CHAPTER III.

THE ABOLITION OF FEUDALISM.

The measure to abolish feudalism was much discussed in the Kogisho

before its dissolution. Prince Akidzuki, President of the Kogisho, had

sent in the following memorial:

"After the government had been returned by the Tokugawa family

into the hands of the Emperor, the calamity of war ensued, and the

excellence of the newly established administration has not yet been

able to perfect itself; if this continues, I am grieved to think how

the people will give up their allegiance. Happily, the eastern and

northern provinces have already been pacified and the country at large

has at last recovered from its troubles. The government of the Emperor

is taking new steps every day; this is truly a noble thing for the

country. And yet when I reflect, I see that although there are many

who profess loyalty, none have yet shown proof of it. The various

princes have used their lands and their people for their own purposes;

different laws have obtained in different places; the civil and

criminal codes have been various in the various provinces. The clans

have been called the screen of the country, but in truth they have

caused its division. The internal relations having been confused, the

strength of the country has been disunited and severed. How can our

small country of Japan enter into fellowship with the countries beyond

the sea? How can she hold up an example of a flourishing country? Let

those who wish to show their faith and loyalty act in the following

manner, that they may firmly establish the foundations of the Imperial

Government:

"1. Let them restore the territories which they have received from the

Emperor and return to a constitutional and undivided nation.

"2. Let them abandon their titles, and under the name of Kuazoku

(persons of honor) receive such small properties as may suffice for

their wants.

"3. Let the officers of the clans abandoning that title call themselves

officers of the Emperor, receiving property equal to that which they

have hitherto held.

"Let these three important measures be adopted forthwith, that the

empire may be raised on a basis imperishable for ages ... 2nd year of

Meiji (1869).

(Signed) "AKIDZUKI UKIO NO SUKE."[1]

But politics is not an easy game--a game which a pedant or a

sentimental scholar or an orator can leisurely play. It has to deal

with passions, ambitions, and selfish interests of men, as well as

with the moral and intellectual consciousness of the people. Tongue

and pen wield, undoubtedly, a great influence in shaping the thought

of the nation and impressing them with the importance of any political

measure. But the tongue is as sounding brass and the pen as useless

steel unless they are backed by force and money. Even in such a

country as England, where tongue and pen seem to reign supreme, a

prime minister before he forms his cabinet has to be closeted for

hours with Mr. Rothschild. Fortunately this important measure of

abolishing feudalism, which a few patriots had secretly plotted and

which the scholars had noised abroad, was taken up first by the most

powerful and wealthy Daimios of the country.

In the following noted memorial, after reviewing the political history

of Japan during the past few hundred years, these Daimios said: "Now

the great Government has been newly restored and the Emperor himself

undertakes the direction of affairs. This is, indeed, a rare and

mighty event. We have the name (of an Imperial Government), we must

also have the fact. Our first duty is to illustrate our faithfulness

and to prove our loyalty. When the line of Tokugawa arose it divided

the country amongst its kinsfolk, and there were many who founded the

fortunes of their families upon it. They waited not to ask whether

the lands and men that they received were the gift of the Emperor; for

ages they continued to inherit these lands until this day. Others said

that their possessions were the prize of their spears and bows, as if

they had entered storehouses and stolen the treasure therein, boasting

to the soldiers by whom they were surrounded that they had done this

regardless of their lives. Those who enter storehouses are known by

all men to be thieves, but those who rob lands and steal men are not

looked upon with suspicion. How are loyalty and faith confused and

destroyed!

"The place where we live is the Emperor's land and the food which we

eat is grown by the Emperor's men. How can we make it our own? We

now reverently offer up the list of our possessions and men, with the

prayer that the Emperor will take good measures for rewarding those

to whom reward is due and for taking from those to whom punishment is

due. Let the imperial orders be issued for altering and remodelling

the territories of the various clans. Let the civil and penal codes,

the military laws down to the rules for uniform and the construction

of engines of war, all proceed from the Emperor; let all the affairs

of the empire, great and small, be referred to him."

This memorial was signed by the Daimios of Kago, Hizen, Satsuma,

Choshiu, Tosa, and some other Daimios of the west. But the real

author of the memorial is believed to have been Kido, the brain of the

Restoration.

Thus were the fiefs of the most powerful and most wealthy Daimios

voluntarily offered to the Emperor. The other Daimios soon followed

the example of their colleagues. And the feudalism which had existed

in Japan for over eight centuries was abolished by the following

laconic imperial decree of August, 1871:

"The clans are abolished, and prefectures are established in their

places."

This rather off-hand way of destroying an institution, whose overthrow

in Europe required the combined efforts of ambitious kings and

emperors, of free cities, of zealous religious sects, and cost

centuries of bloodshed, has been made a matter of much comment in the

West. One writer exclaims, "History does not record another instance

where changes of such magnitude ever occurred within so short a time,

and it is astonishing that it only required eleven words to destroy

the ambition and power of a proud nobility that had with imperious

will directed the destiny of Japan for more than five hundred

years."[2]

But when we examine closely the circumstances which led to the

overthrow of feudalism and the influences which acted upon it, we

cannot but regard it as the natural terminus of the political flood

which was sweeping over the country. When such a revolution of thought

as that expressed in the proclamation of 1868 had taken place in the

minds of the leaders of society, when contact with foreigners had

fostered the necessity of national union, when the spirit of loyalty

of the Samurai had changed to loyalty to his Emperor, when his

patriotic devotion to his province had changed to patriotic devotion

to his country, then it became apparent that the petty social

organization, which was antagonistic to these national principles,

would soon be crushed.

If there is any form of society which is diametrically opposed to the

spirit of national union, of liberal thought, of free intercourse, it

is feudal society. A monarchical or a democratic society encourages

the spirit of union, but feudal society must, from its very nature,

smother it. Seclusion is the parent of feudalism. In our enlightened

and progressive century seclusion is no longer possible. Steam and

electricity alone would have been sufficient to destroy our Japanese

feudalism. But long before its fall our Japanese feudalism "was an

empty shell." Its leaders, the Daimios of provinces, were, with a few

exceptions, men of no commanding importance. "The real power in each

clan lay in the hands of able men of inferior rank, who ruled their

masters." From these men came the present advisers of the Emperor.

Their chief object at that time was the thorough unification of Japan.

Why, then, should they longer trouble themselves to uphold feudalism,

this mother of sectionalism, this colossal sham?

[Footnote 1: Translation given in the English State Papers.]

[Footnote 2: Consular Report of the U.S.A., No. 75, p. 626.]

The Constitutional Development of Japan 1853-1881 Johns Hopkins University Studies in Historical and Political Science, Ninth Series · 第 2 / 4 章