for the manufactures they may want from us? I answer, that the
inland parts of America in question are well known to be fitted for
the production of hemp, flax, pot-ash, and above all, silk; the
southern parts may produce olive-oil, raisins, currants, indigo, and
cochineal. Not to mention horses and black cattle, which may easily
be driven to the maritime markets, and at the same time assist in
conveying other commodities. That the commodities first mentioned
may easily, by water and land-carriage, be brought to the sea-ports
from interior America, will not seem incredible, when we reflect,
that _hemp_ formerly came from the Ukraine and most southern parts of
Russia to Wologda, and down the Dwina to Archangel; and thence, by a
perilous navigation, round the North Cape to England, and other parts
of Europe. It now comes from the same country up the Dnieper, and
down the Duna[42], with much land-carriage. Great part of the Russia
_iron_, no high-priced commodity, is brought three hundred miles by
land and water from the heart of Siberia. _Furs_ [the produce too of
America] are brought to Amsterdam from all parts of Siberia, even
the most remote, Kamstchatka. The same country furnishes me with
another instance of extended inland commerce. It is found worth while
to keep up a mercantile communication between Pekin in China, and
Petersburgh. And none of these instances of inland commerce _exceed_
those of the courses by which, at several periods, _the whole trade
of the East_ was carried on. Before the prosperity of the Mameluke
dominion in Egypt fixed the staple for the riches of the East at
Cairo and Alexandria (whither they were brought from the Red Sea)
great part of those commodities were carried to the cities of Cashgar
and Balk. (This gave birth to those towns, that still subsist upon
the remains of their ancient opulence, amidst a people and country
equally wild.) From thence those goods were carried down the Amû (the
ancient Oxus) to the Caspian Sea, and up the Wolga to Astrachan; from
whence they were carried over to, and down the Don, to the mouth of
that river; and thence again the Venetians directly, and the Genoese
and Venetians indirectly (by way of Kaffa and Trebisonde) dispersed
them through the Mediterranean and some other parts of Europe.
Another part of those goods was carried over-land from the Wolga to
the rivers Duna and Neva; from both they were carried to the city
of Wisbuy in the Baltic (so eminent for its sea-laws); and from the
city of Ladoga on the Neva, we are told they were even carried by the
Dwina to Archangel; and from thence round the North Cape.--If iron
and hemp will bear the charge of carriage from this inland country,
_other metals_ will, as well as iron; and certainly _silk_, since
3_d._ per _lb._ is not above 1 per cent on the value, and amounts to
28_l._ per ton. If the _growths_ of a country find their way out of
it; the _manufactures_ of the country where they go will infallibly
find their way into it.
They, who understand the economy and principles of manufactures,
know, that it is impossible to establish them in places not populous:
and even in those that are populous, hardly possible to establish
them to the prejudices of the places _already in possession of them_.
Several attempts have been made in France and Spain, countenanced by
the government, to draw from us, and establish in those countries,
our hard-ware and woollen manufactures; but without success. The
reasons are various. A manufacture is part of a great system of
commerce, which takes in conveniencies of various kinds; methods
of providing materials of all sorts, machines for expediting and
facilitating labour, all the channels of correspondence for vending
the wares, the credit and confidence necessary to found and support
this correspondence, the mutual aid of different artizans, and a
thousand other particulars, which time and long experience have
_gradually_ established. A part of such a system cannot support
itself without the whole: and before the whole can be obtained the
part perishes. Manufactures, where they are in perfection, are
carried on by a multiplicity of hands, each of which is expert only
in his own part; no one of them a master of the whole; and, if by
any means spirited away to a foreign country, he is lost without his
fellows. Then it is a matter of the extremest difficulty to persuade
a complete set of workmen, skilled in all parts of a manufactory,
to leave their country together, and settle in a foreign land.
Some of the idle and drunken may be enticed away; but these only
disappoint their employers, and serve to discourage the undertaking.
If by royal munificence, and an expence that the profits of the
trade alone would not bear, a complete set of good and skilful
hands are collected and carried over, they find so much of the
system imperfect, so many things wanting to carry on the trade to
advantage, so many difficulties to overcome, and the knot of hands
so easily broken by death, dissatisfaction, and desertion; that
they and their employers are discouraged together, and the project
vanishes into smoke. Hence it happens, that established manufactures
are hardly ever lost, but by foreign conquest, or by some eminent
interior fault in manners or government; a bad police oppressing and
discouraging the workmen, or religious persecutions driving the sober
and industrious out of the country. There is, in short, scarce a
single instance in history of the contrary, where manufactures have
once taken firm root. They sometimes start up in a new place; but
are generally supported, like exotic plants, at more expence than
they are worth for any thing but curiosity; until these new seats
become the refuge of the manufacturers driven from the old ones.
