The United States Sustains Its Dignity Abroad.
[=The Piratical States of North Africa=]
If the reader will look at any map of Africa he will see on the
northern coast, defining the southern limits of the Mediterranean, four
States, Morocco, Algeria, Tunis, and Tripoli, running east and west a
distance of 1800 miles. These powers had for centuries maintained a
state of semi-independency by paying tribute to Turkey. But this did
not suit Algeria, the strongest and most warlike of the North African
States; and in the year 1710 the natives overthrew the rule of the
Turkish Pasha, expelled him from the country, and united his authority
to that of the Dey, the Algerian monarch. The Dey subsequently governed
the country by means of a Divan or Council of State chosen from the
principal civic functionaries. The Algerians, with the other "Barbary
States," as the piratical States were called, defied the powers of
Europe; their armed vessels sweeping the waters of the Mediterranean,
committing a thousand ravages upon the merchant vessels of other
nations, and almost driving commerce from its waters. France alone
resisted these depredations, and this only partially, for after she
had repeatedly chastised the Algerians, the strongest of the piratical
States, and had induced the Dey to sign a treaty of peace, the
Corsairs would await their opportunity and after a time resume their
depredations. Algiers in the end forced the United States to resort
to arms in the defence of its commerce, and the long immunity of the
pirates did not cease until the great republic of the West took them in
hand.
The truth is, this conflict was no less irrepressible than that
greater conflict which a century later deluged the land in blood.
Before the Constitution of the United States had been adopted, two
American vessels, flying the flag of thirteen stripes and thirteen
stars, instead of the forty-five stars which now form our national
constellation, while sailing the Mediterranean had fallen a prey to the
swift, heavily-armed Algerian cruisers. The vessels were confiscated,
and their crews, to the number of twenty-one persons, were held for
ransom, for which an enormous sum was demanded.
This sum our Government was by no means willing to pay, as to do so
would be to establish a precedent not only with Algeria, but also with
Tunis, Tripoli, and Morocco, for each of these African piratical
States was in league with the others, and all had to be separately
conciliated.
[=The War with the Pirates of Tripoli=]
But, after all, what else could the Government do? The country had no
navy. It could not undertake in improvised ships to go forth and fight
the powerful cruisers of the African pirates--States so strong that
the commercial nations of Europe were glad to win exemption from their
depredations by annual payments. Why not, then, ransom these American
captives by the payment of money and construct a navy sufficiently
strong to resist their encroachments in the future? This feeling on
the part of the Government was shared by the people of the country,
and as a result Congress authorized the building of six frigates, and
by another act empowered President Washington to borrow a million of
dollars for purchasing peace. Eventually the ransom money was paid to
the piratical powers, and it was hoped all difficulty was at an end.
But, as a necessary provision for the future, the work of constructing
the new warships was pushed with expedition. As will be seen, this
proved to be a wise and timely precaution.
We are now brought to the year 1800. Tripoli, angry at not receiving
as much money as was paid to Algiers, declared war against the United
States. Circumstances, however, had changed for the better, and the
republic was prepared to deal with the oppressors of its seamen in a
more dignified and efficient manner than that of paying ransom. For
our new navy, a small but most efficient one, had been completed, and
a squadron consisting of the frigates _Essex_, Captain Bainbridge, the
_Philadelphia_, the _President_, and the schooner _Experiment_, was in
Mediterranean waters. Two Tripolitan cruisers lying at Gibraltar on
the watch for American vessels were blockaded by the _Philadelphia_.
Cruising off Tripoli, the _Experiment_ fell in with a Tripolitan
cruiser of fourteen guns, and after three hours' hard fighting captured
her, the Tripolitans losing twenty killed and thirty wounded. This
brilliant result had a marked effect in quieting the turbulent pirates,
who for the first time began to respect the United States. A treaty was
signed in 1805, in which Tripoli agreed no longer to molest American
ships and sailors.
