Very different was the character of the ancient Hebrews, who, in science

as well as in art, can sustain no comparison with those other nations we

have spoken of, and to whom we must apply a very different criterion of

excellence. The moral eminence of this people, or the part allotted to

it in high historical destiny, lies rather in the sphere of will, and in

a well-regulated conduct of the will. Moses himself was undoubtedly, as

it is said of him, "versed in all the science of the Egyptians;" for he

had received a completely Egyptian education, which, by the care of an

Egyptian princess, was of the highest and politest kind, and

consequently, as the customs of the country imply, extremely scientific.

Even his name according to the credible testimony of several ancient

writers, was originally Egyptian, and afterwards hebraized; for

_Moyses_,[50] as he is called in the Greek version of the Seventy,

signifies in Egyptian, _one saved out of the water_. But the Hebrew

people were far from possessing that Egyptian science of which Moses was

so great a master; on the contrary, the Jewish legislator seemed to

consider the greater part of that foreign science, in which he himself

was so well versed, as of little service to his object; and in many

instances sought to withhold this knowledge from his nation. Many of the

Mosaic precepts indeed, especially such as have a reference to external

life, to subsistence, diet and health, and which are in part at least

founded on reasons of climate, are entirely conformable to Egyptian

usages, and are found to have been practised among that people; for

these ancient law-givers and founders of Asiatic states did not scruple

to give even medical precepts in their codes of moral legislation, that

embraced the minutest circumstances of life. But to these precepts and

usages the Hebrew legislator has imparted in general a higher import and

a religious consecration. We must not suppose, however, that he has

taken all his laws from this source, or make this a matter of reproach

to the Jewish law-giver, as many critics of our own times have done;

for, to minds enslaved by the narrow spirit of the age, difficult,

indeed, is it to transport themselves into that remote antiquity. It

would be a great error, also, to suppose that all the science which

Moses had acquired by his Egyptian education, he wished to conceal from

his nation, and reserve for the secret use of himself and a few

confidential friends. It is evident, if we regard the subject only in an

historical point of view, that a higher and better element, completely

foreign to the science of Egypt, animated and pervaded all the views and

conduct of this great man, whether we consider him as the founder and

law-giver of the Hebrew state, or as the guide and instructor of the

Hebrew people. In the forty years' sojourn of Moses in the Arabian

desert with Jethro, one of whose seven daughters he married, and who has

rightly been accounted an Emir, or petty pastoral prince of Arabia, this

higher principle silently grew up and expanded in the breast of this

exalted man, until it at last burst forth in all the majesty of divine

power. All that appeared to Moses truly sound and excellent in Egyptian

customs and science, or serviceable to his purpose, he adopted and used

with choice and circumspection. But all that was incompatible with his

designs, and which he knew to be corrupt, he strenuously rejected, or he

gave to it a totally different application, and established a higher

principle in its room.

