JOHNS HOPKINS UNIVERSITY STUDIES IN HISTORICAL AND POLITICAL SCIENCE
HERBERT B. ADAMS, Editor
History is past Politics and Politics present History.--_Freeman_
NINTH SERIES
IX
THE CONSTITUTIONAL DEVELOPMENT OF JAPAN, 1853-1881
BY TOYOKICHI IYENAGA, PH. D.
Professor of Political Science in Tokio Senmon-Gakko
September, 1891
CONTENTS.
INTRODUCTORY
CHAP. I. (1853-1868). BEGINNING OF THE CONSTITUTIONAL MOVEMENT
THE CIRCUMSTANCES THAT GAVE RISE TO THE MOVEMENT
THE ACCOUNT OF COMMODORE PERRY'S ARRIVAL BY THE AUTHOR OF GENJE YUME
MONOGATARI
DISCUSSION BETWEEN THE PRINCE OF MITO AND THE TOKUGAWA OFFICIALS AT
THE COURT OF YEDO
CONCLUSION OF TREATY BETWEEN THE UNITED STATES AND JAPAN
THE OLD PRINCE OF MITO, NARIAKI
II KAMON NO KAMI
BOMBARDMENTS OF KAGOSHIMA AND SHIMONOSHEKI
THE EFFECTS OF THE BOMBARDMENT
1. Showed the Weakness of the Daimios and the Strength of foreigners
2. Showed the Necessity of National Union, and of the Reconstruction
of the Administrative Machinery of the Empire
GREAT COUNCILS OF KUGES AND DAIMIOS.
1. Their Nature and Organization
2. How they originated
3. In them lay the Germ of the future Constitutional Parliament of
Japan
CHAP. II. (1868-1869). THE RESTORATION
CAUSES OF THE DOWNFALL OF THE SHOGUNATE
1. Revival of Learning
2. Revival of Shintoism
3. Jealousy and Cupidity of the Southern Daimios
THE RESIGNATION OF THE SHOGUN
THE MOTIVE OF HIS RESIGNATION
THE GOVERNMENT OF THE RESTORATION
1. Its Organization
2. Its Departments
FOREIGN POLICY OF THE NEW GOVERNMENT
REMOVAL OF THE CAPITAL TO TOKIO
THE CHARTER OATH OF THE EMPEROR, APRIL 17, 1869
THE KOGISHO
1. Its Origin
2. Its Composition
3. Its Nature
CHAP. III. (1869-1871). THE ABOLITION OF FEUDALISM.
MEMORIAL OF PRESIDENT OF THE KOGISHO
ABOLITION SCHEME OF SCHOLARS IS BACKED BY THE SOUTHERN DAIMIOS
MEMORIAL OF THE SOUTHERN DAIMIOS
IMPERIAL DECREE OF 1871, ABOLISHING FEUDALISM
CAUSES OF THE OVERTHROW OF FEUDALISM
CHAP. IV. INFLUENCES THAT SHAPED THE GROWTH OF THE REPRESENTATIVE IDEA
OF GOVERNMENT
JOHN STEWART MILL'S ENUMERATION OF THE SOCIAL CONDITIONS NECESSARY FOR
THE SUCCESS OF REPRESENTATIVE GOVERNMENT
JAPAN OF 1871 NOT YET READY FOR THE ADOPTION OF REPRESENTATIVE
GOVERNMENT
POLITICAL ACTIVITY OF A NATION NOT ISOLATED FROM OTHER SPHERES OF ITS
ACTIVITIES
JAPAN'S POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT GREATLY AIDED BY HER SOCIAL,
EDUCATIONAL, INDUSTRIAL AND RELIGIOUS CHANGES
SKETCH OF THE DEVELOPMENT OF THESE NON-POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS FROM
1868 TO 1881
1. Means of Communication
a. Telegraph
b. Postal System
c. Railroad
d. Steamers and the Coasting Trade
2. Educational Institutions
3. Newspapers
CHANGES IN LAW AND RELIGION
CHAP. V. (1871-1881). PROGRESS OF THE CONSTITUTIONAL MOVEMENT FROM THE
ABOLITION OF FEUDALISM TO THE PROCLAMATION OF OCTOBER 12, 1881
LEADERS OF THE RESTORATION
EFFECT OF THE OVERTHROW OF FEUDALISM
THE IWAKURA EMBASSY
IWAKURA, ITO, INOUYE
FUKUZAWA
THE PRESS AND ITS INFLUENCES
RI-SHI-SHA AND COUNT ITAGAKI
MEMORIALS OF RI-SHI-SHA TO THE EMPEROR
ESTABLISHMENT OF LOCAL ASSEMBLIES
THE PROCLAMATION OF OCTOBER 12, 1881, TO ESTABLISH A PARLIAMENT IN
1890
INTRODUCTORY.
The power which destroyed Japanese feudalism and changed in that
country an absolute into a constitutional monarchy was a resultant
of manifold forces. The most apparent of these forces is the foreign
influence. Forces less visible but more potent, tending in this
direction, are those influences resulting from the growth of commerce
and trade, from the diffusion of western science and knowledge among
the people, and from the changes in social habits and religious
beliefs. The truth of the solidarity of the varied interests of a
social organism is nowhere so well exemplified as in the history of
modern Japan. Her remarkable political development would have been
impossible had there been no corresponding social, educational,
religious, economic and industrial changes. In order to trace the
constitutional development of New Japan, it is therefore necessary:
1. To ascertain the political condition of the country at and after
the advent of foreigners in 1853.
2. To describe the form of government of the Restoration.
3. To examine the state of commerce, industry, education and social
life of Japan at each stage of her political transformations.
4. To recount the constitutional changes from the Restoration to the
Promulgation of the New Constitution.
As a novice in travel marks the broad outlines, the general features
and more important products of the country he visits for the first
time, so I shall dwell upon the historic landmarks of Japanese
constitutional development. This development no writer, native or
foreign, has yet attempted to trace. I shall withstand as much as
possible the temptation to refer to the multitude of events which
are more or less associated with the constitutional movement. I shall
endeavor to ascertain from the edicts, decrees, and proclamations of
the Emperor, from the orders and manifestos of the Shogun, from the
native authors and journals, from the memorials and correspondence
of prominent men, both native and foreign, the trend of our
constitutional development. I shall also endeavor to note the leading
ideas and principles which, after manifesting themselves in various
forms, have at last crystallized into the New Constitution of Japan.
