But over and above his natural eminence in the Church, which I have

attempted to describe, a concurrence of events in the fourth century tended

to give a still greater moral weight to the voice of the Bishop of Rome.

While the other great sees of the Church were vexed with heresy or schism,

his was providentially exempted from both. The same century witnessed

Coecilianus of Carthage, judged and supported by Pope Melchiades, while the

Donatist schism all that century long rent Africa in twain; and St.

Athanasius, of Alexandria, driven from his see, and persecuted by the whole

East, received and justified by Pope Julius; and St. John Chrysostom, too

good by far for a corrupt capital and a degenerate court, in life

protected, and in death restored, by Pope Innocent. We have seen St. Jerome

appeal to Pope Damasus, to know which of three competitors for the

Patriarchal throne of Antioch was the right Bishop. But it is impossible to

describe the confusion and violence which the Arian heresy, and the cognate

heresies concerning the Person of our Lord, wrought throughout the Church

and Empire. In all these the Roman Patriarch was beheld immovable,

supporting, with his whole authority, what turned out to be the orthodox

view. What Mr. Newman asserts is, moreover, entirely in accordance with the

Patriarchal system, as we have attempted to describe it, "that the writers

of the fourth and fifth centuries fearlessly assert, or frankly allow, that

the prerogatives of Rome were derived from apostolic times, and that

because it was the See of St. Peter." I confess that these words set me

upon the search, and that I have found such testimonies in abundance; but

then they are invariably to the Bishop of Rome _as holding the first see,

not as_ Episcopus Episcoporum: _they bear witness to the Patriarchal

system, not to the Papal_. For instance, all lovers of truth would be

obliged to Mr. Newman to point out, in all the works of St. Augustin, a

single passage which is sufficiently distinct and specific to justify the

Papal claims, nay, which does not consider the Pope the first Bishop, and

_no more_. It is little to say I have searched for such in vain. But in a

Western Father, whose extant writings are so voluminous, and whose personal

history is almost a history of the Church during the nearly forty years of

his episcopate, and who continually gives judgment on all matters

concerning the Church's government and constitution, it would seem

impossible but that such a testimony should be found, if a thing so

wondrous as is the Papal Power then existed. On the contrary, St. Augustin,

continually explaining those often cited passages of Scripture, on which

mediaeval and later Roman writers ground the Papal prerogatives, that is,

Thou art Peter, &c., Feed my sheep, &c., says specifically, that Peter

represents the Church. One of these passages we have already quoted. Take

another. "And I say unto thee, because thou hast said to me; thou hast

spoken, now hear; thou hast given a confession, receive a blessing;

therefore, and I say unto thee, that thou art Peter; because I am the Rock,

thou art Peter; for neither from Peter is the Rock, but from the Rock,

Peter; because not from the Christian is Christ, but from Christ the

Christian. And upon this Rock I will build my Church; _not upon Peter,

which thou art, but upon the Rock which thou hast confessed_. But I will

build my Church, _I will build thee, who in this answer representest the

Church_."[35] Again, in a passage which conveys that old view of Cyprian,

that every Bishop's chair is the chair of St. Peter. "For as some things

are said which would seem to belong personally to the Apostle Peter, yet

cannot be clearly understood unless when they are referred to the Church,

which he is admitted, in figure, to have represented, on account of the

Primacy which he held among the disciples,--as is,--I will give to thee the

keys of the kingdom of Heaven;--and if there be any such like."[36] Again:

"For Peter himself, to whom He entrusted His sheep as to another self, He

willed to make one with Himself, that so He might entrust His sheep to him;

that he might be the Head, the other bear the figure of the Body, that is,

the Church; and that, as man and wife, they might be two in one flesh."[37]

Again: "The Lord Jesus chose out His disciples before His Passion, as ye

know, whom He named Apostles. Amongst these, Peter alone almost everywhere

was thought worthy (_meruit_) to represent the whole Church. On account of

that very representing of the whole Church, which he alone bore, he was

thought worthy to hear, I will give to thee the keys of the kingdom of

Heaven. _For these keys not one man but the unity of the Church received._

Here, therefore, the eminence of Peter is set forth, because he represented

the very universality and unity of the Church, when it was said to him, I

give to thee what was given to all. For that you may know that the Church

has received the keys of the kingdom of God, hear what in another place the

Lord says to all his Apostles: Receive the Holy Ghost. And presently:

Whosesoever sins ye remit, they are remitted to him; whosesoever ye retain,

they are retained. This belongs to the keys concerning which it was said,

What ye loose on earth, shall be loosed in Heaven; and what ye bind on

earth, shall be bound in Heaven. But this He said to Peter. That you may

know that Peter then represented the whole Church, hear what is said to

him,"[38] &c. "For deservedly, after His resurrection, the Lord delivered

His sheep to Peter himself to feed; _for he was not the only one among the

disciples who was thought worthy to feed the Lord's sheep_. But when Christ

speaks to one, unity is commended; and to Peter above all, because Peter is

the first among the Apostles."[39] Again: "As in the Apostles, the number

itself being twelve, that is, four divisions into three,"--(he seems to

mean, that there was a mystical universality betokened in the number four,

as a mystical unity in the number three,)--"and all being asked, Peter

alone answered, Thou art the Christ, the Son of the living God. And it is

said to him, I will give to thee the keys of the kingdom of Heaven, _as if

he alone had received the power of binding and loosing; the case really

being, that he singly said that in the name of all, and received this

together with all, as representing unity itself; therefore one in the name

of all, because unity is in all_."[40] This, written at so many different

times, was evidently the view preferred by this great Father;[41] and be it

observed, that while, on the one hand, there is a total silence as to the

local see of Rome, on the other hand, there is in these words a specific

denial of the present Roman doctrine, that all spiritual jurisdiction

throughout the whole Church is derived from the see of Rome _alone_. That

jurisdiction is derived from the see of Rome, and the other Apostolic Sees

in conjunction, is the truth of the Patriarchal system; that it is derived

from the see of Rome, as distinct from them, and without them, is the

exaggeration of the Papal system.

I may remark here, that St. Leo the Great does apply these passages both to

St. Peter personally, as distinct from the other Apostles, and to the Roman

Pontiffs, as his successors, distinct from all other Bishops. St.

Augustin's different application is the more remarkable.

The strongest expressions respecting the power of the Roman see, which I

have been able to find in the works of St. Augustin, are contained not in

his proper works, but in two letters of Pope St. Innocent, written in

answer to the synodical letters of the Council of Milevi,--"who thought fit

likewise to communicate their judgment to the Pope St. Innocent in order to

join the Apostolical authority to their own."[42] Their own words

are,--"What we have done, Sir and Brother, we have thought good to intimate

to your holy charity, that the authority of the Apostolical See may also be

added to what we, in our mediocrity, have ordered, to protect the salvation

of many, and also to correct the perversity of some."[43] They were writing

concerning a point nearly touching the common faith, _i.e._, in

condemnation of Pelagius. The Pope in his answer, praises them,

that--"Guarding, according to the duty of priests, the institutions of the

Fathers, ye resolve that those regulations should not be trodden under

foot, which they with no human but Divine voice decreed: viz., that

whatever was being carried on, although in the most distant and remote

provinces, should not be terminated before it was brought to the knowledge

of this see: by the full authority of which the just sentence should be

confirmed, and that thence all other churches might derive what they should

order; whom they should absolve; whom, as being bemired with ineffaceable

pollution, the stream, that is worthy only of pure bodies, should avoid; so

that as from their parent source all waters should flow, and through the

different regions of the whole world the pure streams of the fountain well

forth uncorrupted."[44] And in like manner to the Bishops of Numidia, at

the same Council. "Ye do, therefore, diligently and becomingly consult the

secrets of the Apostolical honour, (that honour, I mean, on which beside

those things that are without, the care of all the Churches awaits,) as to

what judgment is to be passed on doubtful matters, following in sooth the

direction of the ancient rule, which you know, as well as I, has ever been

observed in the whole world. But this I pass by, for I am sure your

prudence is aware of it: for how could you by your actions have confirmed

this, save as knowing that throughout all provinces answers are ever

emanating as from the Apostolic fountain to inquirers? Especially, so often

as a matter of faith is under inquiry, I conceive that all our brethren and

fellow-Bishops ought not to refer, save to Peter, that is, the source of

their own name and honour, just as your affection hath now referred, for

what may benefit all Churches in common, throughout the whole world. For

the inventors of evils must necessarily become more cautious, when they see

that at the reference of a double synod they have been severed from

ecclesiastical communion by our sentence."[45]