[=The Famous Incident of the "Philadelphia"=]
This war was marked by a striking evidence of American pluck
and readiness in an emergency. During the contest the frigate
_Philadelphia_, while chasing certain piratical craft into the harbor
of Tripoli, ran aground in a most perilous situation. Escape was
impossible, she was under the guns of the shore batteries and of the
Tripolitan navy, and after a vain effort to sink her, all on board
were forced to surrender as prisoners of war. Subsequently the
Tripolitans succeeded in floating the frigate, brought her into port
in triumph, and began to refit her as a welcome addition to their
navy. This state of affairs was galling to American pride, and, as the
vessel could not be rescued, it was determined to make an effort to
destroy her. One night a Moorish merchantman (captured and fitted for
the purpose) entered the harbor and made her way close up to the side
of the _Philadelphia_. Only a few men, dressed in Moorish garb, were
visible, and no suspicion of their purpose was entertained. As these
men claimed to have lost their anchor, a rope was thrown them from the
vessel, and they made fast. In a minute more a startling change took
place. A multitude of concealed Americans suddenly sprang into sight,
clambered to the deck of the _Philadelphia_, and drove the surprised
Moors over her sides. The frigate was fairly recaptured. But she could
not be taken out, so the tars set her on fire, and made their escape
by the light of her blazing spars and under the guns of the Tripolitan
batteries, not a ball from which reached them. It was a gallant
achievement, and gave fame to Decatur, its leader.
[=War Declared by Algiers=]
But peace was not yet assured. In 1815, when this country had just
ended its war with Great Britain, the Dey of Algiers unceremoniously
dismissed the American Consul and declared war against the United
States, on the plea that he had not received certain articles demanded
under the tribute treaty. This time the government was well prepared
for the issue. The population of the country had increased to over
eight millions. The military spirit of the nation had been aroused
by the war with Great Britain, ending in the splendid victory at
New Orleans under General Jackson. Besides this, the navy had been
increased and made far more effective. The administration, with Madison
at its head, decided to submit to no further extortions from the
Mediterranean pirates, and the President sent in a forcible message
to Congress on the subject, taking high American ground. The result
was a prompt acceptance of the Algerian declaration of war. Events
succeeded each other in rapid succession. Ships new and old were at
once fitted out. On May 15, 1815, Decatur sailed from New York to
the Mediterranean. His squadron comprised the frigates _Guerriere_,
_Macedonian_ and _Constellation_, the new sloop of war _Ontario_, and
four brigs and two schooners in addition.
[=The Dey Sues for Peace=]
On June 17th, the second day after entering the Mediterranean, Decatur
captured the largest frigate in the Algerian navy, having forty-four
guns. The next day an Algerian brig was taken, and in less than two
weeks after his first capture Decatur, with his entire squadron,
appeared off Algiers. The end had come. The Dey's courage, like that of
Bob Acres, oozed out at his fingers' ends. The terrified Dey sued for
peace, which Decatur compelled him to sign on the quarter-deck of the
_Guerriere_. In this treaty it was agreed by the Dey to surrender all
prisoners, pay a heavy indemnity, and renounce all tribute from America
in the future. Decatur also secured indemnity from Tunis and Tripoli
for American vessels captured under the guns of their forts by British
cruisers during the late war.
This ended at once and forever the payment of tribute to the piratical
States of North Africa. All Europe, as well as our own country, rang
with the splendid achievements of our navy; and surely the stars and
stripes had never before floated more proudly from the masthead of an
American vessel--and they are flying as proudly to-day.
[=A Naval War with France=]
One further example of the readiness of this country to defend itself
upon the seas in its weak, early period may be related, though it
slightly antedated the beginning of the century. This was a result of
American indignation at the ravages upon its commerce by the warring
nations of Europe. About 1798 the depredations of France upon our
merchantmen became so aggravating that, without the formality of a
declaration, a naval war began. The vessels of our new navy were sent
out, "letters of marque and reprisal" were granted to privateers, and
their work soon began to tell. Captain Truxton of the _Constellation_
captured the French frigate _L'Insurgente_, the privateers brought more
than fifty armed vessels of the French into port and France quickly
decided that she wanted peace. This sort of argument was not quite to
her taste.
Seventeen years after the close of the trouble with Algiers, in 1832,
one of the most interesting cases of difficulty with a foreign power
arose. As with Algeria and Tripoli, so now our navy was resorted to
for the purpose of exacting reparation. This time the trouble was
with the kingdom of Naples, in Italy, which had been wrested from
Spain by Napoleon, who placed successively his brother Joseph and his
brother-in-law Murat on the throne of Naples and the two Sicilies.
During the years 1809-12 the Neapolitan government, under Joseph and
Murat successively, had confiscated numerous American ships with their
cargoes. The total amount of the American claims against Naples, as
filed in the State department when Jackson's administration assumed
control, was $1,734,994. They were held by various insurance companies
and by citizens, principally of Baltimore. Demands for the payment of
these claims had from time to time been made by our government, but
Naples had always refused to settle them.