CHAPTER I.
BEGINNING OF THE CONSTITUTIONAL MOVEMENT.
The constitutional movement of Japan began in a spontaneous agitation
of the whole body politic when the nation was irritated by the sudden
contact with foreigners. The sense of national weakness added a force
to this agitation. Had not the foreigners come, the Restoration might
have been effected, feudalism might have been abolished, but the
new Japanese constitution would hardly have seen the day. Had the
government of Japan at the time of the advent of foreigners been in
the strong hand of a Taiko or an Iyeyasu, the rulers might have been
greatly exercised by the extraordinary event, but public opinion
for reform would hardly have been called forth, and the birth of
constitutional liberty would long have been delayed. As the vices of
King John and the indifference and ignorance of the first two Georges
of England begat the strength and hope of the English Parliament, so
the public opinion of Japan sprouted out of the ruins of the Shogunate
régime. We must therefore seek for the beginning of the Constitutional
Movement of Japan in the peculiar circumstances in which she found
herself between 1853 and 1868.
The advent of Commodore Perry in 1853 was to Japan like the intrusion
of a foreign queen into a beehive. The country was stirred to
its depth. Let us note what a native chronicler[1] says about the
condition of Japan at the arrival of Perry:
"It was in the summer of 1853 that an individual named Perry, who
called himself the envoy of the United States of America, suddenly
arrived at Uraga, in the Province of Sagami, with four ships of war,
declaring that he brought a letter from his country to Japan and that
he wished to deliver it to the sovereign. The governor of the place,
Toda Idzu No Kami, much alarmed by this extraordinary event, hastened
to the spot to inform himself of its meaning. The envoy stated, in
reply to questions, that he desired to see a chief minister in order
to explain the object of his visit and to hand over to him the letter
with which he was charged. The governor then despatched a messenger
on horseback with all haste to carry this information to the castle
of Yedo, where a great scene of confusion ensued on his arrival. Fresh
messengers followed, and the Shogun Iyeyoshi, on receiving them, was
exceedingly troubled, and summoned all the officials[2] to a council.
At first the affair seemed so sudden and so formidable that they were
too alarmed to open their mouths, but in the end orders were issued to
the great clans to keep strict watch at various points on the shore,
as it was possible that the 'barbarian' vessels might proceed to
commit acts of violence. Presently a learned Chinese scholar was sent
to Uraga, had an interview with the American envoy, and returned
with the letter, which expressed the desire of the United States to
establish friendship and intercourse with Japan, and said, according
to this account, that if they met with a refusal they should commence
hostilities. Thereupon the Shogun was greatly distressed, and again
summoned a council. He also asked the opinion of the Daimios. The
assembled officials were exceedingly disturbed, and nearly broke their
hearts over consultations which lasted all day and all night. The
nobles and retired nobles in Yedo were informed that they were at
liberty to state any ideas they might have on the subject, and,
although they all gave their opinions, the diversity of propositions
was so great that no decision was arrived at. The military class
had, during a long peace, neglected military arts; they had given
themselves up to pleasure and luxury, and there were very few who had
put on armor for many years, so that they were greatly alarmed at the
prospect that war might break out at a moment's notice, and began to
run hither and thither in search of arms. The city of Yedo and the
surrounding villages were in a great tumult. And there was such a
state of confusion among all classes that the governors of the city
were compelled to issue a notification to the people, and this in the
end had the effect of quieting the general anxiety. But in the castle
never was a decision further from being arrived at, and, whilst time
was being thus idly wasted, the envoy was constantly demanding an
answer. So at last they decided that it would be best to arrange the
affair quietly, to give the foreigners the articles they wanted, and
to put off sending an answer to the letter--to tell the envoy that in
an affair of such importance to the state no decision could be arrived
at without mature consideration, and that he had better go away; that
in a short time he should get a definite answer. The envoy agreed, and
after sending a message to say that he should return in the following
spring for his answer, set sail from Uraga with his four ships."[3]
Thus was the renowned commander kept away for awhile. He went,
however, of his own accord. Perry was an astute diplomatist. He knew
that time was needed for the impressions which he and his magnificent
fleet had made upon the country to produce their natural effect.
The news of Perry's visit and demands spread far and wide with
remarkable rapidity. The government and the people were deeply
stirred. Soon the song of the "red-bearded barbarians" and of the
black ships was in everybody's mouth. The question "What shall Japan
do when the barbarians come next spring?" became the absorbing theme
of the day.
There was now but one of two policies which Japan could pursue, either
to shut up the country or to admit the foreigners' demand. There was
no middle course left. The American envoy would no longer listen to
the dilatory policy with which the Japanese had just bought a few
months' respite from anxiety.
The majority of the ruling class, the Samurai, were in favor of the
exclusion policy. So was the court of Kioto. But the views of the
court of Yedo were different. The court of Yedo had many men of
intelligence, common sense and experience--men who had seen the
American envoy and his squadron, equipped with all the contrivances
for killing men and devastating the country. These men knew too well
that resistance to the foreigners was futile and perilous.
Thus was the country early divided into two clearly defined parties,
the Jo-i[4] party and the Kai-Koku party.
Meanwhile, the autumn and winter of 1853 passed. The spring of 1854
soon came, and with it the intractable "barbarians." Let us hear the
author of Genje Yume Monogatari relate the return of Perry and the
great discussion that ensued at the court of Yedo:
"Early in 1854 Commodore Perry returned, and the question of acceding
to his demands was again hotly debated. The old prince of Mito was
opposed to it, and contended that the admission of foreigners
into Japan would ruin it. 'At first,' said he, 'they will give us
philosophical instruments, machinery and other curiosities; will take
ignorant people in, and, trade being their chief object, they will
manage bit by bit to impoverish the country, after which they will
treat us just as they like--perhaps behave with the greatest rudeness
and insult us, and end by swallowing up Japan. If we do not drive them
away now we shall never have another opportunity. If we now resort to
a dilatory method of proceeding we shall regret it afterwards when it
will be of no use.'
