BEYOND BERLIN[1]
_After-War Problems from a Catholic View-Point--Reconstruction, the
Duty of the Hour._
The heavy clouds of war and the bloody mist of battles are lifting;
once more the sun of peace bursts forth triumphant over a sad and weary
world. The storm has wasted its fury. The landscape is washed clear
and bright, the atmosphere is glowing and transparent; destruction and
ruins everywhere stand out in sharp and ghastly relief. On the distant
horizon, beyond the Rhine, the dark clouds drag their tattered shreds;
the angry lightning still flashes and thunder yet rumbles yonder--on
German and Russian soil.
The war is over. The muddy trench, the deadly shrapnel, the perfidious
gas, the roaring cannon, the forced marches on the slimy roads of
Flanders, the heroic dashes and agonizing retreats of struggling
armies, the lurking submarines, the treacherous, owlish zeppelins, the
long-protracted vigil on the deep--all these grim realities of four,
long, endless years have melted away in the blaze of a glorious
victory. Now the German Armada rides at anchor, prisoner, in British
waters, the armies of the Allies bivouac on the banks of the Rhine, and
our Canadian boys, flushed with victory, come marching home.
The day of the German surrender, Clemenceau, Premier of France, made
this significant statement: "Great have been the problems of the war,
but greater will be the problems of peace." Nations, indeed, now face
one of the most momentous periods of history. The world has struck its
tents and is once more on the march. Never, we believe, have such
tremendous responsibilities weighed upon a passing generation. The
future will be greatly imperilled if at this critical juncture great
questions are fought out between ignorant desire for change and
ignorant opposition to change. The handwriting is on the wall, and our
economic and social life, foreign to Christian morality, has been found
wanting. Will a new and better social order rise from the ashes of
this world-conflagration? There is the searching problem which presses
itself upon the mind of every thinking man. "On every side," writes
Father Plater, S.J., "there is talk of reconstruction, economic,
political, social, educational. Government departments are hard at
work gathering information, elaborating schemes. Numerous organized
bodies, such as the Labor party, are putting forward their programmes.
Conferences and lectures on reconstruction are multiplied and
literature on the subject pours from the press."
"Great ideas," said Wilson, "at last have captured the hearts of the
common people and directed into positive channels and constructive
programmes the very energies which otherwise may have spent themselves
in the acts of retributive destruction." Reconstruction! This is now
the world's watch-word. It sums up the various problems with which
nations will have to grapple in every realm of human activity. It
speaks of conditions that are no more and suggests new outlines of the
social order. Our present and pressing duty then is to weigh the
anchor, to swing out into the middle stream and take our course on the
permanent principles of Catholic Truth. These principles stand on the
shores of History as the great revolving lights that sweep the high
seas in the darkness of night.
Canada, after having bravely and generously solved the problems of war,
is now also facing "the greater problems of peace." This period of
reconstruction, more than that of the war, will test our national
fibre. The strain will be greater for the conflict is being lifted to
a higher plane, that of ideas. But nowhere in Canada will this vast
work of readjustment be more tangible than in our Great West. The
youth of that part of the country, and the dominating factors of the
national problem will, we believe, make the West the classical land of
reconstruction. A gradual evolution will bring our Eastern Provinces
to readjust themselves to the changing conditions of political and
economic life. The West, on the contrary, has in such matters the
beautiful qualities, the unlimited resources of youth, but also its
dangerous shortcomings. Daring, venturous, over-confident in
democracy, the Western mind is frequently most hasty and radical in its
conclusions. It has not been matured by time, that great teacher of
patience and moderation; experience has not, as yet, tempered that
feverish and progressive youthfulness, so prone to speedy and often
drastic legislation. The heat of fever is often mistaken for the glow
of health. And as legislation is in the minds of the Western people
the panacea of all evils in society, will not the common tendency be to
carry on the work of reconstruction by parliament bills and
orders-in-council? Is there not here a great danger? "The danger of
premature commitment is much greater than that of more cautious policy,
proving a stumbling block in the way of future progress."
Moreover, the most vital factors of reconstruction in Canada will
affect more particularly the Prairie Provinces. The back-to-the-land
movement, demobilization, settlement of returned soldiers on the farm,
intensive immigration policy, extensive agricultural production are
indeed Western problems.