[=The Claim Against Naples=]
Jackson and his cabinet took a decided stand, and determined that the
Neapolitan government, then in the hands of Ferdinand II.--subsequently
nicknamed Bomba because of his cruelties--should make due reparation
for the losses sustained by American citizens. The Hon. John Nelson,
of Frederick, Maryland, was appointed Minister to Naples, and required
to insist upon a settlement. Commodore Daniel Patterson, who had aided
in the defense of New Orleans in 1815, was put in command of the
Mediterranean squadron and ordered to co-operate with Minister Nelson
in enforcing his demands. But Naples persisted in her refusal to render
satisfaction, and a warlike demonstration was decided upon, the whole
matter being placed, under instructions, in the hands of Commodore
Patterson.
[=How King Bomba was Brought to Terms=]
The entire force under his command consisted of three fifty-gun
frigates and three twenty-gun corvettes. In order not to precipitate
matters too hastily, the plan adopted was that these vessels should
appear in the Neapolitan waters one at a time, and instructions were
given to that effect. The _Brandywine_, with Minister Nelson on
board, went first. Mr. Nelson made his demand for a settlement and
was refused. There was nothing in the appearance of a Yankee envoy
and a single ship to trouble King Bomba and his little kingdom. The
_Brandywine_ cast anchor in the harbor and the humbled envoy waited
patiently for a few days. Then another American flag appeared on the
horizon, and the frigate _United States_ floated into the harbor and
came to anchor. Mr. Nelson repeated his demands, and they were again
refused. Four days slipped away, and the stars and stripes once more
appeared off the harbor. King Bomba, looking out from his palace
windows, saw the fifty-gun frigate _Concord_ sail into the harbor
and drop her anchor. Then unmistakable signs of uneasiness began to
show themselves. Forts were repaired, troops drilled, and more cannon
mounted on the coast. The demands were reiterated, but the Neapolitan
government still declined to consider them. Two days later another
warship made her way into the harbor. It was the _John Adams_. When
the fifth ship sailed gallantly in, Nelson sent word home that he was
still unable to collect the bill. The end was not yet. Three days
later, and the sixth American sail showed itself on the blue waters
of the peerless bay. It was the handwriting on the wall for King
Bomba, and his government announced that they would accede to the
American demands. The negotiations were promptly resumed and speedily
closed, the payment of the principal in installments with interest
being guaranteed. Pending negotiations, from August 28th to September
15th the entire squadron remained in the Bay of Naples, and then the
ships sailed away and separated. So, happily and bloodlessly, ended a
difficulty which at one time threatened most serious results.
[=Captain Ingraham and the Koszta Affair=]
Another demonstration, less imposing in numbers but quite as spirited,
and, indeed, more intensely dramatic, occurred at Smyrna in 1853, when
Captain Duncan N. Ingraham, with a single sloop-of-war, trained his
broadsides on a fleet of Austrian warships in the harbor. The episode
was a most thrilling one, and our record would be incomplete were so
dramatic an affair left unrecorded on its pages. This is the story:
When the revolution of Hungary against Austria was put down, Kossuth,
Koszta, and other leading revolutionists fled to Smyrna, and the
Turkish government, after long negotiations, refused to give them
up. Koszta soon after came to the United States, and in July, 1852,
declared under oath his intention of becoming an American citizen. He
resided in New York city a year and eleven months.
[=The "St. Louis" and the "Huzzar"=]
A year after he had declared his intention to assume American
citizenship, Koszta went to Smyrna on business, where he remained for
a time undisturbed. He had so inflamed the Austrian government against
him, however, that a plot was formed to capture him. On June 21,
1853, while he was seated on the Marina, a public resort in Smyrna, a
band of Greek mercenaries, hired by the Austrian Consul, seized him
and carried him off to an Austrian ship-of-war, the _Huzzar_, then
lying in the harbor. Archduke John, brother of the emperor, is said
to have been in command of this vessel. Koszta was put in irons and
treated as a criminal. The next day an American sloop-of-war, the
_St. Louis_, commanded by Captain Duncan N. Ingraham, sailed into the
harbor. Learning what had happened, Captain Ingraham immediately sent
on board the _Huzzar_ and courteously asked permission to see Koszta.
His request was granted, and the captain assured himself that Koszta
was entitled to the protection of the American flag. He demanded
his release from the Austrian commander. When it was refused, he
communicated with the nearest United States official, Consul Brown,
at Constantinople. While he was waiting for an answer six Austrian
warships sailed into the harbor and came to anchor in positions near
the _Huzzar_. On June 29th, before Captain Ingraham had received any
answer from the American Consul, he noticed unusual signs of activity
on board the _Huzzar_, and before long she began to get under way. The
American captain made up his mind immediately. He put the _St. Louis_
straight in the _Huzzar's_ course and cleared his guns for action. The
_Huzzar_ hove to, and Captain Ingraham went on board and demanded the
meaning of her action.
