CHAPTER XIII.

WHOM DO MEN SAY THAT THE SON OF MAN IS? (MATH. XVI.-13.)--PUBLIC

OPINION AND THE CATHOLIC CHURCH

_What is Public Opinion--Its Power--How is it Formed--Public Opinion

and the Catholic Church--Our Duties to Public Opinion._

Numerous and strong are the influences at play in human life. Acting

and reacting on the free will of man they are ever at work moulding his

character and shaping his destiny. Like the waves of an incoming tide

they are beating the shores of our heart; their triumph is to carry

away our liberty on their receding waters.

Surrounding influences for good or for evil are indeed, to a great

extent, the determining factors of our moral life. Day by day they

write our history and with it the history of the world; for, the life

of every man is but a line on the great page of his nation's history

and the history of a nation, but a chapter in that of humanity.

Of all the influences underlying human activities in the moral, social,

economic, and political world, one of the most universal and most

effective is beyond doubt, nowadays, _Public Opinion_. We may well

name it the "_current_" of Public Opinion. In every sphere of life one

can indeed feel the constant pressure of its tremendous power. Like

the waters of a mill-race constantly and irresistibly the stream of

Public Opinion sweeps on. It is very difficult to determine exactly

where lies its strength; it is nowhere and everywhere. Unconscious of

its swollen powers it spends its energies for the welfare of the

community, or, unfortunately too often, loses itself in an angry

torrent of destruction.

You thwart its onward march: it will bury your barrier under its

laughing waters or . . . sweep it away. You ride with it: it will

gladly carry you. You check it: its troubled waves will rise angry

around you and engulf you.

Such is the "_current_" of Public Opinion. To direct this great power,

to harness its tremendous forces, to convert them into light, heat, and

energy and set the wheels of moral, social, and political life running

with greater smoothness, rapidity, and strength, should be the noble

effort and the great task of every serious-minded man.

By no idle whim or sheer literary piquancy have we coupled _Public

Opinion and the Catholic Church_. The inevitable relations that exist

between Public Opinion and the various predominating factors of a

nation should necessarily interest every true Canadian. Among these

factors the Catholic Church stands pre-eminent. Her beneficial

influences and her ready solutions to the various social and moral

problems that confront the world, cannot, even to the most prejudiced,

be passed unnoticed. So no matter what our spiritual allegiance may

be, the relation of Public Opinion to the Catholic Church should be of

the greatest interest to any one who has at heart the common welfare.

In Western Canada particularly, where Public Opinion has such a sway,

this subject, we presume, must be of service both to those of the

Catholic Faith and to those of a different persuasion.

* * * * * *

_What is Public Opinion--Its Power--How is it Formed?_

1. _What is Public Opinion_?

Ideas rule the world, but various are the effects ideas have on the

minds of men. On some minds they exercise only a passing influence;

they are then what we call "_Impressions_"; variable as lights and

shadows over a summer lake they come and go. Impressions are indeed

only on the surface of the mind, like foot-prints on the sand washed

away by the next tide.

When ideas take a stronger footing in our intelligence and are accepted

with a certain confidence, on their face-value or on the authority of

some leader, they become "_Opinions_." Loosely entertained and readily

exchanged, opinions are the ordinary mental pabulum of the masses.

Few minds see their ideas crystallized into "_Convictions_."

Convictions are permanent, unchangeable ideas: based on facts and

supported by satisfactory evidence, they rest on the bed-rock of truth.

Few minds indeed, particularly on the larger and fundamental issues,

can claim the right to convictions. For, convictions demand a breadth

of vision and grasp of detail which are given but to few souls. These

minds, few in number, are the minds of leaders. Their noble duty and

great responsibility is to _Awaken_, _Stimulate_, and _Organize_ the

thinking of the people. Their thoughts, their ideas, are on the

unchartered sea of truth as the tossing buoy or lighted beacon from

which the unthinking masses take their course. Rather than go to the

pains of thinking for themselves the crowds leave this task to a few

and content themselves with ready-made opinions, as these float by with

the tide of the hour. Few make up their minds; they are made up for

them.