In the same way he was not disconcerted by the secret arts of the

Egyptian sorcerers, for it was no difficult matter for him to vanquish

them in the presence of the king by the higher power of God. It is thus

we should understand the conduct of Moses in reference to the science

and modes of thinking of the Egyptians; and that conduct will be found

not only perfectly irreproachable in a human point of view, but entitled

to our warmest admiration. If for instance we suppose that Moses, the

first and greatest writer in the Hebrew tongue,--the founder and

legislator of that language also, was, if not the first that discovered,

at least the first that fixed and regulated, the Hebrew alphabet, we may

easily conceive him to have taken the first ten, as well as the last

twelve Hebrew letters from the Egyptian hieroglyphics; for even at that

early period, the hieroglyphics, while they retained their original

symbolical meaning, had acquired an alphabetical use. This supposition

is at least extremely probable, for many of the Hebrew letters are found

in precisely the same form in the hieroglyphical alphabet; though our

knowledge of this alphabet is still so very imperfect, and though we

have deciphered but perhaps a tenth part of all the various literal

symbols which may there exist. But to continue our supposition, Moses

did not wish to take from the Egyptian hieroglyphics more than the

twenty-two literal signs; he neglected the other hieroglyphs and natural

symbols, for he had no need of them. On the contrary, he studiously

excluded all natural symbols from his religious system, and prohibited

with inexorable severity the chosen people the use of images and all

that was most remotely connected with such a service. He well foresaw

that if he made the slightest concession on this point, and permitted

the least indulgence, or left the slightest opening to the passion for

natural and symbolical representations, it would be impossible to set

any restraint on this indulgence, and that the Hebrews when they had

once swerved from the path marked out for them, would follow the same

course as the Pagan nations. The subsequent history of the Jewish nation

sufficiently proves how important and necessary was that part of the

Mosaic legislation which proscribed all that was connected with the

religious use of images. But wherein consisted the peculiar bent of

mind, the moral and intellectual character traced out to the Hebrews by

their legislator and all their Patriarchs? Completely opposed to the

Egyptian science--to the Egyptian understanding, that dived and

penetrated by magical power into the profoundest secrets and mysteries

of nature, the ruling element of the Hebrew spirit was the _will_--a

will that sought with sincerity, earnestness and ardour, its God and its

Maker, far exalted above all nature, went after his light when

perceived, and followed with faith, with resignation, and with unshaken

courage, his commands, and the slightest suggestions of his paternal

guidance, whether through the stormy sea, or across the savage desert. I

do not mean to assert that the whole nation of the Jews was thoroughly,

constantly, and uniformly actuated and animated with such a pure spirit

and such pure feelings--many pages of their history attest the contrary,

and but too well manifest how often they were in contradiction with

themselves. But this and this alone was the fundamental principle, the

first mighty impulse, the permanent course of conduct which Moses and

the other leaders and chosen men among the Hebrews sought to trace out

to their people--this was the abiding character, the great distinctive

mark which they had stamped upon their nation. This too, was the

distinguishing character of all the primitive Patriarchs, as represented

in the sacred writings of the Old Testament.

Independently of particular traits of national character, and the

special destiny of nations, it is philosophically certain, or if we may

so speak, it is a truth grounded on psychological principles, that the

will and not the understanding is in man the principal organ for the

perception of divine truths. And by this, we understand a will that

seeks out with all the earnestness of desire the light of truth, which

is God, and when that light has appeared clear, or begins to appear

clear, follows with fidelity its guidance, and listens to the internal

voice of truth and all its high inspirations. I affirm that in man the

understanding is not the principal organ for the perception of divine

truth--that is to say, the _understanding alone_. On the understanding

alone, indeed, the light may dawn and may even be received--but if the

will be not there--if the will pursue a separate and contrary course;

that light of higher knowledge is soon obscured, and soon becomes

clouded and unsteady; or, if it should still gleam, it is changed into

the treacherous meteor of illusion. Without the co-operation of a good

will, this light cannot be preserved or maintained in its purity; nay,

the will must make the first advances towards truth; it must lay the

first basis for the higher science of divine truth, and religious

knowledge. In other words, as the God whom we acknowledge and revere as

the Supreme Being is a living God; so truth, which is God, is a living

truth--it is only from life that it can be derived, by life attained,

and in life learned. In the present state of man's existence, in this

period of the world--a period of discord, of sunken power, of misery and

delusion--a period, which, as the Indians designate our fourth and last

epoch of the world by the name of Caliyug, is the period of predominant

woe and misfortune; in this present life, the path marked out for man as

leading to the knowledge of divine truth and to a higher life, is the

path of patience, resignation, and perseverance in the struggle of

life--a toilsome probation cheered and supported by hope. Desire or love

is the beginning or root of all higher science or divine knowledge;

perseverance in desire, in faith, and in the combat of life forms the

mid-way of our pilgrimage; but the term of this pilgrimage is only a

term of hope. This necessary period of preparation, of slow and irksome

preparation, and gradual progression, cannot be avoided or overleaped by

the most heroic exertions of man. The supreme perfection and full

contentment of the soul--the intimate union of the spirit with God--and

God himself cannot be thus grasped, wrested, and held fast by a violent

concentration of all our thoughts on a single point, by a species of

arrogated omnipotence--the self-potency of obstinate and tenacious

thought; as the Indian philosophy believes, and as the modern German

philosophy[51] for some time seemed to believe, or at least attempted.

The real character, and even history of the Jewish people are frequently

misunderstood, and ill appreciated; because the men of our times, who in

all their speculations, and whatever may be the nature of their

opinions, incline ever more and more to the spirit of _the absolute_,

are unable to seize and enter into the idea of that epoch of preparation

and progressive advancement which was as indispensable for the

perfection of intellect and knowledge, as of moral life itself. The

whole historical existence and destiny of the Hebrews is confined within

one of those great epochs of providential dispensation--it marks but one

stage in the wonderful march of humanity towards its divine goal. The

whole existence of this people turned on the pivot of hope, and the

key-stone of its moral life projected its far shadows into futurity.