"We propose to sail for home," replied the Austrian. "The consul has
ordered us to take our prisoner to Austria."
"You will pardon me," said Captain Ingraham, "but if you attempt to
leave this port with that American on board I shall be compelled to
resort to extreme measures."
The Austrian glanced around at the fleet of Austrian war-ships and the
single American sloop-of-war. Then he smiled pleasantly, and intimated
that the _Huzzar_ would do as she pleased.
Captain Ingraham bowed and returned to the _St. Louis_. He had no
sooner reached her deck than he called out: "Clear the guns for action!"
The Archduke of Austria saw the batteries of the _St. Louis_ turned
upon him, and suddenly realized that he was in the wrong. The _Huzzar_
was put about and sailed back to her old anchorage. Word was sent to
Captain Ingraham that the Austrian would await the arrival of the note
from Mr. Brown.
[=Koszta is Given Up to Ingraham=]
The consul's note, which came on July 1st, commended Captain Ingraham's
course and advised him to take whatever action he thought the situation
demanded. At eight o'clock on the morning of July 2d, Captain Ingraham
sent a note to the commander of the _Huzzar_, formally demanding the
release of Mr. Koszta. Unless the prisoner was delivered on board the
_St. Louis_ before four o'clock the next afternoon, Captain Ingraham
would take him from the Austrians by force. The Archduke sent back a
formal refusal. At eight o'clock the next morning Captain Ingraham once
more ordered the decks cleared for action and trained his batteries on
the _Huzzar_. The seven Austrian war vessels cleared their decks and
put their men at the guns.
At ten o'clock an Austrian officer came to Captain Ingraham and began
to temporize. Captain Ingraham refused to listen to him.
"To avoid the worst," he said, "I will agree to let the man be
delivered to the French Consul at Smyrna until you have opportunity to
communicate with your government. But he must be delivered there, or I
will take him. I have stated the time."
At twelve o'clock a boat left the _Huzzar_ with Koszta in it, and an
hour later the French Consul sent word that Koszta was in his keeping.
Then several of the Austrian war-vessels sailed out of the harbor.
Long negotiations between the two governments followed, and in the
end Austria admitted that the United States was in the right, and
apologized.
[=The Trouble with Nicaragua=]
Scarcely had the plaudits which greeted Captain Ingraham's intrepid
course died away, when, the next year, another occasion arose where
our government was obliged to resort to the show of force. This
time Nicaragua was the country involved. Various outrages, as was
contended, had been committed on the persons and property of American
citizens dwelling in that country. The repeated demands for redress
were not complied with. Peaceful negotiations having failed, in June,
1854, Commander Hollins, with the sloop of war _Cyane_, was ordered
to proceed to the town of San Juan, or Greytown, which lies on the
Mosquito coast of Nicaragua, and to insist on favorable action from the
Nicaraguan government.
Captain Hollins came to anchor off the coast and placed his demands
before the authorities. He waited patiently for a response, but no
satisfactory one was offered him. After a number of days he made a
final appeal and then proceeded to carry out his instructions. On the
morning of July 13th he directed his batteries on the town of San Juan
and opened fire. Until four o'clock in the afternoon the ship poured
out broadsides as fast as its guns could be loaded. By that time the
greater part of the town was destroyed. Then a party of marines was put
on shore, and completed the destruction of the place by burning the
houses.
A lieutenant of the British navy commanding a small vessel of war was
in the harbor at the time. England claimed a species of protectorate
over the settlement, and the British officer raised violent protest
against the action taken by America's representative. Captain Hollins,
however, paid no attention to the interference and carried out his
instructions. The United States government later sustained Captain
Hollins in everything he had done, and England thereupon thought best
to let the matter drop. In this that country was unquestionably wise.
[=In Paraguayan Waters=]
At this time the United States seems to have entered upon a period of
international conflict; for no sooner had the difficulties with Austria
and Nicaragua been adjusted than another war-cloud appeared on the
horizon. Here again only a year from the last conflict had elapsed, for
in 1855 an offense was committed against the United States by Paraguay.
