The manufacturers in iron are not so numerous as the _Karrankeas_; but

they appear to have studied their business with equal diligence. The

Negroes on the Coast being cheaply supplied with iron from the European

traders, never attempt the manufacturing of this article themselves; but

in the inland parts, the natives smelt this useful metal in such

quantities, as not only to supply themselves from it with all necessary

weapons and instruments, but even to make it an article of commerce with

some of the neighbouring states. During my stay at Kamalia, there was a

smelting furnace at a short distance from the hut where I lodged, and the

owner and his workmen made no secret about the manner of conducting the

operation; and readily allowed me to examine the furnace, and assist them

in breaking the ironstone. The furnace was a circular tower of clay,

about ten feet high, and three in diameter; surrounded in two places with

withes, to prevent the clay from cracking and falling to pieces by the

violence of the heat. Round the lower part, on a level with the

ground,(but not so low as the bottom of the furnace, which was somewhat

concave,) were made seven openings, into every one of which were placed

three tubes of clay, and the openings again plastered up in such a manner

that no air could enter the furnace but through the tubes; by the opening

and shutting of which they regulated the fire. These tubes were formed by

plastering a mixture of clay and grass round a smooth roller of wood,

which as soon as the clay began to harden was withdrawn, and the tube

left to dry in the sun. The ironstone which I saw was very heavy, and of

a dull red colour, with greyish specks; it was broken into pieces about

the size of a hen's egg. A bundle of dry wood was first put into the

furnace, and covered with a considerable quantity of charcoal, which was

brought ready burnt from the woods. Over this was laid a stratum of

ironstone, and then another of charcoal, and so on until the furnace was

quite full. The fire was applied through one of the tubes, and blown for

some time with bellows made of goats'-skins. The operation went on very

slowly at first, and it was some hours before the flame appeared above

the furnace; but after this, it burnt with great violence all the first

night, and the people who attended put in at times more charcoal. On the

day following the fire was not so fierce, and on the second night some of

the tubes were withdrawn, and the air allowed to have freer access to the

furnace; but the heat was still very great, and a bluish flame rose some

feet above the top of the furnace. On the third day from the commencement

of the operation, all the tubes were taken out, the ends of many of them

being vitrified with the heat; but the metal was not removed until some

days afterwards, when the whole was perfectly cool. Part of the furnace

was then taken down, and the iron appeared in the form of a large

irregular mass, with pieces of charcoal adhering to it. It was sonorous;

and when any portion was broken off, the fracture exhibited a granulated

appearance, like broken steel. The owner informed me that many parts of

this cake were useless, but still there was good iron enough to repay him

for his trouble. This iron, or rather steel, is formed into various

instruments, by being repeatedly heated in a forge, the heat of which is

urged by a pair of double bellows of a very simple construction, being

made of two goats' skins; the tubes from which unite, before they enter

the forge, and supply a constant and very regular blast. The hammer,

forceps, and anvil, are all very simple, and the workmanship

(particularly in the formation of knives and spears) is not destitute of

merit. The iron, indeed, is hard and brittle, and requires much labour

before it can be made to answer the purpose.

Most of the African blacksmiths are acquainted also with the method of

smelting gold, in which process they use an alkaline salt, obtained from

a ley of burnt corn-stalks evaporated to dryness. They likewise draw the

gold into wire, and form it into a variety of ornaments, some of which

are executed with a great deal of taste and ingenuity.

Such is the chief information I obtained concerning the present state of

arts and manufactures in those regions of Africa which I explored in my

journey. I might add, though it is scarce worthy observation, that in

Bambarra and Kaarta, the natives make very beautiful baskets, hats, and

other articles, both for use and ornament, from rushes, which they stain

of different colours; and they contrive also to cover their calabashes

with interwoven cane, dyed in the same manner.

In all the laborious occupations above described, the master and his

slaves work together, without any distinction of superiority. Hired

servants, by which I mean persons of free condition, voluntarily working

for pay, are unknown in Africa; and this observation naturally leads me

to consider the condition of the slaves, and the various means by which

they are reduced to so miserable a state of servitude. This unfortunate

class are found, I believe, in all parts of this extensive country, and

constitute a considerable branch of commerce with the states on the

Mediterranean, as well as with the nations of Europe.

