The solution of the problem was the modern hammer-clavier or

pianoforte, in which the strings are no longer plucked but struck with

hammers, so that every _nuance_ of touch depends on the fingers. The

story of the pianoforte is the usual Story of Inventions. While people

were labouring to solve the problem by theoretical calculation, it

had long lain solved in an unsuspected fashion before them, and those

who were slowly working at the practical realisation were personally

forgotten, until a positively sufficient experience made the new

invention popular. The beginnings of the pianoforte are therefore,

as usual, obscure. The striking of the strings with hammers had long

been the method employed in the dulcimer. At the beginning of the last

century an artist named Pantaleon Hebenstreit was much talked of, who

played the dulcimer so perfectly, that everyone was astounded at the

new sound-effects. It is possible that his success gave the impulse:

in any case, in the year 1711 there emerges in Italy an instrument

called the pianoforte--because it could be played piano as well as

forte--elaborated by a certain Bartolommeo Cristofori, who was soon

forgotten. This instrument is clearly pictured in writings recently

recovered as a hammer-clavier; Cristofori, as curator to Ferdinand

de’ Medici, had a splendid collection of Belgian, French, and Italian

Flügel-instruments to look after, the study of which, without doubt,

aided him in his invention. His pianoforte, which at first shows a

still more primitive technique, gradually draws sensibly nearer to the

modern system; yet, on account of its unaccustomed tone and touch, it

was unable to gain any appreciable results in the following decades.

Cristofori could not have dreamt that an Italian society of our time

would build a monument to him as inventor of the world-charming

pianoforte, in the national sanctuary, the Santa Croce of Florence.

Whether Hebenstreit built on Cristofori, Cristofori on the French, or

the French on the Germans, is unknown. Possibly the pianoforte was

invented thrice over, in Italy, France, and Germany. In France appears

Marius in the year 1716 as the inventor; in Germany it would seem that

a certain Schröter, incited by the success of Hebenstreit, invented it

in 1717; at least he himself says so in a writing first published in

Freiberg in 1763, ten years after the death of the instrument-maker,

Silbermann. But Silbermann had in any case the merit of having, at a

more fortunate time than Cristofori, worked so hard at the perfecting

of the pianoforte, that from him its increasing spread and the gradual

displacement of the clavicymbal and clavichord may be dated. Yet this

very Gottlieb Silbermann had constructed a “cimbal d’amour,” which by

a cleverly devised mechanism heightened the tone of the clavichord--so

“lonesome, melancholy, and inexpressibly sweet.” But his later renown

rests on his exquisitely manipulated pianoforte. He had a good master

in this difficult work--John Sebastian Bach. When he brought his first

model to Bach the latter found it too weak in the treble and too hard

to play. Silbermann was first vexed, then stimulated by this censure.

He then sold no more, and went on making improvements in it until the

old Bach, as Agricola[94] says, gave him unmixed commendation.

If we play Bach to-day on our extremely refined pianofortes, we are

inclined to imagine that his fine effects are solely due to the

perfection of the instrument. And this opinion is not wholly false.

Though in the cembalo there sounded in his ear something of the

accustomed solemnity of the organ, there is yet in his music a cry for

a subtle and expressive instrument which he as little possessed as

Beethoven possessed an orchestra suited to his ideas. In every great

tone-creator lives a superabundance of imaginative form which the

instruments of the time cannot embody, and to which the instruments

instantly strive to become equal. Because Berlioz was, the modern

orchestra is. Because Bach was, the pianoforte is, which knows how

to express with justice the subtleties of his soul-music. I think

for example of the never-to-be-forgotten theme of the C sharp minor

prelude in the first volume of the Wohltemperiertes Klavier. The

clavichord could only give this theme in a thin lament; the spinet in

a rigid and unmanageable form. But what features does not the motive

show as the piece runs on! Now it has the slow-breathing rhythm of a

noble aspiration, now the opening eyes of an expectant Cecilia, now

the heavy oppression of a martyr soul, now the holy rage of a last

noble complaint, now the sweet weariness of Christian humility. And

with these various tints the piece builds itself up into a broad

picture, which leads from renunciations through pain to renunciations;