To explain what it was we shall have to go back three years. In 1852
Captain Thomas J. Page, commanding a small light-draught steamer, the
_Water Witch_, by direction of his government started for South America
to explore the River La Plata and its large tributaries, with a view
to opening up commercial intercourse between the United States and the
interior States of South America. We have said that the expedition
was ordered by our government; it also remains to be noted that it
was undertaken with the full consent and approbation of the countries
having jurisdiction over those waters. Slowly, but surely, the little
steamer pushed her way up the river, making soundings and charting the
river as she proceeded. All went well until February 1, 1855, when the
first sign of trouble appeared.
[=The Assault on the "Water Witch"=]
It was a lovely day in early summer--the summer begins in February
in that latitude--and nothing appeared to indicate the slightest
disturbance The little _Water Witch_ was quietly steaming up the River
Paraná, which forms the northern boundary of the State of Corrientes,
separating it from Paraguay, when suddenly, without a moment's warning,
a battery from Fort Itaparu, on the Paraguayan shore, opened fire upon
her, immediately killing one of her crew, who at that time was at the
wheel. The _Water Witch_ was not fitted for hostilities; least of all
could she assume the risk of attempting to run the batteries of the
fort. Accordingly, Captain Page put the steamer about, and was soon
out of range. It should here be explained that at that time President
Carlos A. Lopez was the autocratic ruler of Paraguay, and that he had
previously received Captain Page with every assurance of friendship.
A few months previous, however, Lopez had been antagonized by the
United States consul at Ascencion. This gentleman, in addition to his
official position, acted as agent for an American mercantile company
of which Lopez disapproved and whose business he had broken up. He had
also issued a decree forbidding foreign vessels of war to navigate the
Paraná or any of the waters bounding Paraguay, which he clearly had no
right to do, as half the stream belonged to the country bordering on
the other side.
[=Marcy Demands Reparation=]
Captain Page, finding it impracticable to prosecute his exploration
any further, at once returned to the United States, where he gave the
Washington authorities a detailed account of the occurrence. It was
claimed by our government that the _Water Witch_ was not subject to
the jurisdiction of Paraguay, as the channel was the equal property
of the Argentine Republic. It was further claimed that, even if she
had been within the jurisdiction of Paraguay, she was not properly a
vessel of war, but a government boat employed for scientific purposes.
And even were the vessel supposed to be a war vessel, it was contended
that it was a gross violation of international right and courtesy to
fire shot at the vessel of a friendly power without first resorting to
more peaceful means. At that time William L. Marcy, one of the foremost
statesmen of his day, was Secretary of State. Mr. Marcy at once wrote
a strong letter to the Paraguayan government, stating the facts of the
case, declaring that the action of Paraguay in firing upon the _Water
Witch_ would not be submitted to, and demanding ample apology and
compensation. All efforts in this direction, however, proved fruitless.
Lopez refused to give any reparation; and not only so, but declared
that no American vessel would be allowed to ascend the Paraná for the
purpose indicated.
The event, as it became known, aroused not a little excitement; and
while there were some who deprecated a resort to extreme measures, the
general sentiment of the country was decidedly manifested in favor of
an assertion of our rights in the premises. Accordingly, President
Pierce sent a message to Congress, stating that a peaceful adjustment
of the difficulty was impossible, and asking for authority to send such
a naval force to Paraguay as would compel her arbitrary ruler to give
the full satisfaction demanded.
[=A Powerful Fleet Sent to Paraguay=]
To this request Congress promptly and almost unanimously gave assent,
and one of the strongest naval expeditions ever fitted out by the
United States up to that time was ordered to assemble at the mouth of
La Plata River. The fleet was an imposing one for the purpose, and
comprised nineteen vessels, seven of which were steamers specially
chartered for the purpose, as our largest war vessels were of too deep
draught to ascend the La Plata and Paraná. The entire squadron carried
200 guns and 2,500 men, and was commanded by flag officer, afterward
rear-admiral, Shubrick, one of the oldest officers of our navy, and one
of the most gallant men that ever trod a quarter-deck. Flag Officer
Shubrick was accompanied by United States Commissioner Bowlin, to whom
was intrusted negotiations for the settlement of the difficulty.
Three years and eleven months had now passed since the _Water Witch_
was fired upon, and President Buchanan had succeeded Franklin Pierce.