The common opinion which reflects the mind of the great majority,

embodies the prevailing idea, the universal sentiment, and directs the

common action is called. . . _Public Opinion_.

2. _Power of Public Opinion_.

You readily see, by its very nature, the tremendous power of Public

Opinion. It is the "reason why," the basis of appreciation, the norm

of conduct of the great mass of the people. As we stated before,

Public Opinion is like the stream that drains to its profit the

loitering energies of the individual mind, and makes them tributaries

that swell its volume and compress its course. Who can analyze the

powers of this "_Organized Thinking_" of the people in a democracy?

Who can measure the force of these sweeping currents, of these tidal

waves of Public Opinion?

In fact, Public Opinion may be considered in our modern societies as

the greatest driving power. For, Public Opinion is the vision of the

unthinking multitude, and vision is the first and foremost of

constructive or destructive forces. It lights the way and invites

action accordingly. Marvellous indeed is the sweep of the tide of

Public Opinion in various realms of human activities. Its ebb and

flow--although frequently beyond analysis, are felt on every shore.

In the world of finance,--and this is the lowest in the scale of real

values,--is not that fragile but mighty factor we call credit based on

Public Opinion? For, credit is but the general opinion of the

community on the possibilities of the industry or undertaking in which

its capital is involved, and on the honesty and ability of the

management.

What has weakened the moral fibre of our modern society so much that at

times one wonders if we are living in the Christian era? If the home

is now so often desecrated by theories of free love and trial

marriages, if the cradles are empty, if the very sense of shame is a

thing of the past, if the most elementary principles of morality are

questioned, is it not because the public conscience is being warped,

chloroformed, deadened by a frenzied propaganda of a corrupted Public

Opinion?

Has not the politician and the legislator the ear to the wind, the eye

on the running tides and cross currents of thought, to know and sound

Public Opinion? Like the skilful and watchful pilot, he counts with

the set of the tide and catches it at its crest. He knows the exact

height of the rising tide that will float him and his cargo over the

bar . . . of a coming election--. This tide of public feeling has

carried some to the high seas of success but left many stranded on the

desert shores. Many public men indeed have set out on its angry waters

to brave its fury . . . and have never returned. "In our times of

Democracy when the "competitive" principle has replaced the

"hereditary," not the kings, princes and nobles, but bankers,

merchants, railroad magnates, capitalists, politicians, editors,

educators, writers and artists occupy the high seats, hold the baton

and beat the time for the great social orchestra." (Ross-Social

Psychology.) "Power and influence," said Morley, "no longer reside in

the Crown but in the strong, subtle forces called Public Opinion: and

that Public Opinion is apt to involve fatal contentment with simple

answers to complex questions."

In the great international life of nations Public Opinion also holds

the reins. This power manifests itself particularly at the great

turning points of History, such as we are now witnessing. There is

always then resistance between conflicting forces; and resistance, we

know, strengthens the current. What power was at work for the last

fifty years and marshalled, on that fatal August day of 1914, the

formidable army that swept over Belgium, France and Russia? Public

Opinion created by the military caste in Germany! What secret and

growing force made of the Allies' contemptible army of yesterday the

crushing victorious army of to-day?--The invincible power of Public

Opinion!--It leaped from the very depths of the wounded heart and

outraged conscience of nations, and created in a few months that

unconquerable army of inexhaustible reserves upon which the Allies

relied until their final triumph. It fired the morale of our armies

and smashed the way to victory. For those who could not go to the

battle-field, it kept the homefires burning and fringed with the silver

lining of radiant hope the dark clouds that hung over our horizon for

four long, dragging, weary years.

3. _How Public Opinion is Formed_.

You may ask how are the thoughts of the multitude so marshalled as to

make the unit of Public Opinion. As we already remarked, the thinking

power of the ordinary man does not go _far_, _wide_, nor _deep_. His

facility of absorbing ideas is far greater than his power of valuating

them. He generally accepts as real value any thing that bears the

stamp of current opinion. His belief in the value and weight of number

is without recall; his absolute trust in what Bryce calls "the fatalism

of multitude" is beyond appeal. He lives and thrives on the

_surrounding mental atmosphere_.