"The officials (of the Shogun), however, argued otherwise and
said: 'If we try to drive them away they will immediately commence
hostilities, and then we shall be obliged to fight. If we once get
into a dispute we shall have an enemy to fight who will not be easily
disposed of. He does not care how long a time he must spend over it,
but he will come with myriads of men-of-war and surround our shores
completely; he will capture our junks and blockade our ports, and
deprive us of all hope of protecting our coasts. However large a
number of ships we might destroy, he is so accustomed to that sort
of thing that he would not care in the least. Even supposing that our
troops were animated by patriotic zeal in the commencement of the war,
after they had been fighting for several years their patriotic zeal
would naturally become relaxed, the soldiers would become fatigued,
and for this we should have to thank ourselves. Soldiers who have
distinguished themselves are rewarded by grants of land, or else
you attack and seize the enemy's territory and that becomes your own
property; so every man is encouraged to fight his best. But in a war
with foreign countries a man may undergo hardships for years, may
fight as if his life were worth nothing, and, as all the land in this
country already has owners, there will be none to be given away as
rewards; so we shall have to give rewards in words or money. In time
the country would be put to an immense expense and the people be
plunged into misery. Rather than allow this, as we are not the equals
of foreigners in the mechanical arts, let us have intercourse with
foreign countries, learn their drill and tactics, and when we have
made the nation as united as one family, we shall be able to go abroad
and give lands in foreign countries to those who have distinguished
themselves in battle. The soldiers will vie with one another in
displaying their intrepidity, and it will not be too late then to
declare war. Now we shall have to defend ourselves against these
foreign enemies, skilled in the use of mechanical appliances, with
our soldiers whose military skill has considerably diminished during
a long peace of three hundred years, and we certainly could not feel
sure of victory, especially in a naval war.'"[5]
The Kai-Koku party, the party in favor of opening the country,
triumphed, and the treaty was finally concluded between the United
States and Japan on the 31st of March, 1854. After the return of
Commodore Perry to America, Townsend Harris was sent by the United
States Government as Consul-General to Japan. He negotiated the
commercial treaty between the United States and Japan on July 29,
1858.
At the heels of the Americans followed the English, French, Russians,
Dutch, and other nations. Japan's foreign relations became more and
more complicated and therefore difficult to manage.
The discussion quoted above is a type of the arguments used by the
Jo-i party and the Kai-Koku party. The history of Japanese politics
from 1853 to 1868 is the history of the struggle between these two
parties, each of which soon changed its name. As the Jo-i party allied
itself with the court of Kioto, it became the O-sei or Restoration
party. As the Kai-Koku party was associated with the court of Shogun,
it became the Bakufu party. The struggle ended in the triumph of the
Restoration party. But by that time the Jo-i party, from a cause which
I shall soon mention, had been completely transformed and converted to
the Western ideas.
Among the leaders of the Jo-i party was Nariaki, the old prince of
Mito. He belonged to one of the San Kay (three families), out of which
Iyeyasu ordered the Shogun to be chosen. He was connected by marriage
with the families of the Emperor and the highest Kuges in Miako, and
with the wealthiest Daimios. In power the Mito family thus ranked high
among the Daimios. Among the scholars the Prince of Mito was popular.
The prestige of his great ancestor, the compiler of Dai-Nihon-Shi, had
not yet died out. The Prince of Mito was thus naturally looked up to
by the scholars as the man of right principles and of noble ideas. A
shrewd, clever, and scheming old man, the Prince of Mito now became
the defender of the cause of the Emperor and the mouthpiece of the
conservative party.
At the head of the Bakufu party was a man of iron and fertile
resources, Ii Kamon No Kami. He was the Daimio of Hikone, a castled
town and fief on Lake Biwa, in Mino. His revenue was small, being only
three hundred and fifty thousand koku. But in position and power none
in the empire could rival him. He was the head of the Fudai Daimios.
His family was called the Dodai or foundation-stone of the power
of the Tokugawa dynasty. His ancestor, Ii Nawo Massa, had been
lieutenant-general and right-hand man of Iyeyas. Ii Kamon No Kami,
owing to the mental infirmity of the reigning Shogun, had lately
become his regent. Bold, ambitious, able, and unscrupulous, Ii was the
Richelieu of Japan. From this time on till his assassination on March
23, 1860, he virtually ruled the empire, and, in direct contravention
to the imperial will, negotiated with foreign nations, as we have
seen, for the opening of ports for trade with them. He was styled the
"swaggering prime minister," and his name was long pronounced with
contempt and odium. Lately, however, his good name has been rescued
and his fame restored by the noble effort of an able writer, Mr.
Saburo Shimada.[6] But this able prime minister fell on March 23,
1860, by the sword of Mito ronins, who alleged, as the pretext of
their crime, that "Ii Kamon No Kami had insulted the imperial
decree and, careless of the misery of the people, but making foreign
intercourse his chief aim, had opened ports." "The position of
the government upon the death of the regent was that of helpless
inactivity. The sudden removal of the foremost man of the empire was
as the removal of the fly-wheel from a piece of complicated machinery.
The whole empire stood aghast, expecting and fearing some great
political convulsion."[7]
The Shogun began to make a compromise to unite the Emperor's power and
the Shogun's, by taking the sister of the Emperor for his wife.
Meanwhile great events were taking place in the southern corner of
Kiushiu and on the promontory of Shikoku, events which were to effect
great changes in men's ideas. These were the bombardments of Kagoshima
and of Shimonosheki, the first on August 11, 1863, the second on
September 5, 1864. I shall not dwell here on the injustice of these
barbarous and heathenish acts of the so-called civilized and Christian
nations; for I am not writing a political pamphlet. But impartially
let us note the great effects of these bombardments.
I. These conflicts showed on a grand but sad scale the weakness of the
Daimios, even the most powerful of them, and, on the other hand, the
power of the foreigners and their rifled cannon and steamers. The
following Japanese memorandum expresses this point: "Satsuma's eyes
were opened since the fight of Kagoshima, and affairs appeared to him
in a new light; he changed in favor of foreigners, and thought now of
making his country powerful and completing his armaments."[8]
The Emperor also wrote in a rather pathetic tone to the Shogun
touching the relative strength of the Japanese and the foreigners: "I
held a council the other day with my military nobility (Daimios and
nobles), but unfortunately inured to the habits of peace, which for
more than two hundred years has existed in our country, we are unable
to exclude and subdue our foreign enemies by the forcible means of
war....
"If we compare our Japanese ships of war and cannon to those of the
barbarians, we feel certain that they are not sufficient to inflict
terror upon the foreign barbarians, and are also insufficient to make
the splendor of Japan shine in foreign countries. I should think
that we only should make ourselves ridiculous in the eyes of the
barbarians."[9]
From the time of the bombardment, Satsuma and Choshiu began to
introduce European machinery and inventions, to employ skilled
Europeans to teach them, and to send their young men to Europe and
America.