with these tints every line, every note of the theme is given an

active life, as it pursues its course. Composition like this demanded

an instrument which should be capable of a new expression in every

touch. All that Bach dreamed of, the pianoforte gave, awakening the

gentle soul of the clavichord to an unthought-of fulness of existence,

and changing the mechanical force of the clavicymbal to a sudden

consciousness of personality. The voices of a fugue-passage would

now be personally separated from each other; every line in the great

lacework could be brought out at the moment according to the feelings

of the performer. What, under the sacred laws of Bach’s music,

slumbered in the depth of the breast, found in the new instrument its

unreserved interpretation.

[95]It seems at first sight almost tragic that Bach himself can never

have realised these effects, which are so familiar to us in connection

with his music as it is nowadays interpreted on the pianoforte. But

perhaps it is the wisdom of Fate to ordain that the cup of the artist

should ever be dashed by a certain bitterness, the conscious falling

short of attainment as it appears in complete idea before his mind.

[Illustration: “Bundfrei” Clavichord (_i.e._ with a separate string to

each key), by Chr. G. Hubert, Bayreuth, 1772. De Wit collection.]

When an artistic form reaches perfection, its active life is over, and

it is a subject of contemplation, no longer a tool to be used.

And just so, when the instrument necessary to the full interpretation

of Bach’s clavier-music, the pianoforte, had arrived within measurable

distance of perfection, then did Bach’s own Art reach its highest

formal expression, then once more did the fashion of things suffer a

change, and his work began to take its place as a colossal monument

pointing on the road towards the House Beautiful.

Bach is, as it were, the priest of modern music. His congregation

sit at his feet daily. Wherever a pianoforte is found, there is his

temple. But though the priest cannot utterly control the worship of

his hearers (nay, many will bow the knee to Rimmon in the house of the

God), still his voice is strong, his words are true, and they may hear

if they will.] This is the significance of Bach, and the longer we

live, the more we shall believe it.

[73] The word “Intavolata” was used about 1600 to describe

the “arrangement” of a many-voiced madrigal for the

keyed instrument. Hence “intavolatura” comes to mean a

“copy” presenting all the parts at one view, and such

“arrangements” for clavier were common and popular.

[74] More than a century before Kuhnau, an English

clavier composer, John Munday, composed a piece of

“programme-music,” with the various sections labelled,

_e.g._--Faire Wether, Lightening, Thunder, Calme Wether,

A Cleare Day. It is the third piece in the Fitzwilliam

Virginal Book.

[75] Bach died in 1750. Hawkins published his great History

of Music in 1776, and in spite of the fact that he had his

information direct from Bach’s son, John Christian Bach,

then living in London, he appears quite ignorant of any of

his works but the Clavierübung (1731-42), from which he

prints three short harpsichord pieces.

[76] This is certainly not so, historically speaking.

The strict canon is far older than what we understand by

“imitation.”

[77] Long before Bach was born, we find an English composer

anticipating this comprehensive treatment of the scales.

Before 1667, John Jenkins wrote a series of “Fancies” on

each degree of the alphabetical scale, three movements to

the set. The keys actually used are C, D, E, F, G, A, B

flat, all minor except F and B flat. But, as is mentioned

in a previous note, in one of the three movements in F,

Jenkins modulates nearly through all the flat keys, at

any rate as far as D flat, thus showing that already

in the middle of the seventeenth century an Englishman

contemplated Bach’s accomplished work of using the scale

on every semitone. And this by no means fixes the ultimate

limit. Bull’s fantasia on Ut, Re, Mi, Fa, Sol, La--piece

number 51 in the Fitzwilliam book--modulates into all the

twelve keys. Though this does not _prove_ that instruments

were as yet tuned with an equal temperament, it does prove

that Bach was in no sense the originator of the idea,

and the probability is very great that the system was in

practical use in England in Elizabethan times. Bull was

flourishing in 1590.