Herein consists the mighty difference between the sacred traditions of

the Hebrews and those of the other ancient Asiatic nations. When we

examine the primitive records and sacred books of these nations, who

were so much nearer the fountain-head of primitive revelation than the

later nations of the polished West;--when we leave out of sight the

moral precepts and ordinances of liturgy comprised in these books; we

shall find their historical view is turned backward towards the glorious

Past, and that they breathe throughout a melancholy regret for all that

man and the world have since lost. And undoubtedly these primitive

traditions contain many ancient and beautiful reminiscences of primeval

happiness, for even Nature herself was then far different from what she

is at present, more lovely, more akin to the world of spirits, peopled

and encompassed with celestial genii; and not only the small garden of

Eden, but all creation, enjoyed a state of Paradisaic innocence and

happy infancy, ere strife had commenced in the world, and ere death was

known. Out of the multitude of these holy and affecting recollections,

and out of the whole body of primitive traditions, Moses, by a wise law

of economy, has retained but very little in the revelation, which was

specially destined for the Hebrew people, and has communicated only what

appeared to him absolutely and indispensably necessary for his nation,

and for his particular designs, or rather the designs of God, in the

conduct of that nation. But the little he has said--the significant

brevity of the first pages of the Mosaic history, involves much profound

truth for us in these later ages, and comprises very many solutions as

to the great problems of primitive history, did we but know how to

extract the simple sense with like simplicity. But every thing else, and

in general the whole tenour of the Mosaic writings, like the existence

of the Hebrew nation, was formed for futurity--and to this were the

views of the Jewish legislator almost exclusively directed. And as all

the sacred writings of the Old Testament, which, by this direction

towards futurity, were even in their _outward form_ so clearly

distinguishable from the sacred books and primitive records of other

ancient nations; as all these sacred writings, I say, from the first

law-giver, who in a high spiritual sense, delivered from the Egyptian

bondage of nature his people chosen for that especial object, down to

the royal and prophetic Psalmist, and down to that last voice of warning

and of promise that resounded in the desert, were both in their form and

meaning eminently prophetic; so the whole Hebrew people may, in a lofty

sense, be called prophetic, and have been really so in their historical

existence and wonderful destiny.

To these four nations, whom we have compared, in respect to the

different shape and course which the primitive revelation and sacred

tradition assumed, among them, as well as in respect to the diversities

in their intellectual development,--the contrarieties in the internal

Word, and higher consciousness of each;--to these nations, in order to

complete the instructive parallel, we may now add a fifth--the Persians;

a people which in some points was similar, in others dissimilar to one

or other of these nations, and which bearing a nearer affinity to some

in its doctrines and views of life, or even in its language and turn of

fancy, and more closely connected with others in the bonds of political

intercourse, may be said to occupy a middle place among these nations.

In ancient history, the Persians form the point of transition from the

first to the second epoch of the world; and in this they hold the first

place, in so far as they commenced the career of universal conquest; a

passion which passed from them to the Greeks, and from these in a still

fuller extent to the Romans, like some noxious humour--some deadly

disease transmitted with augmented virulence through every age from

generation to generation; and even in modern times, this hereditary

malady in the human race has again broken out.

But, considered in a spiritual point of view, and with regard to their

religion and sacred traditions, the Persians must be classed with the

four great nations of the primitive world, and can be compared with them

only; for, in this respect, they so totally differed from the

Phoenicians and Greeks, that no comparison can be instituted between

them and the latter; and no parallel, where the objects are so unlike,

can be productive of any useful result. To the Indians they bore the

strongest resemblance in their language, poetry, and poetic Sagas; their

conquests, which stretched far into the provinces of central Asia,

brought them in contact with the remote eastern Asia, and the celestial

Empire of the Chinese, so completely sequestered from the western world;

with Egypt they were involved in political contests, till they finally

subdued it--and in their religious doctrines and traditions, they more

nearly approximated to the Hebrews; or their views of God and religion

were more akin to the Hebrew doctrines than those of any other nation.