II. These bombardments showed the necessity of national union. Whether
she would repel or receive the foreigner, Japan must present a united
front. To this end, great change in the internal constitution of the
empire was needed; the internal resources of the nation had to be
gathered into a common treasury; the police and the taxes had to be
recognized as national, not as belonging to petty local chieftains;
the power of the feudal lords had to be broken in order to
reconstitute Japan as a single strong state under a single head. These
are the ideas which led the way to the Restoration of 1868. Thus the
bombardments of Kagoshima and Shimonosheki may be said to have helped
indirectly in the Restoration of that year. But before we proceed to
the history of the Restoration, let us examine what were the great
Councils of Kuges and Daimios, which were sometimes convened during
the period from 1857 to 1868.
The Council of Kuges was occasionally convened by the order of the
Emperor. It was composed of the princes of the blood, nobles, and
courtiers. The Council of Daimios was now and then summoned either by
the Emperor or by the Shogun. It was composed mostly of the Daimios.
These councils were like the Witenagemot of England, formed of the
wise and influential men of the kingdom. As the Daimios had far more
weight in the political scale of the realm than the Kuges, so the
council of the Daimios was of far more importance than that of the
Kuges. But it must not be understood that these councils were regular
meetings held in the modern parliamentary way; nor that they had
anything like the powers of the British Parliament or of the American
Congress. These councils of Japan were called into spasmodic life
simply by the necessity of the time. They were held either at the
court of Kioto or that of Yedo, or at other places appointed for the
purpose. The Kuges or Daimios assembled rather in an informal way,
measured by modern parliamentary procedure, but in accordance with the
court etiquette of the time, whose most minute regulations and rules
have often embarrassed and plagued the modern ministers accredited to
the court of the Emperor. Then these councils proceeded to discuss the
burning questions of the day, among which the most prominent was, of
course, the foreign policy. The earliest instance of the meeting of
the Council of Kuges was immediately after the news of Perry's arrival
had reached the court of Kioto. "Upon this," says the author of
Genje Yume Monogatari, "the Emperor was much disturbed, and called a
council, which was attended by a number of princes of the blood and
Kuges, and much violent language was uttered."
From this time on we meet often with the record of these councils.[10]
A native chronicler records that on the 29th day of the 12th month
of 1857 "a meeting of all Daimios (present in Yedo) was held in the
Haku-sho-in, a large hall in the castle of Yedo. The deliberations
were not over till two o'clock on the morning of the 30th."
Soon after this the Emperor ordered the Shogun to come to Kioto with
all the Daimios and ascertain the opinion of the country. But the
Shogun did not come, so the Emperor sent his envoy, Ohara Sammi, and
called the meeting of the Daimios at Yedo in 1862, in which the noted
Shimadzu Saburo was also present.
In 1864 the council of Daimios was again held, and Minister Pruyn,
in his letter to Mr. Seward, bears witness of the proceeding: "It is
understood the great council of Daimios is again in session; that
the question of the foreign policy of the government is again under
consideration, and that the opposite parties are pretty evenly
balanced."[11]
From this time the council of Daimios was held every year, sometimes
many times in the year, till the Revolution of 1868. These examples
will suffice to show the nature and purpose of these councils of Kuges
and Daimios. Let us next consider how these councils originated.
The political development of Japan gives another illustration of one
of the truths which Mr. Herbert Spencer unfolds in his Principles
of Sociology. "Everywhere the wars between societies," says he,
"originate governmental structures, and are causes of all such
improvements in those structures as increase the efficiency of
corporate action against environing societies."[12]
Experience has shown that representative government is the most
efficient in securing the corporate action of the various members of
the body politic against foreign enemies. When a country is threatened
with foreign invasion, when the corporate action of its citizens
against their enemy is needed, it becomes an imperative necessity to
consult public opinion. In such a time centralization is needed. Hence
the first move of Japan after the advent of foreigners was to bring
the scattered parts of the country together and unite them under one
head.
Japan had hitherto no formidable foreign enemy on her shores. So
her governmental system--the regulating system of the social
organism--received no impetus for self-development. But as soon as a
formidable people, either as allies or foes, appeared on the scene in
1853, we immediately see the remarkable change in the state system of
regulation in Japan. It became necessary to consult public opinion.
Councils of Kuges and Daimios and meetings of Samurai sprung forth
spontaneously.
I believe, with Guizot, that the germ of representative government was
not necessarily "in the woods of Germany," as Montesquieu asserts,
or in the Witenagemot of England; that the glory of having a free
government is not necessarily confined to the Aryan family or to its
more favored branch, the Anglo-Saxons. I believe that the seed of
representative government is implanted in the very nature of human
society and of the human mind. When the human mind and the social
organism reach a certain stage of development, when they are placed in
such an environment as to call forth a united and harmonious action
of the body politic, when education is diffused among the masses
and every member of the community attains a certain degree of his
individuality and importance, when the military form of society
transforms itself into the industrial, then the representative idea of
government springs forth naturally and irresistibly. And no tyrant, no
despot, can obstruct the triumphal march of liberty.
Whatever may be said about the soundness of the above speculation, it
is certain that in the great councils of Kuges and Daimios and in the
discussions of the Samurai, which the advent of the foreigners called
into being, lay the germ of the future constitutional parliament of
Japan.
[Footnote 1: Genje Yume Monogatari. Translated by Mr. Ernest Satow,
and published in the columns of the _Japan Mail_.]
[Footnote 2: The original gives names of some prominent officials thus
summoned.]
[Footnote 3: This is also quoted in F.O. Adams's History of Japan,
Vol. I., p. 109. I have compared the passage with the original and
quote here with some modifications in the translation.]
[Footnote 4: Jo-i means to expel the barbarians; Kai-Koku means to
open the country.]
[Footnote 5: Given also in Kai-Koku Simatsu, p. 166; Ansei-Kiji, pp.
219, 220.]
[Footnote 6: Life of Ii Nawosuke Tokyo, 1888.]
[Footnote 7: Dickson's Japan, p. 454.]
[Footnote 8: American Executive Document, Diplomatic Correspondence,
Part 3, 1865-66, p. 233, 1st Sess. 39th Cong.]
[Footnote 9: American Executive Document, Diplomatic Correspondence,
Part 3, 1864-65, p. 502, 2d Sess. 38th Cong.]