How is this atmosphere created? By the continued, persevering

repetition of the same ideas; by the vesting of these same ideas in the

attractive garb of self-interest, passion, fancy and vogue. On this

process, we all know by experience, is based the ever youthful power of

_Advertisement_ . . . and of _Fashion_.

Advertisement! Modern business is built to a great extent on the

mysterious allurement, the attractive invitation and innocent

camouflage of the advertisement that you find sparkling everywhere, on

the flashy poster, in the show-window, in the magazine, in the daily

paper. Without willingness to admit our weakness, we fall victims to

this wizard that we despised yesterday and court to-day, and line up at

the counter . . . for a _Special Sale_, an _Astonishing Bargain_. "We

are so thoroughly accustomed to the exploits of the advertiser that we

take them as a matter of course, rarely pausing to appreciate the art,

or at least, the artfulness with which we have been lured into the

acceptance of his ideas."

_Fashion_! Who can analyze this power so great, so universal? Who can

explain the psychology of this fact? Every spring and fall of the year

Dame Fashion has an opening-ball--Paris plays the tune, New York wields

the baton, the ladies of the world . . . keep time . . . and the

gentlemen pay the piper.

We mention these facts of every day life to illustrate the permeating

and driving force of an idea, when constantly kept before the mind.

And what advertisement and fashion are in the commercial and social

life, _Propaganda_ and _Publicity_ are in the world of thought. The

policy of propaganda is to enlist the active co-operation of every

vehicle of thought for the furtherance of an idea and to keep that idea

ever before the public. One readily sees the tremendous

responsibilities, and understands the flagrant abuses of those called

to create and direct Public Opinion. "The supremacy of ideas," it was

stated, "gives the greatest places of opportunity to those who awaken,

stimulate and organize the thinking of the people and especially the

thinking of a people in a democracy. The teacher's desk, the

preacher's pulpit, the orator's platform, the writer and editor's

sanctum--these are the places of true leadership, the thrones of real

power."

This analysis of Public Opinion, of its power, of its formation will

now make us better understand its relations with the Catholic Church.

_Public Opinion and the Catholic Church_.

Nowadays the relation of Public Opinion to the Catholic Church is,

generally speaking, one of suspicion, frequently of silent contempt and

very often of open hostility. This statement of fact may appear to

many too sweeping; its broadness may trouble the peaceful faith of

others. Yet, history and every day experience prove the truth of our

assertion. We go further and claim that for the Church this condition

will, and must exist. The Church, like Christ, her Founder and Master,

is to be a "_Sign of Contradiction_." Her very name "Catholic" is a

perennial witness to her sublime and admirable Catholicity, and thereby

an abiding proof of her Divinity. A Church that modifies her tenets

and adjusts her moral standards to accommodate herself to the

conveniences and fancies of the world is not, and cannot be the Church

of Christ. Now, as in the times of the Apostles, the Church "_Is a

Sect that is everywhere spoken against_"--"_If ye were of the world_?"

said the Saviour, "_the world would love his own; but ye are not of

this world, therefore the world hateth you_." Yes, suspicion, contempt

and hostility are the hall-marks of historic Christianity, for they are

the realization of Christ's promises to His Church, the fulfilment of

His prophesies. This fact for a Christian who has eyes to see, and

ears to hear, is particularly noticeable when periodically a tidal wave

of bigotry or open persecution strikes the Catholic Church, lashes

itself into fury, washes the Rock of Peter with ugly foam . . . and

dies away, ashamed of its own powerlessness and unfairness.

Viewing this relation of Public Opinion to the Catholic Church--not as

an evidence of that spiritual conflict, often unconscious but ever

real--but as a fact, a historic reality, some may ask the proof of our

rather bold statement. Even those who are not of our Faith, and yet

always wish to be fair and broad in their dealings with the Catholic

Church, may question it.

The proof is very simple to give. Public Opinion is against the

Catholic Church, because the powers that create and maintain Public

Opinion are against the Catholic Church. Facts here speak for

themselves.