The choice of the Hon. J. A. Calder of Saskatchewan, as chairman of the
Reconstruction Committee in the Federal Cabinet; the prominent part
given to him and to the Hon. Mr. Meighen of Manitoba, in the formation
and discussion of plans at the recent meeting of the Premiers of the
Provinces; these are in themselves striking illustrations of our
contention in the matter.
Although the West will, in the period of reconstruction command the
attention of the country at large, there are, nevertheless, problems,
particularly those affecting our social and economic life, which will
weigh heavily on our Eastern Provinces. So reconstruction will be a
nation-wide work.
_The Duty of Catholics_
What is, therefore, the duty of Catholics, at the present hour? Are we
to fold our arms and let others rebuild the very framework of society
according to plans which our faith, reason, and history disapprove of,
and very often condemn? Our ideas in the matter may not prevail, but
how would we be justified in deploring the consequences of a
legislation which we did not even try, by our influence, to suppress or
modify? To abstain as Catholics from this great work of reconstruction
is profoundly un-Catholic. It is the act of a traitor to the Church
and country. As Burke so gloriously said: he was aware that the age is
not all we wish, but he was sure that the only means to check its
degeneracy was heartily to concur in whatever is best in our time.
The Church depends upon her children to spread the beneficial influence
of her social doctrines. "The great work of the Catholics, after the
war, will be," said Father McNabb, O.P., "to bring the vision of the
Bride of Christ, the Catholic Church, before the millions of our
countrymen." "These countrymen of ours are blind and often bigoted,"
adds Henry Somerville.
There are Catholics who make this blindness and consequent bigotry an
excuse for their own narrowness and selfishness, for their neglect to
share in the nation's work, for their refusal to co-operate in
patriotic, civic and social undertakings as if they were none of our
business. The nation's business is our business. If we serve the
nation efficiently, we serve the Church. We take then the best means
to open the eyes of our fellow-countrymen to the fact that Catholicism
is not uncivic. If we make ourselves valued, anti-Catholic prejudice
will be dispelled.
Cardinal Bourne in his letter on "Social Reform" speaks very pointedly
of the duty of every Catholic in this matter. His pronouncement and
that of the American Hierarchy are the most notable declarations from
Catholic sources on "Social Re-construction." "It is admitted on all
hands," says the English Primate, "that a new order of things, new
social conditions between the different sections in which Society is
divided will arise as a consequence of the destruction of the formerly
existing conditions.
"The very foundations of political and social life, of our economic
system, of morals, of religion are being sharply scrutinized, and this,
not only by a few writers and speakers, but by a very large number of
people in every class of life, especially among the workers."
The nation's business is our business. The true love of country
demands from Catholics at this critical stage of our history to throw
all their energies into the various social activities. Society
throughout the world is shaken in its very foundations. This universal
unrest in the political, social and economic spheres is a decided mark
of the birth-throes of a new social order. Therefore, we will conclude
with Cardinal Gibbons; "The Church cannot remain an isolated factor in
the nation. The Catholic Church possesses spiritual and moral
resources which are at the command of the nation in every crisis."
The reform or remodelling of the social fabric, if it is to be
effective and abiding, must ultimately rest on the definite and
unchanging principles of morality. These principles constitute the
moral law, as physical principles are the basis of the physical law.
Ernest Fayle, in a very instructive article on "Reconstruction," in the
October number of the "_London Quarterly Review_," makes a statement
very pertinent to this matter; "The economic, political and social
factors in human life are so inextricably entangled that if we accept
quality of life and not mere power or wealth as the touchstone of
national success we dare not, even in the consideration of economic or
political questions, lose sight of the moral issues."
The Catholic Church has always been the teacher and guardian of that
natural moral law which stands as the foundation and buttress of the
social edifice. Her plans of Reconstruction rest on the eternal
principles of equity which God has engraved on the human conscience and
which the teachings of Christ have sanctioned and perfected. In the
light of Catholic doctrine moral laws are definite and unchanging, for
they are the deliberate expression of the necessary and fundamental
relations upon which rests human nature. They are the living, free
expression of man's place in creation. The most elaborate schemes and
powerful organizations are soulless without these basic principles of
morality and have but an ephemeral existence.