[78] The date of the first edition of the “Forty-eight” is

uncertain, namely, 1799 or 1800, London. (Author’s note.)

[79] August Gottlieb Muffat, of Vienna, 1690-1770, son of

Georg Muffat, organist of Strassburg Cathedral.

[80] This movement is in three parts, and the allusion

is to the two upper voices, which maintain a duet in

_cantabile_ on a gently moving quaver bass.

[81] The idea of the two subjects, and of the “free”

section after the central double bar, was already realised

incompletely. In the shortest “binary” movements the scheme

of _keys_ is found to be P, Q. (double bar) || Q, various,

P.

[82] This paragraph is suggested by a corresponding one in

the author’s German edition.

[83] The author means such composers as Rameau, Galuppi,

Couperin, who wrote for their audience to a great extent.

[84] This expression may be misunderstood unless reference

is made to the music. The passage arrives at the key of B

(the “dominant” key), but the F sharp mentioned is merely

the bass note.

[85] See above, p. 92.

[86] A “ground” bass is a short passage repeated an

indefinite number of times through an extensive movement.

In this case it consists of four bars, and is not repeated

so strictly as usual, though its general figure is kept up

throughout.

[87] This expression, “deceptive” cadence, is a translation

of _cadenza d’inganno_, one of the several cadences or

closes which had names given to them by the old theorists.

The “inganno” cadence was something like the “interrupted”

cadence, but was supposed to lead into _another key_, hence

the “deception.”

[88] The author possibly refers to the flowing freedom of

the counterpoint in the quintet in Wagner’s opera. But

there is no need nowadays to demonstrate that the Bayreuth

master is as necessarily a contrapuntist as he of Weimar.

[89] Meaning, of course, that the fingering methods of

the father and son are by no means identical. The former

employed the crossing of the fingers over one another

freely; whereas Philip Emanuel’s notions of fingering

are practically ours. See his “Exempel nebst achtzehn

Probe-Stücken, etc.,” date 1780.

[90] This method is still commonly practised. Chopin,

Liszt, and others, supply innumerable examples,

particularly of the passing of 4 over 5.

[91] That is, “for the lute _or_ clavier.”

[92] It is necessary once more to remind the reader of the

_essential_ difference in “action,” power of expression,

and strength of tone, between these two instruments; and of

the unfortunate ambiguity which exists in the use of the

name “clavichord.” _Vide supra_, pp. 21 and 89, note.

[93] Kiel = quill, flügel = wing, _i.e._ a keyed instrument

with a plucking “action” of _quill_ plectrums, with a case

made in the shape of a bird’s _wing_. Grand pianofortes

are still made in this shape, and therefore are still

called “flügel” in Germany. Kiel-flügel is synonymous with

clavicymbal (hence “cembalo”), and means “harpsichord.”

[94] Agricola was a pupil of John Sebastian Bach, and in

1754 helped Bach’s son Emanuel to write a biography of his

father.

[95] Suggested by corresponding paragraphs.

[Illustration: Philip Emanuel Bach, as he was in his Hamburg period.]

The “Galant” School

When Bach died, the musical centre of gravity tended to Germany; but

it was doubtful what precise line would be followed. On Bach anything

could be built. A great period of counterpoint might rise in which

voices might go through a new series of harmonic complexities, similar

to, and yet so different from those of the Middle Ages. Or there

might come a period of great suites in which the simple dance-forms

might grow in many-sided development. A high pathetic style might be

introduced, or the details of expression might attract the attention

of the amateur. The forms of the various compositions might alter in

either direction, of new freedom or new restraint. Counterpoint might

be deserted, concerted playing might be improved in the direction of

increased grace.

For all or any of these possibilities Bach laid a foundation, and it

only remained for the taste of the time to decide on the choice that

should be made.