CHAPTER XXII.

_Observations concerning the state and sources of slavery in Africa._

A state of subordination, and certain inequalities of rank and condition,

are inevitable in every stage of civil society; but when this

subordination is carried to so great a length, that the persons and

services of one part of the community are entirely at the disposal of

another part, it may then be denominated a state of slavery; and in this

condition of life, a great body of the Negro inhabitants of Africa have

continued from the most early period of their history; with this

aggravation, that their children are born to no other inheritance.

The slaves in Africa, I suppose, are nearly in the proportion of three to

one to the freemen. They claim no reward for their services, except food

and clothing; and are treated with kindness or severity, according to the

good or bad disposition of their masters. Custom, however, has

established certain rules with regard to the treatment of slaves, which

it is thought dishonourable to violate. Thus, the domestic slaves, or

such as are born in a man's own house, are treated with more lenity than

those which are purchased with money. The authority of the master over

the domestic slave, as I have elsewhere observed, extends only to

reasonable correction; for the master cannot sell his domestic, without

having first brought him to a public trial, before the chief men of the

place.[20] But these restrictions on the power of the master extend not

to the case of prisoners taken in war, nor to that of slaves purchased

with money. All these unfortunate beings are considered as strangers and

foreigners, who have no right to the protection of the law, and may be

treated with severity, or sold to a stranger, according to the pleasure

of their owners. There are, indeed, regular markets, where slaves of this

description are bought and sold; and the value of a slave, in the eye of

an African purchaser, increases in proportion to his distance from his

native kingdom; for when slaves are only a few days' journey from the

place of their nativity, they frequently effect their escape; but when

one or more kingdoms intervene, escape being more difficult, they are

more readily reconciled to their situation. On this account, the unhappy

slave is frequently transferred from one dealer to another, until he has

lost all hopes of returning to his native kingdom. The slaves which are

purchased by the Europeans on the Coast are chiefly of this description;

a few of them are collected in the petty wars, hereafter to be described,

which take place near the Coast; but by far the greater number are

brought down in large caravans from the inland countries, of which many

are unknown, even by name, to the Europeans. The slaves which are thus

brought from the interior may be divided into two distinct classes;

_first_, such as were slaves from their birth having been born of

enslaved mothers: _secondly_, such as were born free, but who afterwards,

by whatever means, became slaves. Those of the first description are by

far the most numerous; for prisoners taken in war (at least such as are

taken in open and declared war, when one kingdom avows hostilities

against another) are generally of this description. The comparatively

small proportion of free people to the enslaved, throughout Africa, has

already been noticed; and it must be observed, that men of free condition

have many advantages over the slaves, even in war time. They are in

general better armed, and well mounted; and can either fight or escape

with some hopes of success: but the slaves who have only their spears and

bows, and of whom great numbers are loaded with baggage, become an easy

prey. Thus, when Mansong, King of Bambarra, made war upon Kaarta, (as I

have related in a former chapter,) he took in one day nine hundred

prisoners, of which number not more than seventy were free men. This

account I received from Daman Jumma, who had thirty slaves at Kemmoo, all

of whom were made prisoners by Mansong. Again, when a freeman is taken

prisoner, his friends will sometimes ransom him by giving two slaves in

exchange; but when a slave is taken, he has no hopes of such redemption.

To these disadvantages, it is to be added, that the Slatees, who purchase

slaves in the interior countries, and carry them down to the Coast for

sale, constantly prefer such as have been in that condition of life from

their infancy, well knowing that these have been accustomed to hunger and

fatigue, and are better able to sustain the hardships of a long and

painful journey, than free men; and on their reaching the Coast, if no

opportunity offers of selling them to advantage, they can easily be made

to maintain themselves by their labour; neither are they so apt to

attempt making their escape, as those who have once tasted the blessings

of freedom.