The winter of 1859 was just closing in at the north; the streams were
closed by ice, and the lakes were ice-bound, but the palm trees of the
south were displaying their fresh green leaves, like so many fringed
banners, in the warm tropical air when the United States squadron
assembled at Montevideo. The fleet included two United States frigates,
the _Sabine_ and the _St. Lawrence_; two sloops-of-war, the _Falmouth_
and the _Preble_; three brigs, the _Bainbridge_, the _Dolphin_ and
the _Perry_; seven steamers especially armed for the occasion, the
_Memphis_, the _Caledonia_, the _Atlanta_, the _Southern Star_, the
_Westernport_, the _M. W. Chapin_, and the _Metacomet_; two armed
store-ships, the _Supply_ and the _Release_; the revenue steamer,
_Harriet Lane_; and, lastly, the little _Water Witch_ herself, no
longer defenceless, but in fighting trim for hostilities.
[=The Ships Anchor off Ascencion=]
On the 25th of January, 1859, within just one week of four years from
the firing upon the _Water Witch_, the squadron got under way and came
to anchor off Ascencion, the capital of Paraguay. Meanwhile President
Urquiza, of the Argentine Republic, who had offered his services to
mediate the difficulty, had arrived at Ascencion in advance of the
squadron. The negotiations were reopened, and Commissioner Bowlin made
his demand for instant reparation. All this time Flag Officer Shubrick
was not idle. With such of our vessels as were of suitable size he
ascended the river, taking them through the difficulties created by its
currents, shoals and sand bars, and brought them to a position above
the town, where they were made ready for action in case of necessity to
open fire. The force within striking distance of Paraguay consisted of
1,740 men, besides the officers, and 78 guns, including 23 nine-inch
shell guns and one shell gun of eleven inches.
[=President Lopez Brought to Terms=]
Ships and guns proved to be very strong arguments with Lopez. It did
not take the Dictator-President long to see that the United States
meant business, and that the time for trifling had passed and the time
for serious work had come. President Lopez's cerebral processes worked
with remarkable and encouraging celerity. By February 5th, within
less than two weeks of the starting of the squadron from Montevideo,
Commissioner Bowlin's demands were all acceded to. Ample apologies
were made for firing on the _Water Witch_, and pecuniary compensation
was given to the family of the sailor who had been killed. In addition
to this, a new commercial treaty was made, and cordial relations were
fully restored between the two governments.
[=The Civil War in Chili=]
A period of more than thirty years now elapsed before any serious
difficulty occurred with a foreign power. In 1891 an event took place
that threatened to disturb our relations with Chili and possibly
involve the United States in war with that power. Happily the matter
reached a peaceful settlement. In January, of that year, civil war
had broken out in Chili, the cause of which was a contest between the
legislative branch of the government and the executive, for the control
of affairs. The President of Chili, General Balmaceda, began to assert
authority which the legislature, or "the Congressionalists," as the
opposing party was called, resisted as unconstitutional and oppressive,
and they accordingly proceeded to interfere with Balmaceda's Cabinet in
its efforts to carry out the president's despotic will.
Finally matters came to a point where appeal to arms was necessary.
On the 9th of January the Congressional party took possession of
the greater part of the Chilian fleet, the navy being in hearty
sympathy with them, and the guns of the warships were turned against
Balmaceda,--Valparaiso, the capital, and other ports being blockaded
by the ships. For a time Balmaceda maintained control of the capital
and the southern part of the country. The key to the position was
Valparaiso, which was strongly fortified, Balmaceda's army being massed
there and placed at available points.
[=The Overthrow of Balmaceda=]
At last the Congressionalists determined to attack Balmaceda at his
capital, and on August 21st landed every available fighting man at
their disposal at Concon, about ten miles north of Valparaiso. They
were attacked by the Dictator on the 22d, there being twenty thousand
men on each side. The Dictator had the worst of it. Then he rallied
his shattered forces, and made his last stand at Placillo, close to
Valparaiso, on the 28th. The battle was hot, the carnage fearful;
neither side asked for or received quarter. The magazine rifles,
with which the revolutionists were armed, did wonders. The odds were
against Balmaceda; both his generals quarreled in face of the enemy;
his army became divided and demoralized. In a later battle both of his
generals were killed. The valor and the superior tactics of General
Canto, leader of the Congressional army, won the day. Balmaceda fled
and eventually committed suicide, and the Congressionalists entered the
capital in triumph.
Several incidents meantime had conspired, during the progress of this
war, to rouse the animosity of the stronger party in Chili against the
United States. Before the Congressionalists' triumph the steamship
_Itata_, loaded with American arms and ammunition for Chili, sailed
from San Francisco, and as this was a violation of the neutrality laws,
a United States war vessel pursued her to the harbor of Iquique, where
she surrendered. Then other troubles arose. Our minister at Valparaiso,
Mr. Egan, was charged by the Congressionalists, then in power, with
disregarding international law in allowing the American Legation to
be made an asylum for the adherents of Balmaceda. Subsequently these
refugees were permitted to go aboard American vessels and sail away.