[Footnote 10: See Ansei-Kiji, pages 1, 3, 57, 59, 61, 174, 192, 352;
Bosin-Simatsu, Vol. II., pp. 4, 69; Vol. III., pp. 379, 414; Vol. IV.,
pp. 121, 152.]
[Footnote 11: American Executive Document, Diplomatic Correspondence,
Part 3, 1864-65, p. 486, 3d Sess. 38th Cong.]
[Footnote 12: Principles of Sociology, p. 540.]
CHAPTER II.
THE RESTORATION.
In the last chapter we have noticed what a commotion had been caused
in Japan by the sudden advent of Commodore Perry, how the councils of
Kuges and Daimios were called into spontaneous life by the dread
of foreigners and by the sense of national weakness, and how the
bombardments of Kagoshima and Shimonosheki tested these fears and
taught the necessity of national union. I have remarked that free
government is not necessarily the sole heritage of the Aryan race, but
that the presence of foreigners, the change of the military form of
society into the industrial form, the increase in importance of
the individual in the community, are sure to breed a free and
representative system of government.
In the following chapter we shall see the downfall of the Shogunate,
the restoration of the imperial power to its pristine vigor, and the
destruction of feudalism.
"The study of constitutional history is essentially a tracing of
causes and consequences," says Bishop Stubbs, "not the collection of
a multitude of facts and views, but the piecing of links of a perfect
chain."
I shall therefore not dwell upon the details of the events which
led to the downfall of the Shogunate, but immediately enter into an
inquiry concerning the causes.
Three causes led to the final overthrow of the Shogunate:
I. The Revival of Learning. The last half of the eighteenth and
the first half of the present century witnessed in Japan an unusual
intellectual activity. The long peace and prosperity of the country
under the rule of the Tokugawa dynasties had fostered in every way the
growth of literature and art. The Shoguns, from policy or from taste,
either to find a harmless vent for the restless spirit of the
Samura or from pure love of learning, have been constant patrons of
literature. The Daimios, too, as a means of spending their leisure
hours when they were not out hawking or revelling with their
mistresses, gave no inattentive ear to the readings and lectures of
learned men. Each Daimioate took pride in the number and fame of her
own learned sons. Thus throughout the country eminent scholars arose.
With them a new era of literature dawned upon the land. The new
literature changed its tone. Instead of the servility, faint
suggestiveness, and restrained politeness characteristic of the
literature from the Gen-hei period to the first half of the Tokugawa
period, that of the Revival Era began to wear a bolder and freer
aspect. History came to be recorded with more truthfulness and
boldness than ever before.
But as the ancient histories were studied and the old constitution was
brought into light, the real nature of the Shogunate began to reveal
itself. To the eyes of the historians it became clear that the
Shogunate was nothing but a military usurpation, sustained by fraud
and corruption; that the Emperor, who was at that time, in plain
words, imprisoned at the court of Kioto, was the real source of power
and honor. "If this be the case, what ought we do?" was the natural
question of these loyal subjects of the Emperor. The natural
conclusion followed: the military usurper must be overthrown and
the rightful ruler recognized. This was the sum and substance of
the political programme of the Imperialists. The first sound of the
trumpet against the Shogunate rose from the learned hall of the
Prince of Mito, Komon. He, with the assistance of a host of scholars,
finished his great work, the Dai Nihon Shi, or History of Japan, in
1715. It was not printed till 1851, but was copied from hand to hand
by eager students, like the Bible by the medieval monks, or the works
of Plato and Aristotle by the Humanists. The Dai Nihon Shi soon became
a classic, and had such an influence in restoring the power of the
Emperor that Mr. Ernest Satow justly calls its composer "the real
author of the movement which culminated in the revolution of 1868."
The voice of the Prince of Mito was soon caught up by the more
celebrated scholar Rai Sanyo (1780-1833). A poet, an historian, and a
zealous patriot, Rai Sanyo was the Arndt of Japan. He outlined in
his Nihon Guai Shi the rise and fall of the Minister of State and the
Shoguns, and with satire, invective, and the enthusiasm of a patriot,
urged the unlawfulness of the usurpation of the imperial power by
these mayors of the palace. In his Sei-Ki, or political history of
Japan, he traced the history of the imperial family, and mourned with
characteristic pathos the decadence of the imperial power. The labors
of these historians and scholars bore in time abundant fruit. Some of
their disciples became men of will and action: Sakuma Shozan, Yoshida
Toraziro, Gesho, Yokoi Heishiro, and later Saigo, Okubo, Kido, and
hosts of others, who ultimately realized the dreams of their masters.
Out of the literary seed which scholars like Rai Sanyo spread
broadcast over the country thus grew hands of iron and hearts
of steel. This process shows how closely related are history and
politics, and affords another illustration of the significance of
the epigrammatic expression of Professor Freeman: "History is past
politics, and politics present history."
II. Another tributary stream which helped to swell the tide flowing
toward the Emperor was the revival of Shintoism. The revival of
learning is sure to be followed by the revival of religion. This is
shown in the history of the Reformation in Europe, which was preceded
by the revival of learning. Since the expulsion of Christianity from
Japan in the sixteenth century, which was effected more from political
than religious motives, laissez-faire was the steadfast policy of the
Japanese rulers toward religious matters. The founder of the Tokugawa
dynasty had laid down in his "Legacy" the policy to be pursued by his
descendants. "Now any one of the people," says Iyeyasu, "can adhere to
which (religion) he pleases (except the Christian); and there must
be no wrangling among sects to the disturbance of the peace of the
Empire." Thus while the people in the West, who worshipped the
Prince of Peace, in his abused name were cutting each other's throat,
destroying each other's property, torturing and proselyting by rack
and flames, the islanders on the West Pacific coast were enjoying
complete religious toleration. Three religions--Shintoism, Buddhism,
and Confucianism--lived together in peace. In such a state of
unrestricted competition among various religions, the universal law of
the survival of the fittest acts freely. Buddhism was the fittest and
became the predominant religion. Shintoism was the weakest and sank
into helpless desuetude. But with the revival of learning, as Kojiki
and other ancient literature were studied with assiduity, Shintoism
began to revive. Its cause found worthy defenders in Motoori and
Hirata. They are among the greatest Shintoists Japan has ever seen.