[20] In time of famine, the master is permitted to sell one or more

of his domestics, to purchase provisions for his family; and in case

of the master's insolvency, the domestic slaves are sometimes seized

upon by the creditors; and if the master cannot redeem them, they are

liable to be sold for payment of his debts. These are the only cases

that I recollect, in which the domestic slaves are liable to be sold,

without any misconduct or demerit of their own.

Slaves of the second description generally become such by one or other of

the following causes: 1. Captivity. 2. Famine. 3. Insolvency. 4. Crimes.

A freeman may, by the established customs of Africa, become a slave by

being taken in war. War is, of all others, the most productive source,

and was probably the origin of slavery; for when one nation had taken

from another a greater number of captives than could be exchanged on

equal terms, it is natural to suppose that the conquerors, finding it

inconvenient to maintain their prisoners, would compel them to labour; at

first, perhaps, only for their own support, but afterwards to support

their masters. Be this as it may, it is a known fact, that prisoners of

war in Africa are the slaves of the conquerors; and when the weak or

unsuccessful warrior begs for mercy beneath the uplifted spear of his

opponent, he gives up at the same time his claim to liberty; and

purchases his life at the expense of his freedom.

In a country, divided into a thousand petty states, mostly independent

and jealous of each other; where every freeman is accustomed to arms, and

fond of military achievements; where the youth who has practised the bow

and spear from his infancy, longs for nothing so much as an opportunity

to display his valour, it is natural to imagine that wars frequently

originate from very frivolous provocation. When one nation is more

powerful than another, a pretext is seldom wanting for commencing

hostilities. Thus the war between Kajaaga and Kasson was occasioned by

the detention of a fugitive slave; that between Bambarra and Kaarta by

the loss of a few cattle. Other cases of the same nature perpetually

occur, in which the folly or mad ambition of their princes, and the zeal

of their religious enthusiasts, give full employment to the scythe of

desolation.

The wars of Africa are of two kinds, which are distinguished by different

appellations; that species which bears the greatest resemblance to our

European contests is denominated _killi_, a word signifying "to call

out," because such wars are openly avowed, and previously declared. Wars

of this description in Africa commonly terminate, however, in the course

of a single campaign. A battle is fought; the vanquished seldom think of

rallying again; the whole inhabitants become panic-struck, and the

conquerors have only to bind the slaves, and carry off their plunder and

their victims. Such of the prisoners as, through age or infirmity, are

unable to endure fatigue, or are found unfit for sale, are considered as

useless, and I have no doubt are frequently put to death. The same fate

commonly awaits a chief, or any other person who has taken a very

distinguished part in the war. And here it may be observed, that,

notwithstanding this exterminating system, it is surprising to behold how

soon an African town is rebuilt and re-peopled. The circumstance arises

probably from this, that their pitched battles are few; the weakest know

their own situation, and seek safety in flight. When their country has

been desolated, and their ruined towns and villages deserted by the

enemy, such of the inhabitants as have escaped the sword, and the chain,

generally return, though with cautious steps, to the place of their

nativity; for it seems to be the universal wish of mankind, to spend the

evening of their days where they passed their infancy. The poor Negro

feels this desire in its full force. To him no water is sweet but what is

drawn from his own well; and no tree has so cool and pleasant a shade as

the _tabba_ tree[21] of his native village. When war compels him to

abandon the delightful spot in which he first drew his breath, and seek

for safety in some other kingdom, his time is spent in talking about the

country of his ancestors; and no sooner is peace restored than he turns

his back upon the land of strangers, rebuilds with haste his fallen

walls, and exults to see the smoke ascend from his native village.

[21] This is a large spreading tree, (a species of _sterculia_,)

under which the Bentang is commonly placed.

The other species of African warfare is distinguished by the appellation

of _tegria_, "plundering or stealing." It arises from a sort of

hereditary feud which the inhabitants of one nation or district bear

towards another. No immediate cause of hostility is assigned, or notice

of attack given; but the inhabitants of each watch every opportunity to

plunder and distress the objects of their animosity by predatory

excursions. These are very common, particularly about the beginning of

the dry season, when the labour of the harvest is over, and provisions

are plentiful. Schemes of vengeance are then meditated. The chief man

surveys the number and activity of his vassals, as they brandish their

spears at festivals; and elated with his own importance, turns his whole

thoughts towards revenging some depredation or insult, which either he or

his ancestors may have received from a neighbouring state.