The taste of the time, leaving on one side both the pathetic and the

scholarly, went off into the domain of the graceful. The experience

of music was similar to that of architecture, which had already

gone through the epoch of the “baroque” and “rococo,”[96] by which

designers had sought to give variety to the lines of their work.

Compared with the energy and manly swing of the Italian Concerto, a

sonata of Philip Emanuel Bach is fairly characterised as “rococo.”

In place of the sober delight in bold outline appears the “galant”

appreciation of eccentricities and wayward curvings. Passion is

ashamed of confessing itself openly, and offers the amusing spectacle

of a natural emotion wilfully covering itself with an incongruous

vesture of conventional form.

The newly formed tendency towards simple sensuousness does not obtrude

itself; it merely smiles in the graceful oscillations of subtle

harmonies.

Caprice is the true ruler, and in improvised outpourings, speaking

pauses, piquant leaps, stupefying enharmonic changes, purposed

perverseness of motive, she places the same material under the hands

of the fair performers, which, a short time before, had taken such a

scholarly form.

Where strict canons of the voices used to be carried honestly through,

we now observe a pleasant trifling with imitation which becomes

coquettish, and the pedantic old Dux and Comes[97] put up very well

with the change in their conditions of service. Counterpoint turns

into mere accompaniment, and daintiness with humorous ornament is the

object of the composer.

The new auditor is the delicate dilettante who listens no longer so

much to the inner parts, the ancient severity of which vanishes

and is replaced by chord music. Now we listen to the melody, to the

over-part, and we unfold its whole charm, revealing a hundred secrets

of melodic pleasure, and disentangling them at ease. And in all this

capricious enlivening of music there remains the same delightful

contradiction as in the paintings and buildings of the time--the

contradiction between inner freedom and the aim at a fixed form. The

external form is to replace what was offered by the inner; and yet,

from these new free figures, the intention is primarily to gain this

form. The aim is not at collections of suites, but at the type of the

free movement, of the piece, of the sonata. It is the same spectacle

as when we see Hogarth and Greuze expressing a definite moral lesson

in their pictures, or architectural principles conveyed in the play

of childhood. In music, however, that exclusive predominance of form,

which the French Revolution caused to prevail in the representative

art, has never been quite attained. It is important to notice that

this was only possible since music had emancipated itself from French

influence. It was only in Germany that a Beethoven could arise.

The distinction between “professional” and “amateur” is one to

which our attention is always more and more drawn. “Tablatures” and

apparatus for the scholar vanish gradually, and titles meant to

attract the amateur become more frequent. Bach’s inscription--“for the

delight of amateurs”--over suites and concertos, appears on more than

one title-page. We read “Cecilia playing on the clavier and satisfying

the hearing,” or “Manipulus musices, a Handful of Pastime at the

Clavier,” or again, “the Busy Muse Clio,” or even “Clavier-practice

for the delight of mind and ear, in six easy _galanterie parties_

adapted to modern taste, composed chiefly for young ladies.” A certain

Tischer has put it very shortly on some suites--“The Contented

Ear and the Quickened Soul.” As the most complete refiner of this

taste, relying on the public at large, appears Philip Emanuel Bach,

who inscribes his sonatas “easy” or “for ladies,” and thus openly

confessed, much as he was censured therefor by the pedants, that he

had systematically introduced the light _genre_ as a music for the

future.

[Illustration: F. W. Marpurg, Theoretician and Clavier Teacher.

1718-1795.]