The conquest of Constantinople, and final reduction of the Greek
empire, dispersed many curious manufacturers into different parts
of Christendom. The former conquests of its provinces, had _before_
done the same. The loss of liberty in Verona, Milan, Florence, Pisa,
Pistoia, and other great cities of Italy, drove the manufacturers
of woollen cloths into Spain and Flanders. The latter first lost
their trade and manufactures to Antwerp and the cities of Brabant;
from whence, by persecution for religion, they were sent into
Holland and England: [while] the civil wars, during the minority of
Charles the First of Spain, which ended in the loss of the liberty
of their great towns, ended too in the loss of the manufactures of
Toledo, Segovia, Salamanca, Medina del campo, &c. The revocation of
the _edict of Nantes_ communicated, to all the protestant part of
Europe, the paper, silk, and other valuable manufacturers of France;
almost peculiar at that time to that country, and till then in
vain attempted elsewhere. To be convinced, that it is not soil and
climate, or even freedom from taxes, that determines the residence
of manufacturers, we need only turn our eyes on Holland; where a
multitude of manufactures are still carried on (perhaps more than on
the same extent of territory any where in Europe) and sold on terms
upon which they cannot be had in any other part of the world. And
this too is true of those _growths_, which, by their nature and the
labour required to raise them, come the nearest to manufactures.
As to the common-place objection to the North-American settlements,
that they are _in the same climate, and their produce the same
as that of England_;--in the first place it is not true; it is
particularly not so of the countries now likely to be added to our
settlements; and of our present colonies, the products, lumber,
tobacco, rice, and indigo, great articles of commerce, do not
interfere with the products of England: in the next place, a man must
know very little of the trade of the world, who does not know, that
the greater part of it is carried on between countries whose climate
differs very little. Even the trade between the different parts of
these British islands is greatly superior to that between England and
all the West India Islands put together.
If I have been successful in proving that a considerable commerce may
and will subsist between us and our future most inland settlements
in North America, notwithstanding their distance; I have more than
half proved no _other inconveniency will arise_ from their distance.
Many men in such a country must "know," must "think," and must "care"
about the country they chiefly trade with. The juridical and other
connections of government are yet a faster hold than even commercial
ties, and spread, directly and indirectly, far and wide. Business to
be solicited and causes depending create a great intercourse, even
where private property is _not_ divided in different countries;--yet
this division _will_ always subsist, where different countries are
ruled by the same government. Where a man has landed property both
in the mother country and a province, he will almost always live
in the mother country: this, though there were no trade, is singly
a sufficient gain. It is said, that Ireland pays near a million
sterling annually to its absentees in England: the balance of trade
from Spain, or even Portugal, is scarcely equal to this.
Let it not be said we have _no absentees_ from North America. There
are many, to the writer's knowledge; and if there are at present but
few of them, that distinguish themselves here by great expence, it
is owing to the mediocrity of fortune among the inhabitants of the
Northern colonies, and a more equal division of landed property,
than in the West India islands, so that there are as yet but few
large estates. But if those, who have such estates, reside upon
and take care of them themselves, are they worse subjects than they
would be if they lived idly in England?--Great merit is assumed for
the gentlemen of the West Indies,[43] on the score of their residing
and spending their money in England. I would not depreciate that
merit; it is considerable; for they might, if they pleased, spend
their money in France: but the difference between their spending it
here and at home is not so great. What do they spend it in when they
are here, but the produce and manufactures of this country;--and
would they not do the same if they were at home? Is it of any great
importance to the English farmer, whether the West India gentleman
comes to London and eats his beef, pork, and tongues, fresh; or has
them brought to him in the West Indies salted? whether he eats his
English cheese and butter, or drinks his English ale, at London or
in Barbadoes? Is the clothier's, or the mercer's, or the cutler's,
or the toyman's profit less, for their goods being worn and consumed
by the same persons residing on the other side of the ocean? Would
not the profits of the merchant and mariner be rather greater, and
some addition made to our navigation, ships and seamen? If the North
American gentleman stays in his own country, and lives there in
that degree of luxury and expence with regard to the use of British
manufactures, that his fortune entitles him to; may not his example
(from the imitation of superiors, so natural to mankind) spread the
use of those manufactures among hundreds of families around him, and
occasion a much greater demand for them, than it would do if he
should remove and live in London?--However this may be, if in our
views of immediate advantage, it seems preferable, that the gentlemen
of large fortunes in North America should reside much in England; it
is what may surely be expected, as fast as such fortunes are acquired
there. Their having "colleges of their own for the education of their
youth," will not prevent it: a little knowledge and learning acquired
increases the appetite for more, and will make the conversation of
the learned on this side the water more strongly desired. Ireland
has its university likewise; yet this does not prevent the immense
pecuniary benefit we receive from that kingdom. And there will always
be, in the conveniencies of life, the politeness, the pleasures, the
magnificence of the reigning country, many other attractions besides
those of learning, to draw men of substance there, where they can
(apparently at least) have the best bargain of happiness for their
money.