There is certainly an indefiniteness about these expressions, which may be

made to embrace anything; but they do not fairly mean more than that

supervision of the faith which belonged to the office of the first of the

Patriarchs. Moreover, they come from a Pope; in St. Augustin's mouth, they

would have much more force. They show us, besides, what a tendency there

was in the power of the Patriarch continually to increase, as being the

centre of appeal to so many, not only Bishops, but Metropolitans. Nay, at

this very time, within less than a century, a rival power had grown up in

the East, in the See of Constantinople, which, from a simple bishopric,

under the Exarch of Heraclea, threatened to push aside the Patriarchs of

Alexandria and Antioch; and, by virtue of the Imperial residence at, or

near Constantinople, to exercise as great an influence through the whole

East, as Rome did in the West. If this happened where there was no

Apostolic See to build upon, but simply the privileges of the royal city,

how much more in the case of Rome, which stood alone in the West the single

object of common reverence; "since it is well known," says this same Pope

Innocent, "that there were no churches founded by any one, either in Italy,

the Gauls, Spain, Africa, Sicily, or in the adjacent islands, unless by

those whom the Apostle St. Peter, or his successors, had appointed

Bishops."[46] So that the Pope, on the Patriarchal theory, was the common

father of the whole West.

In the latter years of St. Augustin's life, the important question of

appeals from African Bishops to Rome was settled. Apiarius, a priest, had

been excommunicated by his Bishop, and appealed to the Pope. The Bishops of

Africa would not agree to the Pope's claim, that the causes of clergy,

condemned by their own Bishop, should be brought before the neighbouring

Bishops; nor that Bishops should appeal to Rome. The Pope alleged the

Canons of Nicea, (not, be it observed, an inherent power in his see to

judge Bishops;) the Bishops of Africa said they could not find those Canons

in the copies which they had. They agreed, however, to be thus treated,

provisionally, for a short time, till they were better informed of the

decrees of Nicea. It turned out that, by the Canons of Nicea, the Pope

meant those of Sardica, to which the African Bishops refused obedience. The

end of this was, that Pope St. Coelestine restored Apiarius to communion,

and sent him back to Africa, with Faustinus, his Legate. "At his arrival,

the Bishops of Africa assembled a Council, in which Aurelius, of Carthage,

and Valentine, Primate of Numidia, presided. Thirteen more are named, but

the name of St. Augustin does not appear among them. This Council having

examined the affair of Apiarius, found him charged with so many crimes,

that it was impossible for Faustinus to defend him, though he acted the

part rather of an advocate than of a judge, and violated all right in the

opposition he maintained against the whole Council, under pretence of

supporting the privileges of the Church of Rome. For he wanted Apiarius to

be received to the communion of the Bishops of Africa, because the Pope had

restored him to it, believing that he had appealed, though he could not

prove even the fact of his appeal. After a debate of three days, Apiarius

at last, stung with remorse, and moved by God, confessed, on a sudden, all

the crimes of which he had been accused, which were so infamous and

incredible as to draw groans from the whole Council; after which he was for

ever deprived of all ecclesiastical administration.