The Press--the Novel--the Periodical Literature--the Cinema--the

Stage--the Public School--the Academy and University Halls--the

Legislative Assemblies . . . are without doubt the high voltage-wires

that receive, carry and distribute the current of Public Opinion. Or

rather, like the wireless stations they gather those invisible and

imponderable waves of thought and feeling that are ever flashing

through the intellectual and moral atmosphere of nations, and translate

their message to the masses. Between these powers and Public Opinion

there is a continuous action and reaction. They are at the same time

the _moulders_ and _mirrors_ of Public Opinion. They are its

_masters_, but with the condition of being first its _servants_.

Of all these creative forces none is greater and more universal than

the _Press_. If Public Opinion is the king and master of the modern

world, the Press is assuredly his faithful and most active Prime

Minister. This chief executive has extended the kingdom of his master

to the very confines of the civilized world. Nothing has contributed

more to the rule of Public Opinion than the Press. With it ideas and

opinions run through the public mind as rapidly as the dispatches that

carry them. "Mental touch is no longer bound up with physical

proximity. With the telegraph to collect and transmit the expressions

and signs of the ruling mood, and the fast mail to hurry to the eager

clutch of waiting thousands the still damp sheets of the morning daily,

remote people are brought as it were into one another's presence."

(Ross-Social Psychology.)

The ordinary man now sees the world through his newspaper. He absorbs

facts and principles with the shades and variations the daily paper

gives them. Reports of events and announcements of policies are

colored to suit the aims and opinions of the editors and proprietors.

Windy platitudes--at least for those who know facts and have studied

principles--become gospel truth for the unthinking mass. Public

Opinion is thus conscripted by an "irresponsible power." This

irresponsibility of the Press is without doubt the greatest menace of

the day. For, the opinions,--we mean to say--the propelling forces of

the silent millions are at its mercy. . . . And these silent millions

make and unmake the world.

This great power of the Press is inimical to the Catholic Church. By

press, you will readily understand, we do not mean any particular

paper, or a certain group of papers, but rather that formidable

ensemble of tremendous financial backing, of world-wide

information-services, of chains of papers that encircle the globe, of

these various agencies that tap the telegraphic wires of every country

and keep the cables hot. The Hearst papers alone reach simultaneously

four or five million readers daily. From New York to San Francisco one

man is leading the minds of these millions "to conclusions that he

wants them to arrive at"--What Hearst is for the United States, Lord

Northcliffe is for England.

This great press is against the Catholic Church. The total suppression

of truths and of facts; the conspiracy of silence--often more dangerous

than an open attack; the coloring of news with shades of thought suited

to a definite purpose; the partial admission of truth and the maimed

relation of facts; the bold assertion of deliberate falsehoods; the

deceptive headlines--and the people live on headlines; the insinuating

title which is often in flagrant contradiction to the dispatch it

underlines:--these are a few of its various strategies of attack. "The

Pope and the War," "Quebec and the War," "The Guelph Novitiate

Incident," are recent instances of what we refer to.

Some may object that the Catholics are of a rather susceptible nature

and always expect "privileges"--No, we only want the privileges of

truth, we mean fair play, equality, and justice.

What we say of the Press can also be said of periodical literature and

modern fiction. "The very nature of periodical literature," says

Cardinal Newman, "broken into small wholes and demanded punctually to

an hour involves the habit of extempore philosophy . . . and that

philosophy, we know is not Christian philosophy. The writers can give

no better guarantee for the philosophical truth of their principles

than their popularity at the moment and their happy conformity in

ethical character to the age which admires them."

Any one who has kept in touch with the stream of modern fiction is well

aware to what extent its waters are polluted and have contaminated the

mind and heart of our present generation. When the world has been

slaking its literary thirst at sources such as H. G. Wells, Galsworthy,

Ibanez--only to mention a few--should we be astonished that public

opinion is drifting to paganism? If theories of "Free Love" and

Divorce are rampant in our society, the responsibility to a great

extent lies with our modern novel. The novels that are written and

read, indicate the mind and morals of a people.

What could we not write of the _Moving-Picture_ and the _Stage_?