Our _trade to the West India islands_ is undoubtedly a valuable one:
but whatever is the amount of it, it _has long been at a stand_.
Limited as our sugar planters are by the scantiness of territory,
they cannot increase much beyond their present number; and this is
an evil, as I shall show hereafter, that will be little helped by
our keeping Guadaloupe.--The trade to our Northern Colonies is not
only greater, but yearly increasing with the increase of people: and
even in a greater proportion, as the people increase in wealth and
the ability of spending, as well as in numbers.[44]--I have already
said, that _our people in the northern colonies_ double in about 25
years, exclusive of the accession of strangers. That I speak within
bounds, I appeal to the authentic accounts frequently required by
the board of trade, and transmitted to that board by the respective
governors; of which accounts I shall select one as a sample, being
that from the colony of Rhode-Island;[45] a colony that of all the
others receives the least addition from strangers.--For the increase
of our _trade to those colonies_, I refer to the accounts frequently
laid before Parliament, by the officers of the customs, and to the
custom-house books: from which I have also selected one account, that
of the trade from England (exclusive of Scotland) to Pensylvania[46];
a colony most remarkable for the plain frugal manner of living of
its inhabitants, and the most suspected of carrying on manufactures,
on account of the number of German artizans, who are known to have
transplanted themselves into that country; though even these,
in truth, when they come there, generally apply themselves to
agriculture, as the surest support and most advantageous employment.
By this account it appears, that the exports to that province have in
28 years, increased nearly in the proportion of 17 to 1; whereas the
people themselves, who by other authentic accounts appear to double
their numbers (the strangers who settle there included) in about 16
years, cannot in the 28 years have increased in a greater proportion
than as 4 to 1. The additional demand then, and consumption of goods
from England, of 13 parts in 17 more than the additional number
would require, must be owing to this; that the people having by
their industry mended their circumstances, are enabled to indulge
themselves in finer clothes, better furniture, and a more general use
of all our manufactures than heretofore.
In fact, the occasion for English goods in North America, and the
inclination to have and use them, is, and must be for ages to come,
much greater than the ability of the people to pay for them; they
must therefore, as they now do, deny themselves many things they
would otherwise chuse to have, or increase their industry to obtain
them. And thus, if they should at any time manufacture some coarse
article, which on account of its bulk or some other circumstance,
cannot so well be brought to them from Britain; it only enables them
the better to pay for finer goods, that _otherwise_ they could not
indulge themselves in: so that the exports thither are not diminished
by such manufacture, but rather increased. The single article of
manufacture in these colonies, mentioned by the remarker, is _hats_
made in New-England. It is true, there have been, ever since the
first settlement of that country, a few hatters there; drawn thither
probably at first by the facility of getting beaver, while the woods
were but little cleared, and there was plenty of those animals. The
case is greatly altered now. The beaver skins are not now to be had
in New-England, but from very remote places and at great prices. The
trade is accordingly declining there; so that, far from being able
to make hats in any quantity for exportation, they cannot supply
their home demand; and it is well known, that some thousand dozens
are sent thither yearly from London, Bristol, and Liverpool, and sold
there cheaper than the inhabitants can make them of equal goodness.
In fact, the colonies are so little suited for establishing of
manufactures, that they are continually losing the few branches they
accidentally gain. The working brasiers, cutlers, and pewterers, as
well as hatters, who have happened to go over from time to time and
settle in the colonies, gradually drop the working part of their
business, and import their respective goods from England, whence
they can have them cheaper and better than they can make them. They
continue their shops indeed, in the same way of dealing; but become
_sellers_ of brasiery, cutlery, pewter, hats, &c. brought from
England, instead of being _makers_ of those goods.
[5. _The American colonies_ not dangerous _in their nature to Great
Britain_.]