Of the King of Heaven, and the Father of eternal light, and of the pure

world of light, of the eternal Word by which all things were created, of

the seven mighty spirits that stand next to the throne of Light and

Omnipotence, and of the glory of those heavenly hosts which encompass

that throne; next, of the origin of evil and of the Prince of darkness,

the monarch of those rebellious spirits--the enemies of all good; they

in a great measure entertained completely similar, or at least very

kindred, tenets to those of the Hebrews. That, with all these doctrines

much may have been, or really was, combined, which the ancient Hebrews

and even we would account erroneous, is very possible, and indeed may

almost naturally be surmised; but this by no means impairs that strong

historical resemblance we here speak of. A circumstance well worthy of

observation is the manner in which Cyrus and the Persians are

represented in the historical books of the Old Testament, and are there

so clearly distinguished from all other Pagan nations. Among the latter

they can with no propriety be numbered; nay, they felt towards the

Egyptian Idolatry as strong an abhorrence, and in political life

manifested it more violently, than the Hebrews themselves. During their

sway in Egypt, this Idolatry was an object of their persecution, and

under Cambyses, they pursued a regular plan for its utter extirpation.

Even Xerxes in his expedition into Greece, destroyed many temples and

erected fire-chapels in the whole course of his march; for it cannot be

questioned but religious views were principally instrumental in giving

birth to the Persian conquests, at least to those of an earlier date.

This is a circumstance which should not be overlooked, if we would

rightly understand the whole course of these events, and penetrate into

the true spirit and original design of these mighty movements in the

world. From their fire-worship, we must not be led to accuse the ancient

Persians of an absolute deification of the elements, and of a sensual

idolatry of nature; in their religion, which was so eminently spiritual,

the earthly fire and the earthly sacrifice were but the signs and the

emblems of another devotion and of a higher Power. Symbols and

figurative representations were in general not so rigidly excluded from

their religious system, as from that of the Hebrews. Yet, among the

Persians, these had a totally different character from those in the

Indian or Egyptian idolatry. The generous character of the ancient

Persians, their life and their manners, which display such an exalted

sense of nature, possess in themselves something peculiarly winning and

captivating for the feelings. The leading result of the few observations

we have made may be comprised in the following general remarks:--

If a poetical recollection of Paradise sufficed for the moral destiny of

man--if the pure feeling, enthusiasm, and admiration for sideral nature

were alone capable of revealing all the glory of the celestial abodes,

and of the heavenly hosts, of opening to mental eyes the gates of

eternal light--if this were the one thing necessary, and of the first

necessity for man--if it were, or could be conformable to the will of

God, that the eternal empire of pure light should be diffused over the

whole earth by the enthusiasm of martial glory, by the generous valour

and heroic magnanimity of a chivalric nobility, such as the Persian

undoubtedly was--then indeed would the Persians hold the pre-eminence,

or be entitled to claim the first rank among those four nations that

were nearest the source of the primitive revelation. But it is otherwise

ordained; the path alone fit and salutary for man, and evidently marked

out by the will of God, is the path of patience and perseverance--the

unremitting struggle of slow preparation. Thus, as we may easily

conceive, it was not the Persians, distinguished as that nation was by

its noble character, and by its spiritual views of life; it was not the

Egyptians, versed and initiated as they were in all the mysteries of

nature and all the depths of science;--but it was the politically

insignificant, and, in an earthly point of view, the far less important,

almost imperceptible, people of the Hebrews, that were chosen to be the

medium of transition--the connecting link between the primitive

revelation and the full development of religion in modern times, and its

last glorious expansion towards the close of ages. They are now the

carriers, and, we may well say, the porters of the designs of

Providence, destined to bear the torch of primitive tradition and sacred

promise from the beginning to the consummation of the world:--while the

once magnanimous nation of the Persians has sunk from that pure

knowledge of truth, and those high spiritual notions of religion it once

entertained, down to the anti-christian superstition of Mahomet; and the

profound people of Egypt has become totally extinct, and is not to be

traced even in the small community of Coptic Christians, who have

preserved a feeble remnant of the ancient language.

Since now this general sketch of the various and contrary directions

which the human mind followed in the first ages of history has been

rendered more clear and definite by a comparative view of the five

principal nations of the primitive world, it only remains for us to

subjoin some important traits in the history of each, to complete this

picture of the earliest nations; in order to pass over, along with the

Persians, to the second period of the ancient world--a period which is

so much nearer to us, and appears so much more clear and open to our

apprehension.

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