Suffice it to state with Rev. R. A. Knox--then an anglican minister,

and now a catholic priest: "When a nation has lost its hold of first

truths and its love for clear issues, which has had its morality sapped

by sentiment, thinks of Christian marriage in the light of the

problem-play . . . the moral fibre of that nation is gone." For, the

vision of life and the interpretation of its pleasures and sorrows,

that come from the glare of the foot-lights, or the dimness of the

Movie-Screen, are surely not that given by the Catholic Church. Over

the screen of the movies and the proscenium of the stage could we not

very often write what the author of the play "Enjoy Life," Max Hermann

Neisse, said lately to a Berlin sensation-seeking audience that was

underlying with frantic applause the unsavory remarks and filthy

inuendos of the closing act: "Pardon me, I did not write this act.--You

dictated it to me."

In pandering to the morbid curiosity and lustful passions of a

pleasure-mad world, the stage, the moving-picture, the novel, the

illustrated weekly are leading Public Opinion to depths before unknown.

The abyss calls to the abyss. Ways of living always follow ways of

thinking. Should we then be astonished that crime-wave after

crime-wave is sweeping the shores of every country.

Existing conditions in our universities, public academies and schools

are not of a nature to conciliate Public Opinion with the Catholic

Church. We know perfectly well that in our seats of higher-learning

the Church is looked upon as an effete Institution, as something of the

past that has kept a certain air of respectability. Her teachings and

her history are there viewed in the light of the "evolution theory."

Who has not read, a few years ago, that terrible indictment against the

antichristian education of the American Universities, as it appeared in

a celebrated article, under the title: "Blasting at the Rock of Ages?"

In our legislative assemblies, here and abroad, do we not find the

educational problem the burning problem for Church and State? Over the

head of the child swords clash, for the child of to-day is the man of

to-morrow. The stand the Catholic Church takes on the educational

problem--from which She never deviates--has always stirred Public

Opinion against her in political and social circles. We have only to

mention "separate schools" to awaken the memories of a long and bitter

struggle.

The same inimical relations dominate the International Order. Rome and

its world-wide moral influence have been deliberately ostracized in the

recent and unhappy attempt to form a League of Nations.

So the tide of Public Opinion sweeps upon tide. Everywhere its heavy

waves break into a foamy froth on the Rock of Peter. We conclude:

_Public Opinion is against the Catholic Church_.

_Our Duties to Public Opinion_.

The antagonism against the Catholic Church is an overt fact. What are

the causes? _A distorted vision_, born of misrepresentation of facts

and misrepresentation of doctrine and practice; the _blind prejudice_

against which our refutation of facts and explanation of principles are

of little avail: _these are the two main causes to which can be traced

this universal opposition_. And indeed no one will tax us with

exaggeration were we to repeat here what Tertullian wrote in his

"Defence of the Church," a hundred years after St. John's death: "_They

think the Catholics to be the cause of every public calamity, of every

national ill_." Have we not in our own country, organizations that

live and thrive only on enmity to the Church of Rome? They cannot meet

without passing resolutions of condemnation of the Church, of the Pope,

of separate schools, etc. We all know how often Public Opinion, in our

country, has been inflamed by prejudiced appeals to racial and

religious feelings. Racial antagonism itself is only a cover for

anti-Catholic fanaticism.

Let us, by clear and sound thinking, by definite and bold expression

_enlighten Public Opinion_. To-day Public Opinion is shifting as the

winds, swinging like a boat with the ebb and flow of the tide. These

are days of loose thought, wild words, catchy phrases, especially in

social and religious matters. Words and phrases are passed off as

ideas, and fragments of an idea as the whole idea. Let ideas always be

clear-cut, with a sharp, definite relief. Hazy notions are of no

constructive value, and always full of danger, particularly in times of

intellectual ferment, such as we are now going through. They are on

the great sea of Truth as the smoke-screens, behind which lurk the

destroyers of error.

Cardinal Newman concludes one of his letters on "The Position of

Catholics"--which bears on the subject of Catholics making themselves

known: "Protestantism is fierce because it does not know you; ignorance

is its strength; error is its life; therefore bring yourselves before

it, press yourselves upon it, force yourselves into notice against its

will. Oblige men to know you. Politicians and philosophers would be

against you, but not the people, if they knew you."