Like the princes in the seventeenth century, or the middle classes in

the nineteenth, it was the nobles in the eighteenth who played the

part of Maecenas; and under their patronage appears, for the first

time, a precisely marked musical society. Here too, in music, the

nobility became an invaluable link between the artistic court and

that public interest in art which, it would seem, is the necessary

condition of all future advance. Even in the didactic musical romance

which old Kuhnau wrote in 1700 under the title of “The Musical

Quack,” we miss the type of the amateur Maecenas. In the background,

invisible, stands the prince who keeps the chapel; in the foreground

there are only musicians and quacks. The amateur who is not a quack,

the genuine dilettante, first attains importance in the beginning of

the century; but very shortly the concerts which are given in the

salons of the Fürnbergs, Esterhazys, and Schwarzenbergs, do more for

the beneficial advancement of art than even the devotion of a keenly

musical court such as that of Frederick the Great at first was. The

greater courts, like Dresden and Munich, begin somewhat to decline,

while the smaller advance, and in England, Italy, and elsewhere, the

nobility, who are not unlike small sovereign princes, aid the spread

and development of music. The nobility are soon followed by the

gentry; but it was not till the Revolution had shattered the nobles

that the bourgeois Maecenas steps upon the scene. In this displacement

of old relations it was inevitable that the clavier should play its

important part; in accordance with its social nature it advanced more

and more from an accompanying or supplementary instrument into an

independent centre of drawing-room existence, as well as of bourgeois

evening parties. Thus, in the attractive and successful pieces of the

generation from 1750 to 1800, its popularity was for the first time

established. Old Bach had as yet been the most serious professional

musician who had yielded to “galant” impulses; and his concessions

to the popular taste were only by the way. The distinction between

public improvisation on set themes, and public interpretation of

written works, was not yet sharply defined. The player was at his

highest when he extemporised variations or fugues on a given subject.

Such had been the improvisations of Sebastian Bach; but the spirit

of improvisation, as it lives in the works of Philip Emanuel, is

something quite different. In him the hand directly follows the inner

feeling, constructs easily and simply, and plays for the sake of the

playing, not for the sake of the art. Before the clavier had become

a social instrument, this division of labour between composers and

players had become imperative; reproduction was bound to diverge into

a separate branch. The amateur, on whom more and more the art depends,

is incapable of composing, but he will, on his clavier, hear the works

of the masters, which are now so numerous, or even play them himself.

He desires to have acts of operas, arrangements of concertos, or many

dainty short pieces. The old clavier-books, which we can trace from

the Elizabethan Virginal Book to the volumes of Bach’s children, now

gradually disappear. Instead of copying with its personal character,

the press is more and more in requisition, and the musical treasury

is more and more thrown open to the public. The engraving of notes,

during the eighteenth century, rapidly improves, and the clefs and

types become more simple. The ornamental devices become constantly

more fixed, and the player has less and less liberty in his use

of them. And whereas, in earlier times, the instruction-books did

not always distinguish between composition and playing, now, since

Couperin’s time, the instruction-book of pure playing became

constantly more common; while Philip Emanuel, to whom, perhaps with

justice, we trace the systematisation of the principles of modern

clavier-playing, wrote a book on playing, and then waited eight years

before publishing a second part on the thorough bass.

The extension of musical interest led further to such a multitude of

musical magazines as even to-day is not to be found. For the most part

they disappear after a few years, but we have, as a matter of fact,

in a year’s issue of such a paper, a very fair picture of musical

tendencies. I have before me a volume of the last of these, published

in 1762, by George Ludewig Winter, in Berlin. It is well printed,

with dainty rococo borders. Very amusing and characteristic is the

sanguine Preface, in which also is to be discerned the inability of

the German tongue to restrain itself while talking of our classics.

“Music,” says the publisher, “serves either to delight with its mere

art the professor, whether he be such by nature or by cultivation--as

a well-built house, or a well-laid out garden, satisfies the

connoisseur; or, on the other hand, it is the language of emotion.

Then roar forth tones teeming with revenge, sorrow glides over the

strings, passion frantically beats the air, joy revels in the blue

æther, friendship and love sigh forth on the delicate notes, praise

and thankfulness well from a full heart on the vigorous melody, or

rise, cleaving the clouds on the tongues of men, to the very throne of

the Almighty.”

History of the pianoforte and pianoforte players · 第 10 / 26 段