Then Admiral Brown, of the United States squadron, was, in Chili's
opinion, guilty of having acted as a spy upon the movements of the
Congressionalists' fleet at Quinteros, and of bringing intelligence of
its movements to Balmaceda at Valparaiso. This, however, the Admiral
stoutly denied.
[=An Attack on the Men of the "Baltimore"=]
The strong popular feeling of dislike which was engendered by these
charges culminated on the 16th of October, in an attack upon American
seamen by a mob in the streets of the Chilian capital. Captain
Schley, commander of the United States cruiser _Baltimore_, had given
shore-leave to a hundred and seventeen petty officers and seamen, some
of whom, when they had been on shore for several hours, were set upon
by Chilians. They took refuge in a street car, from which, however,
they were soon driven and mercilessly beaten, and a subordinate officer
named Riggen fell, apparently lifeless. The American sailors, according
to Captain Schley's testimony, were sober and conducting themselves
with propriety when the attack was made. They were not armed, even
their knives having been taken from them before they left the vessel.
The assault upon those in the street car seemed to be only a signal for
a general uprising; and a mob which is variously estimated at from one
thousand to two thousand people attacked our sailors with such fury
that in a little while these men, whom no investigation could find
guilty of any breach of the peace, were fleeing for their lives before
an overwhelming crowd, among which were a number of the police of
Valparaiso. In this affray eighteen sailors were stabbed, several dying
from their wounds.
Of course the United States government at once communicated with
the Chilian authorities on the subject, expressing an intention to
investigate the occurrence fully. The first reply made to the American
government by Signor Matta, the Chilian minister of foreign affairs,
was to the effect that Chili would not allow anything to interfere with
her own official investigation.
[=An Investigation Demanded=]
An examination of all the facts was made on our part. It was careful
and thorough, and showed that our flag had been insulted in the
persons of American seamen. Yet, while the Chilian court of inquiry
could present no extenuating facts, that country refused at first
to offer apology or reparation for the affront. In the course of
the correspondence Minister Matta sent a note of instruction to Mr.
Montt, Chilian representative at Washington, in which he used the most
offensive terms in relation to the United States, and directed that the
letter should be given to the press for publication.
After waiting for a long time for the result of the investigation at
Valparaiso, and finding that, although no excuse or palliation had
been found for the outrage, the Chilian authorities seemed reluctant
to offer apology, the President of the United States, in a message to
Congress, made an extended statement of the various incidents of the
case and its legal aspect, and stated that on the 21st of January he
had caused a peremptory communication to be presented to the Chilian
government by the American minister at Santiago, in which severance of
diplomatic relations was threatened if our demands for satisfaction,
which included the withdrawal of Mr. Matta's insulting note, were not
complied with. At the time that this message was delivered no reply had
been sent to the note.
[=The American Case Presented=]
Mr. Harrison's statement of the legal aspect of the case, upon which
the final settlement of the difficulty was based, was that the presence
of a warship of any nation in a port belonging to a friendly power is
by virtue of a general invitation which nations are held to extend
to each other; that Commander Schley was invited, with his officers
and crew, to enjoy the hospitality of Valparaiso; that while no claim
that an attack which an individual sailor may be subjected to raises
an international question, yet where the resident population assault
sailors of another country's war vessels, as at Valparaiso, animated
by an animosity against the government to which they belong, that
government must act as it would if the representatives or flag of the
nation had been attacked, since the sailors are there by the order of
their government.
[=Chili Offers an Apology and Reparation=]
Finally an ultimatum was sent from the State department at Washington,
on the 25th, to Minister Egan, and was by him transmitted to the proper
Chilian authorities. It demanded the retraction of Mr. Matta's note and
suitable apology and reparation for the insult and injury sustained by
the United States. On the 28th of January, 1892, a dispatch from Chili
was received, in which the demands of our government were fully acceded
to, the offensive letter was withdrawn, and regret was expressed for
the occurrence. In his relation to this particular case, Minister
Egan's conduct received the entire approval of his government.