_Create Public Opinion_ by _individual and concerted action_, that is

our next duty. Truth spreads, not like the devastating torrent, but

like the tide. From individual to individual as from pebble to pebble

it slowly creeps in and spreads the silent power of its rising waters.

"No one ever talks freely about anything without contributing

something, let it be ever so little, to the unseen forces which carry

the race on to its final destiny. Even if he does not make a positive

impression he counteracts or modifies some other impression, or sets in

motion some train of ideas in some one else, which helps to change the

face of the world." Godkin "Problems of Modern Democracy." 221-224.

By the continued repetition of truth and the persevering refutation of

falsehood we will help to create around us, in our limited sphere of

action, a sane Public Opinion. But it is above all by the radiance of

our moral life that truth, particularly religious truth, will spread.

Religion, as we know, is of the moral order; its dogmas, precepts and

sacraments reach out into that domain. Paul Bourget, the celebrated

French writer sums up one of his most striking novels in this phrase:

"_At Forty-three_" which he calls the noon hour of life--"_man must

live what he believes or he will eventually believe as he lives_." To

live up to our principles is always the best proof of our belief in

them.

_Concerted action_ will extend the benefits of this individual action

to the creation of Public Opinion in the Community, in Society at

large. As all great powers, Public Opinion is courted; this courtship

is "_Propaganda_." Truth requires propaganda as life needs

transmission. An efficient propaganda takes myriad forms but its

purpose is always the same, i.e., give to others our ideas and through

them organize the public mind. Distribution of literature, lectures,

the press, the novel, the cinema, bureaus of information, active

participation in public life are vital factors of an efficiently

organized propaganda. The recent Northcliffe propaganda, followed by

the Hearst propaganda are typical illustrations of how the public mind

of a Country was swayed from a pro-British to an Anti-English attitude.

_The Direction of Public Opinion_ is the ultimate triumph of

propaganda. This is obtained when our principles pass into the warp

and woof of the social textures which are always in the making on the

great loom of our nation's life. Ideas have their full value when they

are extended to social and political issues. It is only then that they

influence a nation as such. For our lives are knitted with the lives

of others, and their action and reaction upon them form our public

life. "In the formation and guidance of the public opinion which

ultimately determines public action, Catholics bear responsibility and

must take their part." (Cardinal Bourne, at the Catholic Congress of

England, 1920.)

As Catholics we have a contribution to make to the great upbuilding of

our Country. There is in every problem an ethical side, an unchanging

and unchangeable principle, the bedrock on which it rests. This

principle, the Catholic doctrine possesses; we know it, we are sure of

it. Why not then have that aggressiveness of militant Catholics who

take advantage of every opportunity, without being obtrusive? Are we

not too apologetic in our Public life? We would not suggest in the

least to be discourteously aggressive, although at times we are tempted

to do so and seem justified in our retaliation. But there is no reason

why we should apologize for our principles, for the solutions we have

to offer. The sun of Canadian liberty shines also for us and for what

we stand; we have our place under the shade of the "Maple Leaf."

May we add a word for our non-Catholic friends. They also have duties

towards Public Opinion in its relation with the Catholic Church.

_Receptiveness of mind_ is, in our estimation, the first and most

important duty of the non-Catholic. Open-mindedness was named by

Confucius "mental hospitality." It opens the door to truth by allowing

ourselves to be convinced by the strength of argument and the weight of

evidence. This state of receptivity permits the mind to correct its

distorted vision, and to see facts and principles as they really are.

Freedom of mind enables those who possess it to see things in their

true proportions.

_Fair-mindedness_ will overcome prejudice, the great obstacle in

matters of Religion. Prejudice is made of a coarse and impenetrable

fibre, of a close woven texture; it is the product of numerous and

various influences. The ordinary causes of this pre-judgment or mental

torsion are an habitual intellectual outlook resulting from education

and surrounding influences, and a mental laziness which fails to

question its own attitude and to pursue principles to their logical

conclusions, and problems to their solution. This explains how

reluctantly the mind, in religious matters particularly, will accept

views contrary to those with which it has been familiar since early

youth and which time and surroundings have but strengthened. A

straight-forward appeal to _fairmindedness_ is alone able to break down

this barrier.