"The Bishops wrote a synodical letter to Pope Coelestine, in which they

conjure him, for the future, not to receive to his communion those who have

been excommunicated by them; since this was a point ruled by the Nicene

Council. For, they added, if this be forbidden with respect to the minor

Clergy, or Laymen, how much more did the Council intend its observance in

respect to Bishops? Those, therefore, who are interdicted from communion in

their own provinces, ought not to be restored by your Holiness too hastily,

and in opposition to the rules; and you ought to reject the Priests, and

other Clergy, who are so rash as to have recourse to you. For no ordinance

of our fathers has deprived the Church of Africa of this authority, and the

decrees of the Nicene Council have subjected the Bishops themselves to

their respective Metropolitans. _They have ordained with great wisdom and

justice, that all matters should be terminated in the places when they

arise; and did not think that the grace of the Holy Ghost would be wanting

in any province to bestow on its Bishops the knowledge and strength

necessary for their decisions; especially, since whosoever thinks himself

wronged, may appeal to the Council of his province, or even to a General

Council, unless it be imagined that God can inspire a single individual

with justice, and refuse it to an innumerable multitude of assembled

Bishops. And how shall we be able to rely on a sentence passed beyond the

sea, since it will not be possible to send thither the necessary witnesses,

whether from the weakness of sex, or of advanced age, or any other

impediment? For that your Holiness should send any one on your part we can

find ordained by no Council._"

"With regard to what you have sent us by our brother, Faustinus, as being

contained in the Nicene Council, we find nothing of the kind in the more

authentic copies of that Council, which we have received from our brother,

the Bishop of Alexandria, and the venerable Atticus, of Constantinople, and

which we formerly sent to Boniface, your predecessor, of happy memory. For

the rest, whoever desires you to delegate any of your clergy to execute

your orders, we beseech you not to comply, lest it seem that we are

introducing the pride of secular dominion into the Church of Christ, which

ought to exhibit to all men an example of simplicity and humility. For as

to our brother Faustinus, since the wretched Apiarius is cut off from the

Church, we depend confidently on your goodness, that, without violating

brotherly charity, Africa shall be no longer forced to endure him. Such is

the letter of the Council of Africa to Pope St. Coelestine."[47]

I confess it was not without astonishment that I first read this passage of

history; so exactly had the African Bishops, in 426, when the greatest

father of the Church was one of them, anticipated and pleaded the cause of

the English Church, in 1534. It is precisely the same claim made in both

instances, viz. that these two laws should be observed, on which the

stability of the government of the whole Church Catholic rests; as

Thomassin remarks:--first, that the action of the Bishop in his own

diocese, in matters proper to that diocese, should not be interfered with;

secondly, that the action of the Metropolitan with his Suffragans, in

matters belonging to his province, should be left equally free. Who ever

accused the African Bishops, and St. Augustin, of schism, for maintaining a

right which had come down to them from all antiquity, was possessed and

acted on all over the Church, was specifically enacted at the greatest

Ecumenical Council, and recognised in every provincial Council held up to

that time? This was all that the Church of England claimed; she based her

claim on the unvarying practice of the whole Church during, at least, the

first six centuries. We repeat, it is not a case of doubt, of conflicting

testimony, in words elsewhere quoted, "of Popes against Popes, Councils

against Councils, some Fathers against others, the same Fathers against

themselves; a consent of Fathers of one age against a consent of Fathers of

another age, the Church of one age against the Church of another age."[48]

It is the Church of the Martyrs, the Church of the Fathers, of Athanasius,

Basil, Gregory, and Chrysostom, Ambrose, Jerome, Augustin, and Gregory the

Great, bearing one unbiassed indisputable witness, attested in a hundred

Councils, denied in none, for the Patriarchal system, and against a power

assumed by one Bishop, though the greatest, most venerable, and most

illustrious in his own see, to interfere, dispense with, suspend, or

abrogate, the authority of the Bishop in his Diocese, and of the

Metropolitan in his Council; to exercise singly, by himself, powers which

belong only to an Ecumenical Council, and to annul the enactments of at

least the first four Ecumenical Councils. Had an advocate been instructed

to draw out the abstract case of the English Church, he could not have

described it more exactly than the African Bishops in stating their own.

True, indeed, it is, that the African Bishops were maintaining a right

which not only had never been interrupted, but was universal; while the

English Bishops resumed a power which had been surrendered, not only by

them, but by all the west of Europe, for many hundred years. Accordingly,

the African Bishops did not suffer even a temporary suspension of communion

with Rome, for having both condemned afresh Apiarius, whom the Pope had

restored, and explicitly refused permission to the Pope to interfere in the

ordinary government of their dioceses; while the English Church has ever

since been accused of schism by the rest of the Latin communion. This

decision of the African Bishops, in the year 426, is a proof that the Canon

of the Council of Sardica, conferring, in certain cases, the power of

ordering a cause to be reheard on the Pope, and the most favourable to his

authority of any Canon of an ancient Council, was yet not received even

throughout all the West.