Now, according to Shintoism, Japan is a holy land. It was made by the
gods, whose lineal descendant is the Emperor. Hence he must be revered
and worshipped as a god. This is the substance of Shintoism. The
political bearing of such a doctrine upon the then existing status of
the country is apparent. The Emperor, who is a god, the fountain of
all virtue, honor, and authority, is now a prisoner at the court of
Kioto, under the iron hand of the Tokugawa Shoguns. This state
of impiety and irreverence can never be tolerated by the devout
Shintoists. The Shogun must be dethroned and the Emperor raised to
power. Here the line of arguments of the Shintoists meets with that
of the scholars we have noted above. Thus both scholars and Shintoists
have converted themselves into politicians who have at heart the
restoration of the Emperor.
III. Another cause which led to the overthrow of the Shogunate was the
jealousy and cupidity of the Southern Daimios. Notably among them were
the Daimios of Satsuma, Choshiu, Tosa, and Hizen. Their ancestors "had
of old held equal rank and power with Iyeyasu, until the fortunes
of war turned against them. They had been overcome by force, or had
sullenly surrendered in face of overwhelming odds. Their adherence
to the Tokugawas was but nominal, and only the strong pressure of
superior power was able to wring from them a haughty semblance of
obedience. They chafed perpetually under the rule of one who was in
reality a vassal like themselves."[1] They now saw in the rising tide
of public sentiment against the Tokugawa Shogunate a rare opportunity
of accomplishing their cherished aim. They lent their arms and money
for the support of the patriots in carrying out their plan. Satsuma
and Choshiu became the rendezvous of eminent scholars and zealous
patriots. And in the council-halls of Satsuma and Choshiu were hatched
the plots which were soon to overthrow the effete Shogunate.
Thus everything was ready for the revolution of 1868 before Perry
came. We saw the Shogun, under the bombastic title of Tycoon, in spite
of the remonstrance of the Emperor and his court, conclude a treaty
with Perry at Kanagawa in 1854. Here at last was found a pretext for
the Imperialists to raise arms against the Shogun. The Shogun or his
ministers had no right to make treaties with foreigners. Such an act
was, in the eyes of the patriots, heinous treason. The cry of "Destroy
the Shogunate and raise the Emperor to his proper throne!" rang from
one end of the empire to the other. The constant disturbance of the
country, the difficulty of foreign intercourse, the sense of necessity
of a single and undoubted authority over the land, and the outcry
of the Samurai thus raised against the Shogun, finally led to his
resignation on November 19, 1867. His letter of resignation, in the
form of a manifesto to the Daimios, runs thus:
"A retrospect of the various changes through which the empire has
passed shows us that after the decadence of the monarchical authority,
power passed into the hands of the Minister of State; that by the
wars of 1156 to 1159 the governmental power came into the hands of the
military class. My ancestor received greater marks of confidence than
any before him, and his descendants have succeeded him for more than
two hundred years. Though I perform the same duties, the objects of
government and the penal laws have not been attained, and it is
with feelings of greatest humiliation that I find myself obliged to
ackowledge my own want of virtue as the cause of the present state of
things. Moreover, our intercourse with foreign powers becomes daily
more extensive, and our foreign policy cannot be pursued unless
directed by the whole power of the country.
"If, therefore, the old régime be changed and the governmental
authority be restored to the imperial court, if the councils of the
whole empire be collected and the wise decisions received, and if
we unite with all our heart and with all our strength to protect and
maintain the empire, it will be able to range itself with the nations
of the earth. This comprises our whole duty towards our country.
"However, if you (the Daimios) have any particular ideas on the
subject, you may state them without reserve."[2]
The resignation of the Shogun was accepted by the Emperor by the
following imperial order, issued on the 10th day of the 12th month:
"It has pleased the Emperor to dismiss the present Shogun, at his
request, from the office of Shogun."
As to the full intent and motive of the Shogun in resigning his
power, let him further speak himself. In the interview of the British
minister, Sir Harry S. Parkes, and the French minister, M. Leon
Koches, with the Shogun, it is stated that he said: "I became
convinced last autumn that the country would no longer be successfully
governed while the power was divided between the Emperor and myself.
The country had two centres, from which orders of an opposite nature
proceeded. Thus, in the matter of the opening of Hiogo and Osako,
which I quote as an example of this conflict of authority, I was
myself convinced that the stipulations of the treaties must be
observed, but the assent of the Emperor to my representations on
this subject was given reluctantly. I therefore, for the good of my
country, informed the Emperor that I resigned the governing power,
with the understanding that an assembly of Daimios was convened for
the purpose of deciding in what manner, and by whom, the government in
future should be carried on. In acting thus, I sunk my own interests
and power handed down to me by my ancestors, in the more important
interests of the country.[3]....
"My policy, from the commencement, has been to determine this question
of the future form of government in a peaceful manner, and it is in
pursuance of the same object that, instead of opposing force by force,
I have retired from the scene of dispute.....
"As to who is the sovereign of Japan, it is a question on which no
one in Japan can entertain a doubt. The Emperor is the sovereign. My
object from the first has been to take the will of the nation as to
the future government. If the nation should decide that I ought to
resign my powers, I am prepared to resign them for the good of my
country.....
"I have no other motive but the following: With an honest love for
my country and the people, I resigned the governing power which I
inherited from my ancestors, and with the mutual understanding that I
should assemble all the nobles of the empire to discuss the question
disinterestedly, and adopting the opinion of the majority, decide upon
the reformation of the national constitution, I left the matter in the
hands of the imperial court."[4]
Thus was the Shogunate overthrown and the Restoration effected. The
civil war which soon followed need not detain us, for the war itself
had no great consequence as regards the constitutional development of
the country.
Let us now consider the form of the new government. It is essentially
that which prevailed in Japan before the development of feudalism. It
is modelled on the form of government of the Osei era.
The new government was composed of:
1. Sosai ("Supreme Administrator"). He was assisted by Fuku, or
Vice-Sosai. The Sosai resembled the British Premier, was the head of
the chief council of the government.
2. Gijio, or "Supreme Council," whose function was to discuss all
questions and suggest the method of their settlement to the Sosai. It
was composed of ten members, five of whom were selected from the list
of Kuges and five from the great Daimios.
3. Sanyo, or "Associate Council." They were subordinate officers, and
were selected from the Daimios as well as from the retainers.
This council finally came to have great influence, and ultimately
transformed itself into the present cabinet.
The government was divided into eight departments:
1. The Sosai Department. This soon changed into Dai-jo-Kuan.
2. Jingi-Jimu-Kioku, or Department of the Shinto Religion. This
department had charge of the Shinto temples, priests, and festivals.