Is it not, therefore, a great act of patriotism to try to throw into
the scales of the nation's destinies the mighty weight of
indestructible and tried principles? A growing respect is to be found
for the soundness, the wisdom and the justice of Catholic social
principles, even in circles where our beliefs have not yet found
acceptance. True statesmen have always recognized the influence of the
Catholic Church's doctrine in social matters, although they may not
believe in the truth of her teachings. They always looked upon her
principles of social life as the ballast that steadies the ship on
heaving seas. To make the Church a spiritual ally, to recognize her
moral power and her far-reaching influence has always been considered
good diplomacy and clear-sighted statesmanship.
_Catholic's Patriotism in Public Life_
Reconstruction is the great work of the hour; co-operation is a duty
every Catholic owes to Church and country. What definite and concrete
form of co-operation will that responsibility assume? There is the
problem. Our first duty, in the matter, lies, we believe, in a greater
participation in public life. Too long have we stood aloof from
movements that aim at the social welfare of the community. A false
timidity and an erroneous conception of our responsibilities have
estranged us, to a great extent, from the various activities of
national life. This isolation has been most prejudicial to our
Catholic laity, for it has fostered in their ranks disinterestedness
and often apathy. "With regard to the necessity of Catholics to obtain
positions on public bodies, Cardinal Bourne stated that very often
Catholics were urged to take part in public affairs, by becoming
elected to public bodies in order that they might safeguard Catholic
principles. That was a great good--a very laudable object--but it was
not the highest object. The great object was that out of the fulness
of their Faith they might give to their fellow-countrymen the
principles that flowed from that Faith, so that little by little there
might be built up in the consciousness of the nation that belief in and
use of those sound principles of the Catholic Faith which contained the
only solution of the difficulties with which they were faced."
"Too long have Catholics lived in isolation, allowing others to think
and act for them. It is indeed, high time that they felt the pulse of
life that beats in the real statesman, as distinct from mere
politician. Duty demands that Catholics add their power of intellect
and will to the similar power of other citizens anxious to help the
commonwealth. We are not aliens in this land, not aliens by birth or
principle. As to the latter, I may say with all truth, that no one has
given clearer expression to the basic principles of democracy than the
Catholic theologians, Suarez and Bellarmine." [2]
This attitude of aloofness, during the coming period of reconstruction
especially, would be profoundly un-Catholic. Our active participation
in public life will give us occasion to dispel prejudice, to offset
subversive doctrines, to advocate in spite of failures and bigotry the
principles of Christian sociology. We are firm believers in the
prevailing strength of ideas. They are indestructible; they rule
sooner or later. They may take time to crystalize into convictions,
but the force of mental gravitation must ultimately prevail. And after
all, Reconstruction, as Dr. J. J. Walsh stated, is more a question of
remaking the map of man's mind than that of remodelling the map of
Europe.
The Catholics of England give us, in this matter as in many others, a
beautiful example to follow. During the war they formed a "British
Catholic Information Society," having at its service "the Catholic War
News Office." The result of their aggressive policy is the public
recognition of the value of the Catholic Church by the English people
in the national work of Reconstruction. We would here refer the reader
to Father Plater's letter on "Catholics and Reconstruction" for further
details in this interesting matter. Like our Catholic brothers of
England, let us also take our place boldly in the broad daylight of
public life. We have ideas to give to the Nation, let us give them.
Canadian liberty, without doubt, exists for our doctrines as it does
for the subversive theories of State-Socialism. We have no apology to
make for our ideas. They stand on their own merits and have been
vindicated by the great acid test of time. Yes, we possess the great
curative and creative forces for social Reconstruction; We have only to
call them into play.
_The Catholic Solution_
In season and out of season, in the press and on the platform, in
private gatherings and public meetings, through every medium of social
control, let the people hear the Catholic solution of the problems now
facing the nations of the world. We have a message to deliver. That
message, if it comes to the people shining like a steel blade, sounding
like the blare of a trumpet, if it wells up from a fiery heart and
drops from burning lips--that message will be heard. In this period of
strain and suffering the public mind is keyed to its highest pitch,
ready to snap at any moment. Strong feeling has generated in many
minds intellectual hysteria. "In war time," says E. H. Griggs, "there
is a curious paradox of widening radicalism of thought, with constantly
decreasing freedom of action and expression. When the discrepancy
becomes too great, you have the explosion,--a revolution." Therefore
in this time of intellectual ferment, the continued affirmation of
truth, and the persistent statement of principles are in themselves a
highly valuable service, which we are bound to give to the world. The
thought of the human mind, like rays of sun-light, focused on one
point, acquires the burning power of conviction.