Thus much to the apprehension of our colonies becoming useless to
us. I shall next consider the other supposition, that their growth
may render them _dangerous_.--Of this, I own, I have not the least
conception, when I consider that we have already _fourteen separate
governments_ on the maritime coast of the continent; and, if we
extend our settlements, shall probably have as many more behind them
on the inland side. Those we now have are not only under different
governors, but have different forms of government, different laws,
different interests, and some of them different religious persuasions
and different manners.--Their jealousy of each other is so great,
that however necessary an union of the colonies has long been, for
their common defence and security against their enemies, and how
sensible soever each colony has been of that necessity; yet they
have never been able to effect such an union among themselves; nor
even to agree in requesting the mother country to establish it for
them. Nothing but the immediate command of the crown has been able
to produce even the imperfect union, but lately seen there, of
the forces of some colonies. If they could not agree to unite for
their defence against the French and Indians, who were perpetually
harassing their settlements, burning their villages, and murdering
their people; can it reasonably be supposed there is any danger of
their uniting against their own nation, which protects and encourages
them, with which they have so many connections and ties of blood,
interest and affection, and which, it is well known, they all love
much more than they love one another?
In short, there are so many causes that must operate to prevent
it, that I will venture to say, an union amongst them for such a
purpose is not merely improbable, it is impossible. And if the
union of the whole is impossible, the attempt of a part must be
madness; as those colonies that did not join the rebellion would
join the mother-country in suppressing it. When I say such an
union is impossible, I mean, without the most grievous tyranny and
oppression. People who have property in a country which they may
lose, and privileges which they may endanger, are generally disposed
to be quiet, and even to bear much, rather than hazard all. While
the government is mild and just, while important civil and religious
rights are secure, such subjects will be dutiful and obedient. The
waves do not rise but when the winds blow.
What such an administration as the Duke of Alva's in the Netherlands
might produce, I know not; but this I think I have a right to deem
impossible. And yet there were two very manifest differences between
that case, and ours; and both are in our favour. The _first_, that
Spain had already united the seventeen provinces under one visible
government, though the states continued independent: the _second_,
that the inhabitants of those provinces were of a nation, not only
different from, but utterly unlike the Spaniards. Had the Netherlands
been peopled from Spain, the worst of oppression had probably not
provoked them to wish a separation of government. It might, and
probably would, have ruined the country; but would never have
produced an independent sovereignty. In fact, neither the very worst
of governments, the worst of politics in the last century, nor the
total abolition of their remaining liberty, in the provinces of Spain
itself, in the present, have produced any independency [in Spain]
that could be supported. The same may be observed of France.
And let it not be said, that the neighbourhood of these to the seat
of government has prevented a separation. While our strength at sea
continues, the banks of the Ohio (in point of easy and expeditious
conveyance of troops) are nearer to London, than the remote parts of
France and Spain to their respective capitals; and much nearer than
Connaught and Ulster were in the days of Queen Elizabeth. No body
foretels the dissolution of the Russian monarchy from its extent; yet
I will venture to say, the eastern parts of it are already much more
inaccessible from Petersburgh, than the country on the Mississippi is
from London; I mean, more men, in less time, might be conveyed the
latter than the former distance. The rivers Oby, Jenesea, and Lena,
do not facilitate the communication half so well by their course,
nor are they half so practicable as the American rivers. To this I
shall only add the observation of Machiavel, in his Prince; that a
government seldom long preserves its dominion over those who are
foreigners to it; who, on the other hand, fall with great ease, and
continue inseparably annexed to the government of their own nation:
which he proves by the fate of the English conquests in France. Yet
with all these disadvantages, so difficult is it to overturn an
established government, that it was not without the assistance of
France and England, that the United Provinces supported themselves:
which teaches us, that
[6. _The French remaining in Canada, an encouragement to
disaffections in the British Colonies_.--_If they prove a_ check,
_that check of the most barbarous nature_.]
_If the visionary danger of independence in our colonies is to be
feared; nothing is more likely to render it substantial, than the
neighbourhood of foreigners at enmity with the sovereign governments,
capable of giving either_ aid[47], _or an_ asylum, _as the event
shall require_. Yet against even these disadvantages, did Spain
preserve almost ten provinces, merely through their want of union;
which indeed could never have taken place among the others, but for
causes, some of which are in our case impossible, and others it is
impious to suppose possible.
The Romans well understood that policy, which teaches the security
arising to the chief government from separate states among the
governed; when they restored the liberties of the states of Greece
(oppressed but united under Macedon) by an edict, that every state
should live under its own laws. They did not even name a governor.
Independence of each other, and separate interests (though among a
people united by common manners, language, and I may say religion;
inferior neither in wisdom, bravery, nor their love of liberty, to
the Romans themselves;) was all the security the sovereigns wished
for their sovereignty. It is true, they did not call themselves
sovereigns; they set no value on the title; they were contented
with possessing the thing. And possess it they did, even without
a standing army: (what can be a stronger proof of the security of
their possession?) And yet by a policy, similar to this throughout,
was the Roman world subdued and held: a world composed of above an
hundred languages, and sets of manners, different from those of their
masters. Yet this dominion was unshakeable, till the loss of liberty
and corruption of manners in the sovereign state overturned it.