Duties are in proportion to the responsibilities they entail. Public

Opinion, as we have seen, is a tremendous power but it is the power of

a high explosive which misdirected and ill-used will spread disaster.

Leadership is the spark that ignites the charge, is responsible for its

driving force. In the days of real intellectual leadership the mastery

of ideas prevailed and Public Opinion was considered as the triumph of

an idea. But in our days of so called democratic equality the centre

of gravity of this power has shifted from the leader to the multitude.

De Tocqueville in his book "Democracy in America" [1] has a remarkable

page, illustrating this point. "The nearer the people," he writes,

"are drawn to a common level of an equal and similar condition the less

prone each man becomes to place implicit faith in a certain man or

certain classes of men. But his readiness to believe the multitude

increases and opinion is more than ever the mistress of the world. Not

only is common opinion the only guide which private judgment retains

among democratic people, but amongst such a people it possesses a power

infinitely beyond what it has elsewhere. At periods of equality men

have no faith in one another by reason of their common resemblance; but

this very resemblance gives them almost unbounded confidence in the

judgment of the public; for it would not seem probable, as they are all

endowed with equal means of judging, but that the greater truth should

go with the greater number. The public has therefore among a

democratic people a singular power which aristocratic nations cannot

conceive of; for it does not persuade to certain opinions, but it

impresses them and infuses them in the intellect by a sort of enormous

pressure of the minds of all upon the reason of each."

To this prestige of vast numbers Bryce has given a name. "Out of the

mingled feelings that the multitude will prevail and that the

multitude, because it will prevail, must be right, there grows a

self-distrust, a despondency, a disposition to fall into line, to

acquiesce in the dominant opinion, to submit thought as well as action

to the encompassing powers of numbers."

"This tendency to acquiescence and submission, this sense of

insignificance of individual effort, this belief that the affairs of

men are swayed by large forces whose movements may be studied but

cannot be turned, I have ventured to call it "_The Fatalism of the

Multitude_." It is often confounded with the tyranny of the majority,

but is at the bottom different though, of course, its existence makes

tyranny by the majority easier and more complete. . . . In the

fatalism of the multitude there is neither _legal_ nor _moral_

compulsion; there is merely a loss of _resisting power_, a diminished

sense of personal responsibility of the duty to battle for one's own

opinion, such as has been bred in some people, by the belief of an over

mastering fate." [2]

One can readily grasp the dangers of Public Opinion at the mercy of

blatant agitators and unscrupulous leaders. They have no idea to

promote, but only a feeling to exploit. They flatter Public Opinion to

gain it. They appear to consult it when in reality they are creating

and directing it. They catch the restless and undirecting currents of

popular feeling when they are seeking an outlet and swing them slowly

at first but with a growing impetus in the channels of their own

interest or of the party they represent. The people are deluded into

thinking that they are their own leaders and masters. The feeling of

unrest that now prevails is due to this abuse of Public Opinion. Like

children the leaders of nations have been playing with this wire of

high voltage. Should we be surprised to see the world suffer deadly

shocks from whence it should receive light and power?

We are now at one of the most momentous periods of history. Never

have clear thinking, earnest expression and concerted action been more

needed than now. The world is ringing with wild words and dying from

loose thinking. "The persistent statement of principles and the union

of all true conservative forces are absolutely necessary, if we wish to

bring the nation safe through this agonizing period and make the world

safe for democracy," as President Wilson said.

Therefore we claim that it is for the greatest benefit of the community

at large to have Public Opinion enlightened as to the value of the

Church as a reconstructive factor.

"_Great have been the Problems of War_!" But, with Clemenceau, we also

are realizing--and some countries, with bitter deception and depressing

sorrow, "_That greater still are the Problems of Peace_."

[1] Vol. II., Chap. II.

[2] Bryce--"The American Commonwealth," Vol. II., Chap. 84.

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