3. Naikoku-Jimu-Kioku, or Department of Home Affairs. This department
had charge of the capital and the five home provinces, of land and
water transport in all the provinces, of post-towns and post-roads,
of barriers and fairs, and of the governors of castles, towns, ports,
etc.
4. Guaikoku-Jimu-Kioku, or Department of Foreign Affairs. This
department had charge of foreign relations, treaties, trade, recovery
of lands, and sustenance of the people.
5. Gumbu-Jimu-Kioku, or War Department. This department had charge of
the naval and military forces, drilling, protection of the Emperor,
and military defences in general.
6. Kuaikei-Jimu-Kioku, or Department of Finance. This department had
charge of the registers of houses and population, of tariff and taxes,
money, corn, accounts, tribute, building and repairs, salaries, public
storehouses, and internal trade.
7. Keiho-Jimu-Kioku, or Judicial Department. This department had
charge of the censorate, of inquisitions, arrests, trials, and the
penal laws in general.
8. Seido-Jimu-Kioku, or Legislative Department. This department
had charge of the superintendence of offices, enactments, sumptuary
regulations, appointments, and all other laws and regulations,
"It is easy to destroy, but difficult to construct," is an old adage
of statesmen. The truth of this utterance was soon realized by the
leaders of the new government.
The first thing which the new government had to settle was its
attitude toward foreign nations. The leaders of the government who had
once opposed with such vehemence, as we have seen, the foreign policy
of the Tokugawa Shogun, now that he had been overthrown, urged the
necessity of amicable relations with foreign powers in the following
memorable memorial[5] to the Dai-jo-Kuan (Government):
"The undersigned, servants of the Crown, respectfully believe that
from ancient times decisions upon important questions concerning
the welfare of the empire were arrived at after consideration of the
actual political condition and its necessities, and that thus results
were obtained, not of mere temporary brilliancy, but which bore good
fruits in all time....
"Among other pressing duties of the present moment we venture to
believe it to be pre-eminently important to set the question of
foreign intercourse in a clear light.
"His Majesty's object in creating the office of administrator of
foreign affairs, and selecting persons to fill it, and otherwise
exerting himself in that direction, has been to show the people of
his empire in what light to look on this matter, and we have felt the
greatest pleasure in thinking that the imperial glory would now be
made to shine forth before all nations. An ancient proverb says that
'Men's minds resemble each other as little as their faces,' nor have
the upper and lower classes been able, up to the present, to hold with
confidence a uniform opinion. It gives us some anxiety to feel that
perhaps we may be following the bad example of the Chinese, who,
fancying themselves alone great and worthy of respect, and despising
foreigners as little better than beasts, have come to suffer defeats
at their hands and to have it lorded over themselves by those
foreigners.
"It appears to us, therefore, after mature reflection, that the
most important duty we have at present is for high and low to unite
harmoniously in understanding the condition of the age, in effecting
a national reformation and commencing a great work, and that for this
reason it is of the greatest necessity that we determine upon the
attitude to be observed towards this question.
"Hitherto the empire has held itself aloof from other countries and is
ignorant of the affairs of the world; the only object sought has been
to give ourselves the least trouble, and by daily retrogression we are
in danger of falling under foreign rule.
"By travelling to foreign countries and observing what good there
is in them, by comparing their daily progress, the universality of
enlightened government, of a sufficiency of military defences, and of
abundant food for the people among them, with our present condition,
the causes of prosperity and degeneracy may be plainly traced....
"Of late years the question of expelling the barbarians has been
constantly agitated, and one or two Daimios have tried to expel them,
but it is unnecessary to prove that this was more than the strength of
a single clan could accomplish....
"How ever, in order to restore the fallen fortunes of the empire and
to make the imperial dignity respected abroad, it is necessary to make
a firm resolution, and to get rid of the narrow-minded ideas which
have prevailed hitherto. We pray that the important personages of
the court will open their eyes and unite with those below them in
establishing relations of amity in a single-minded manner, and that
our deficiencies being supplied with what foreigners are superior
in, an enduring government be established for future ages. Assist
the Emperor in forming his decision wisely and in understanding the
condition of the empire; let the foolish argument which has hitherto
styled foreigners dogs and goats and barbarians be abandoned; let the
court ceremonies, hitherto imitated from the Chinese, be reformed,
and the foreign representatives be bidden to court in the manner
prescribed by the rules current amongst all nations; and let this be
publicly notified throughout the country, so that the countless people
may be taught what is the light in which they are to regard this
subject. This is our most earnest prayer, presented with all reverence
and humility.
"ECHIZEN SAISHO,
TOSA SAKIO NO SHOSHO,
NAGATO SHOSHO,
SATSUMA SHOSHO,
AKI SHOSHO,
HOSO KAWA UKIO DAIBU."
The advice of these notables was well received. A formal invitation to
an audience with the Emperor was extended to the foreign ambassadors.
They soon accepted the invitation. Their appearance in the old
anti-foreign city of Kioto, before the personage who was considered
by the masses as divine, was significant. It put an end to the
all-absorbing, all-perplexing theme of the day. The question of
foreign policy was settled.
The next act of the statesmen of the Restoration was to sweep away
the abuses of the court, and to establish the basis of a firm internal
administration. The most effectual means of accomplishing this, it
seemed to the sagacious statesmen, was to move the court from the
place where those abuses had their roots. Ichizo Okubo,[6] a guiding
spirit of the Restoration, presented the following memorial to the
Emperor:
"The most pressing of your Majesty's pressing duties at the present
moment is not to look at the empire alone and judge carelessly by
appearances, but to consider carefully the actual state of the whole
world; to reform the inveterate and slothful habits induced during
several hundred years, and to give union to the nation....
"Hitherto the person whom we designate the sovereign has lived behind
a screen, and, as if he were different from other human beings, has
not been seen by more than a very limited number of Kuge; and as
his heaven-conferred office of father to his people has been thereby
unfulfilled, it is necessary that his office should be ascertained
in accordance with this fundamental principle, and then the laws
governing internal affairs may be established....
"In the present period of reformation and restoration of the
government to its ancient monarchical form, the way to carry out
the resolution of imitating the example of Japanese sages, and of
surpassing the excellent governments of foreign nations, is to change
the site of the capital....
"Osako is the fittest place for the capital ... For the conduct of
foreign relations, for enriching the country and strengthening its
military power, for adopting successful means of offense and defense,
for establishing an army and navy, the place is peculiarly fitted by
its position ... I most humbly pray your Majesty to open your eyes and
make this reform....