Participation in public life develops conviction; conviction repeatedly
asserts itself; continued assertion creates opinion; and public opinion
is without doubt one of the most universal powers at work in the world.
In every sphere of life you can feel the constant pressure of this
tremendous influence. It may well be named the "current" of public
opinion. Draining to its profit the latent and loitering powers of the
individual thinker, silently, irresistibly it moves on; checked, it
becomes an angry whirlpool of confused and gyrating waters; harnessed
to the wheels of national life, it will transform its energies into
light, heat and power.
The creation and the spreading of Catholic opinion in social matters
should be in our mind, the ultimate goal of our activities, for it is
the greatest asset we can contribute to the vast work of
Reconstruction. As Lord Morley said, "great economic and social forces
flow with tidal sweep over communities half conscious of that which is
befalling them. Wise statesmen are those who foresee what time is
bringing and try to shape institutions and to mould men's thought and
purpose in accordance with the change that is silently surrounding
them."
Time, you readily understand, will not allow us to dwell upon the
various problems which Reconstruction will bring before the country.
Our aim, now, is rather to awaken the sense of responsibility, stir the
sleeping conscience into watchfulness, and give to our Catholic men and
women the stimulating thought of co-operation. Our country is being
re-created in its political, social and economic life; to be a living
factor in that "re-creation" is the duty of the hour.
Before bringing these remarks of a rather general character to a close
allow us to mark for your attention the leading problems. They will be
as landmarks planted to guide you on the way. In the international
order, the problem of resetting nations on a new basis by a "just and
durable peace" now faces the world. Racial and language problems
command our attention in the national order. In the political world
ideas are to be readjusted as to the nature, powers and obligations of
the State. Of late, the monopoly of the State has been asserting
itself so strongly that one is led to believe the old pagan principle
of the supremacy of the State will once more reign supreme. When
nations have ceased to give to God what belongs to God, they give to
Caesar alone what belongs to Caesar and what belongs to God.
The social order will witness demobilization and immigration. Who
cannot grasp the importance of these great problems with their various
and intricate issues? The greatest transformations are, perhaps,
reserved for the economic order; capital and labor, efficient and
greater production of industry and agriculture, the living wage, and
uplifting of the workman's status, etc. In the educational order the
battle will be greater, for there is a great tendency to centralize, to
federalize education, under the plea of "national schools."
The religious order will see tremendous efforts for union among the
various non-Catholic denominations; "social service" will be their
center of unity, the common field of action.
Various and important, as you see, are the problems that confront us in
the realms of human activity. Now, bear in mind, the Catholic doctrine
has a solution for each problem and it is your duty to give it.
Knights of Columbus, as you helped the Church to solve the problems of
the war, so will you also help to solve the greater problems of peace.
If you wish to be the body-guard of the Church, your mission is to lend
your noble and generous efforts to your spiritual leaders in this great
work of reconstruction. For, of this reconstructive period and its
great opportunities for militant and active Catholics, we may say what
Carlysle said of the period that followed the French Revolution; "Joy
was it, in that age, to be living--and to be young, was very heaven."
The task indeed is enormous, but the incentive most inspiring.
We are bound to meet with the fluctuations and uncertainties of the
human mind, particularly in such times of readjustment and intellectual
unrest. Let us then never forget that since the coming of Christ and
the establishment of His Church on earth the principles of His teaching
are for all nations. The sun of truth has its meridian in Rome, on the
rock of Peter. There it stands at its zenith, in the permanent blaze
of a perennial mid-day; there it sets the time for the Catholic world
amid the ever-changing and conflicting problems of human history.
_Stat Crux dum volvitur orbis_.
[1] A speech delivered in the Assembly Hall of the Knights of Columbus,
St. John, N.B., December 22, 1918. "The Catholic Mind" of New York
reproduced it in one of its issues.
[2] R. H. Tierney, S.J., Editor of America, at the Catholic Federation
meeting, Brooklyn, September 15, 1918.