In the year 402, St. Augustin wrote a letter to the Catholics, commonly

called his treatise "on the Unity of the Church." The bearing of this book

on the controversy respecting schism between ourselves and the Roman

Catholics is very remarkable. The Saint refers triumphantly to most express

passages from the Law, the Prophets, the Psalms, our Lord's own teaching,

and that of His Apostles, bearing witness to the catholicity of the Church,

an "Ecclesia toto terrarum orbe diffusa." He challenges his adversaries,

the Donatists, to produce a single passage, which either restricted the

Church to the confines of Africa, or declared that it would perish from the

rest of the world, and be restored out of Africa. His test seems decisive

against the Donatists, and against all those who in after times have

restricted the Church to one province, or have declared the Roman Church to

be so corrupt that it is not a part of the true Church. For if it be not,

then the promises of Christ have failed. But while it annihilates the

position of the Donatists, and of the Puritan or Evangelical faction in

these present times, it leaves unassailed that of Andrewes and Ken. St.

Augustin every where appeals to the Church spread throughout the whole

world, as being, by virtue of that fact, the one communion in which alone

there was salvation, and this upon the testimony of the Holy Scriptures

only. "To salvation itself, and eternal life, no one arrives, save he who

has Christ for his head. But no one can have Christ for his head, except he

be in His Body, which is the Church, which like the Head itself we ought to

recognise in the Holy Canonical Scriptures, nor to seek after it in the

various reports, opinions, doings, sayings, and sights of men."[49] But in

the whole book there is not one word about the Roman see, or the necessity

of communion with it, save as it forms part of the one universal Church. It

is not named by itself any more than Alexandria, or Antioch. Any one will

see the force of this fact who has but looked into the writings of late

Roman Catholic authors. He will see how unwearied they are in setting forth

the necessity of the action of the Roman see; how they consider it, and

rightly, the centre of their system; how they are ever crying, "Without the

sovereign pontiff there is no true Christianity."--_De Maistre._ The

contrast in St. Augustin is the more remarkable. The creed of the Council

of Trent says, "I acknowledge one holy, catholic, and apostolic Roman

Church, the mother and mistress of all Churches: and I promise and vow true

obedience to the Roman Pontiff, successor of the blessed Peter, Prince of

the Apostles, and Vicar of Jesus Christ." This is distinct and unambiguous:

just as much so is St. Augustin's "orbis terrarum." "For this the whole

world says to them (the Donatists,) an argument most briefly stated, but

most powerful by its truth. The case is, the African Bishops had a contest

between themselves; if they could not arrange between themselves the

dissension which had arisen, so that the wrong side should either be

reduced to concord, or deprived, and they who had the good cause remain in

the communion of the whole world through the bond of unity, there was

certainly this resource left, that the Bishops beyond the sea, where the

largest part of the Catholic Church is spread, should judge concerning the

dissensions of their African colleagues,"[50] &c. No doubt the Bishop of

Rome was one, and the most eminent of these Bishops beyond the sea; but St.

Augustin refers the decision of the Donatist controversy not to him

specially, but to the Bishops generally. This is the very principle, for

which the Eastern Church for a thousand years, and the English Church for

three hundred, have contended against the Church of Rome. I know not

whether what St. Augustin says or what he does not say is strongest against

the present Roman claim; but I think his _silence_ in his book "De Unitate

Ecclesiae" absolutely convincing to any candid mind. Let us hold for an

infallible truth his dogma, "Securus judicat orbis terrarum;" but the Latin

communion is not the "orbis terrarum." In truth, the papal supremacy at

once cut the Church in half; the West, where the Pope's was the only

apostolical see, unanimously held with him; the East, with its four

patriarchs, as unanimously refused his claim, as a new thing which they had

never received. Even De Maistre observes, (Liv. 4. ch. 4,) "It is very

essential to observe that never was there a question about dogmas between

us at the beginning of the great and fatal division."

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