"OKUBO ICHIZO."[7]
The result of the memorial was the ultimate removal of the seat of
government from Kioto to Yedo, which afterwards changed its name to
Tokio, meaning eastern capital.
But the most important event of the Restoration, from the
constitutional point of view, was the charter oath of five articles,
taken by the present Emperor on the 17th of April, 1869, before the
court and the assembly of Daimios. These articles were in substance as
follows:
1. A deliberative assembly should be formed, and all measures be
decided by public opinion.
2. The principles of social and political economics should be
diligently studied by both the superior and inferior classes of our
people.
3. Every one in the community shall be assisted to persevere in
carrying out his will for all good purposes.
4. All the old absurd usages of former times should be disregarded,
and the impartiality and justice displayed in the workings of nature
be adopted as a basis of action.
5. Wisdom and ability should be sought after in all quarters of the
world for the purpose of firmly establishing the foundations of the
empire.
The Emperor's promise henceforth became the watchword of the nation.
And this resolution to form a deliberative assembly was soon put into
practice. In 1869 was convened the Kogisho or "Parliament," as Sir
Harry Parkes translates it in his despatch to the Earl of Clarendon.
But before we proceed to the description of the nature and working of
the Kogisho it is necessary to state that this plan had been already
suggested by the Shogunate. A proclamation of the Shogun Keiki,
issued on February 20, 1868, says: "As it is proper to determine the
principle of the constitution of Japan with due regard to the wishes
of the majority, I have resigned the supreme power to the Emperor's
court, and advised that the opinions of all the Daimios should be
taken.... On examination of my household affairs (the administration
of Shogun's territories), many irregularities may exist which may
dissatisfy the people, and which I therefore greatly deplore. Hence
I intend to establish a Kogijio and to accept the opinion of the
majority. Any one, therefore, who has an opinion to express may do so
at that place and be free of apprehension."[8]
But this attempt of the Shogun to establish a sort of Parliament came
to an end with his fall. This idea, however, was transmitted through
the Shogunate officials to the government of the Restoration. In fact,
this idea of consulting public opinion was, as I have repeatedly said,
in the air. The leaders of the new government all felt, as one of them
said to Messrs. F.O. Adams and Ernest Satow, that "the only way to
allay the jealousies hitherto existing between several of the most
powerful clans, and to ensure a solid and lasting union of conflicting
interests, was to search for the nearest approach to an ideal
constitution among those of Western countries ... that the opinion of
the majority was the only criterion of a public measure."[9]
Sir Harry Parkes was right when he told the Earl of Clarendon that
"the establishment of such an institution (the Kogisho) formed one of
the first objects of the promoters of the recent revolution."[10]
The Kogisho was opened on the 18th of April, 1869,[11] and the
following message[12] from the throne was then delivered:
"Being on the point of visiting our eastern capital, we have convened
the nobles of our court and the various princes in order to consult
them upon the means of establishing the foundations of peaceful
government. The laws and institutions are the basis of government.
The petitions of the people at large cannot be lightly decided. It has
been reported to us that brief rules and regulations have been fixed
upon for the Parliament, and it seems good to us that the House should
be opened at once. We exhort you to respect the laws of the House,
to lay aside all private and selfish considerations, to conduct your
debates with minuteness and firmness; above all things, to take the
laws of our ancestors as 'basis,' and adapt yourselves to the feelings
of men and to the spirit of the times. Distinguish clearly between
those matters which are of immediate importance and those which may
be delayed; between things which are less urgent and those which are
pressing. In your several capacities argue with careful attention.
When the results of your debate are communicated to us it shall be our
duty to confirm them."
The Kogisho was composed mostly of the retainers of the Daimios, for
the latter, having no experience of the earnest business of life,
"were not eager to devote themselves to the labors of an onerous and
voluntary office." Akidzuki Ukio No Suke was appointed President of
the Kogisho.
The object of the Kogisho was to enable the government to sound public
opinion on the various topics of the day, and to obtain the assistance
of the country in the work of legislation by ascertaining whether the
projects of the government were likely to be favorably received.
The Kogisho, like the Councils of Kuges and Daimios, was nothing but
an experiment, a mere germ of a deliberative assembly, which only time
and experience could bring to maturity. Still Kogisho was an advance
over the council of Daimios. It had passed the stage resembling a
mere deliberative meeting or quiet Quaker conference, where, for hours
perhaps, nobody opens his mouth. It now bore an aspect of a political
club meeting. But it was a quiet, peaceful, obedient debating society.
It has left the record of its abortive undertakings in the "Kogisho
Nishi" or journal of "Parliament." The Kogisho was dissolved in
the year of its birth. And the indifference of the public about its
dissolution proves how small an influence it really had.
But a greater event than the dissolution of the Kogisho was pending
before the public gaze. This was the abolition of feudalism, which we
shall consider in the next chapter.
[Footnote 1: The Mikado's Empire. Griffis, p. 301.]
[Footnote 2: American Executive Document, Diplomatic Correspondence,
1867, Part II., p. 78, 2d Sess. 40th Cong. See also Bosin-Simatsu,
Vol. I., p. 2.]
[Footnote 3: American Executive Document, Diplomatic Correspondence,
Vol. I., 1868-69, p. 620, 3d Sess. 40th Cong.]
[Footnote 4: American Executive Document, Diplomatic Correspondence,
Vol. I., 1868-69, 3d Sess. 40th Cong.]
[Footnote 5: Translation from the Kioto Government Gazette of March,
1868. It is given in Diplomatic Correspondence of the U.S.A., 3d Sess.
40th Cong., Vol. I, 1868-69, p. 725.]
[Footnote 6: He afterwards changed his name into Toshimitsu Okubo.]
[Footnote 7: Translation is given in American Executive Document,
Diplomatic Correspondence, Vol. I, 1868-69, p. 728, 3d Sess. 40th
Cong.]
[Footnote 8: American Executive Document, Diplomatic Correspondence,
Vol. I., 1868-69, p. 687, 3d Sess. 40th Cong.]
[Footnote 9: F.O. Adams' History of Japan, Vol. II., p. 128.]
[Footnote 10: English State Papers, Vol. LXX., 1870, p. 9.]
[Footnote 11: 29th of the 2d month in the second year of Meiji,
according to the old calendar.]
[Footnote 12: Translation is given in English State Papers, Vol. LXX.,
1871, p. 12.]