While the United States looked for a peaceful solution of this annoying
international episode, the proper preparations were made for a less
desirable outcome. Our naval force was put in as efficient a condition
as possible, and the vessels which were then in the navy yard were
got ready for service with all expedition. If the Chilian war-scare
did nothing else, it aroused a wholesome interest in naval matters
throughout the whole of the United States, and by focusing attention
upon the needs of this branch of the public service, showed at once how
helpless we might become in the event of a war with any first-class
power. We may thank Chili that to-day the United States Navy is in a
better condition than at any time in our history.
[=The Monroe Doctrine=]
When the great Napoleon was overthrown, France, Russia, Prussia and
Austria formed an alliance for preserving the "balance of power" and
for suppressing revolutions within one another's dominions. This
has been spoken of in a preceding chapter as the "Holy Alliance."
At the time the Spanish South American colonies were in revolt, and
the alliance had taken steps indicating an intention to aid in their
reduction. George Canning, the English secretary of state, proposed
to our country that we should unite with England in preventing such
an outrage against civilization. It was a momentous question, and
President Monroe consulted with Jefferson, Madison, Calhoun and John
Quincy Adams, the secretary of state, before making answer. The
decision being reached, the President embodied in his annual message
to Congress in December, 1823, a clause which formulated what has ever
since been known as the "Monroe Doctrine." It was written by John
Quincy Adams, and, referring to the intervention of the allied powers,
said that we "should consider any attempt on their part to extend their
system to any portion of this hemisphere as dangerous to our peace
and safety;" and further, "that the American continents, by the free
and independent condition which they have assumed and maintain, are
henceforth not to be considered as subjects for future colonization by
any European powers."
[=The Case of Cuba=]
By the Monroe Doctrine the United States formally adopted the position
of guardian of the weaker American States, and since its promulgation
there have been few aggressions of European nations in America, and
none in which the United States has not decisively warned them off. The
most striking instances may be stated. When, during the troubles in
Cuba, France and Great Britain suggested an alliance with the United
States to look after affairs in that quarter, they were given plainly
to understand that this country would attend to that matter itself and
would brook no interference on the part of foreign powers. It also
intimated that, in the event of Spain giving up her authority in Cuba
from any cause, the United States proposed to act as the sole arbiter
of the destinies of the island. Since that date no European power has
shown any inclination to interfere in Cuban affairs.
[=France in Mexico and the Fate of Maximilian=]
The only decided effort to set at naught the Monroe Doctrine was made
by France during-the American Civil War. Taking advantage of the
difficulties under which our government then labored, France landed
an army in Mexico, overthrew the republic, established an empire,
and placed Maximilian, a brother of the Emperor of Austria, upon its
throne. All went well with the new emperor until after the close of our
Civil War; then all began to go ill. The Monroe Doctrine raised its
head again, and the French were plainly bidden to take their troops
from Mexico if they did not want trouble. Napoleon III. was quick to
take the hint, and to withdraw his army. Maximilian was advised to go
with it, but he unwisely declined, fancying that he could maintain his
seat upon the Mexican throne. He was quickly undeceived. The liberals
sprang to arms, defeated with ease his small army, and soon had him
in their hands. A few words complete the story. He was tried by court
martial, condemned to death, and shot. Thus ended in disaster the
most decided attempt to set at naught the Monroe Doctrine of American
guardianship.
[=The Venezuelan Boundary and the Monroe Doctrine=]
A second effort, less piratical in its character, was the attempt
of Great Britain to extend the borders of British Guiana at the
expense of Venezuela. To a certain degree Great Britain seems to have
had right on its side in this movement, but its methods were those
used by strong nations when dealing with weak ones, the demand of
Venezuela for arbitration was scornfully ignored, and force was used
to support a claim whose justice no effort was made to show. These
high-handed proceedings were brought to a quick termination by the
action of the United States, which offered itself as the friend and
ally of Venezuela in the dispute. President Cleveland insisted on an
arbitration of the difficulty in words that had no uncertain ring,
and the statesmen of Great Britain, convinced that he meant just what
he said, submitted with what grace they could. A court of arbitration
was appointed, the boundary question put into its hands to settle, and
peace and satisfaction reigned again. The Monroe Doctrine had once more
decisively asserted itself. By the decision of the court of arbitration
each country got the portion of the disputed territory it most valued,
and both were satisfied. Thus peace has its triumphs greater than those
of war.
These are not offered as the only occasions in which the United States
has come into hostile relations with foreign powers and has sustained
its dignity with or without war, but they are the most striking ones,
unless we include in this category the Mexican war. Various disputes of
a minor character have arisen, notably with Great Britain, the latest
being that concerning the Alaskan boundary; but those given are the
only instances that seem to call for attention here.