the midst of winter; excited the savages to massacre our (peaceful)
farmers; and our slaves to murder their masters; and is even now[154]
bringing foreign mercenaries to deluge our settlements with blood.
These atrocious injuries have extinguished every spark of affection
for that parent country we once held so dear: but were it possible
for _us_ to forget and forgive them, it is not possible for _you_ (I
mean the British nation) to forgive the people you have so heavily
injured; you can never confide again in those as fellow-subjects, and
permit them to enjoy equal freedom, to whom you know you have given
such just causes of lasting enmity; and this must impel you, were we
again under your government, to endeavour the breaking our spirit by
the severest tyranny, and obstructing by every means in your power
our growing strength and prosperity.
But your lordship mentions "the king's paternal solicitude for
promoting the establishment of lasting peace and union with the
colonies." If by _peace_ is here meant, a peace to be entered into
by distinct states, now at war; and his majesty has given your
lordship powers to treat with us of such a peace, I may venture to
say, though without authority, that I think a treaty for that purpose
not quite impracticable, before we enter into foreign alliances.
But I am persuaded you have no such powers. Your nation, though, by
punishing those American governors who have fomented the discord,
rebuilding our burnt towns, and repairing as far as possible the
mischiefs done us, she might recover a great share of our regard; and
the greatest share of our growing commerce, with all the advantages
of that additional strength, to be derived from a friendship with
us; yet I know too well her abounding pride and deficient wisdom, to
believe she will ever take such salutary measures. Her fondness for
conquest as a warlike nation; her lust of dominion as an ambitious
one; and her thirst for a gainful monopoly as a commercial one (none
of them legitimate causes of war) will join to hide from her eyes
every view of her true interest, and continually goad her on in these
ruinous distant expeditions, so destructive both of lives and of
treasure, that they must prove as pernicious to her in the end, as
the Croisades formerly were to most of the nations of Europe.
I have not the vanity, my lord, to think of intimidating, by thus
predicting the effects of this war; for I know it will in England
have the fate of all my former predictions; not to be believed till
the event shall verify it.
Long did I endeavour, with unfeigned and unwearied zeal, to preserve
from breaking that fine and noble porcelaine vase----the British
empire; for I knew that being once broken, the separate parts could
not retain even their _share_ of the strength and value that existed
in the whole; and that a perfect _re-union_ of those parts could
scarce ever be hoped for. Your lordship may possibly remember the
tears of joy that wetted my cheek, when, at your good sister's in
London, you once gave me expectations, that a reconciliation might
soon take place. I had the misfortune to find these expectations
disappointed, and to be treated as the cause of the mischief I was
labouring to prevent. My consolation under that groundless and
malevolent treatment was, that I retained the friendship of many wise
and good men in that country; and among the rest, some share in the
regard of lord Howe.
The well-founded esteem, and permit me to say affection, which I
shall always have for your lordship, make it painful to me to see you
engaged in conducting a war, the great ground of which (as described
in your letter) is "the necessity of preventing the American _trade_
from passing into foreign channels." To me it seems, that neither the
obtaining or retaining any trade, how valuable soever, is an object
for which men may justly spill each other's blood; that the true
and sure means of extending and securing commerce are the goodness
and cheapness of commodities; and that the profits of no trade can
ever be equal to the expence of compelling it, and holding it by
fleets and armies. I consider this war against us, therefore, as both
unjust and unwise; and I am persuaded, that cool and dispassionate
posterity will condemn to infamy those who advised it; and that even
success will not save from some degree of dishonour, those who have
voluntarily engaged to conduct it.
I know your great motive in coming hither, was the hope of being
instrumental in a reconciliation; and I believe, when you find that
to be impossible, on any terms given you to propose, you will then
relinquish so odious a command, and return to a more honourable
private station.
With the greatest and most sincere respect, I have the honour to be,
My lord,
Your lordship's most obedient, humble servant,
B. FRANKLIN[155].
FOOTNOTES:
[154] About this time the Hessians, &c. had just arrived from Europe,
at Staten Island and New York. B. V.