Wars of this description are generally conducted with great secrecy. A

few resolute individuals, headed by some person of enterprise and

courage, march quietly through the woods, surprise in the night some

unprotected village, and carry off the inhabitants and their effects,

before their neighbours can come to their assistance. One morning during

my stay at Kamalia, we were all much alarmed by a party of this kind. The

King of Fooladoo's son, with five hundred horsemen, passed secretly

through the woods, a little to the southward of Kamalia, and on the

morning following plundered three towns belonging to Madigai, a powerful

chief in Jallonkadoo.

The success of this expedition encouraged the governor of Bangassi, a

town in Fooladoo, to make a second inroad upon another part of the same

country. Having assembled about two hundred of his people, he passed the

river Kokoro in the night, and carried off a great number of prisoners.

Several of the inhabitants who had escaped these attacks were afterwards

seized by the Mandingoes, as they wandered about in the woods, or

concealed themselves in the glens and strong places of the mountains.

These plundering excursions always produce speedy retaliation; and when

large parties cannot be collected for this purpose, a few friends will

combine together, and advance into the enemy's country, with a view to

plunder, or carry off the inhabitants. A single individual has been known

to take his bow and quiver, and proceed in like manner. Such an attempt

is doubtless in him an act of rashness; but when it is considered that in

one of these predatory wars, he has probably been deprived of his child,

or his nearest relation, his situation will rather call for pity than

censure. The poor sufferer, urged on by the feelings of domestic or

paternal attachment, and the ardour of revenge, conceals himself among

the bushes, until some young or unarmed person passes by. He then,

tiger-like, springs upon his prey; drags his victim into the thicket, and

in the night carries him off as a slave.

When a Negro has, by means like these, once fallen into the hands of his

enemies, he is either retained as the slave of his conqueror, or bartered

into a distant kingdom; for an African, when he has once subdued his

enemy, will seldom give him an opportunity of lifting up his hand against

him at a future period. A conqueror commonly disposes of his captives

according to the rank which they held in their native kingdom. Such of

the domestic slaves as appear to be of a mild disposition, and

particularly the young women, are retained as his own slaves. Others that

display marks of discontent are disposed of in a distant country; and

such of the freemen or slaves, as have taken an active part in the war,

are either sold to the Slatees or put to death. War, therefore, is

certainly the most general and most productive source of slavery; and the

desolations of war often (but not always) produce the second cause of

slavery, _famine_; in which case a freeman becomes a slave to avoid a

greater calamity.

Perhaps, by a philosophic and reflecting mind, death itself would

scarcely be considered as a greater calamity than slavery; but the poor

Negro, when fainting with hunger, thinks, like Esau of old, "Behold, I am

at the point to die, and what profit shall this birth-right do to me?"

There are many instances of free men voluntarily surrendering up their

liberty to save their lives. During a great scarcity, which lasted for

three years, in the countries of the Gambia, great numbers of people

became slaves in this manner. Dr. Laidley assured me that, at that time,

many free men came and begged, with great earnestness, _to be put upon

his slave chain_, to save them from perishing of hunger. Large families

are very often exposed to absolute want; and as the parents have almost

unlimited authority over their children, it frequently happens, in all

parts of Africa, that some of the latter are sold to purchase provisions

for the rest of the family. When I was at Jarra, Daman Jumma pointed out

to me three young slaves which he had purchased in this manner. I have

already related another instance which I saw at Wonda; and I was informed

that in Fooladoo, at that time, it was a very common practice.

The third cause of slavery is _insolvency_. Of all the offences (if

insolvency may be so called) to which the laws of Africa have affixed the

punishment of slavery, this is the most common. A Negro trader commonly

contracts debts on some mercantile speculation, either from his

neighbours, to purchase such articles as will sell to advantage in a

distant market, or from the European traders on the Coast; payment to be

made in a given time. In both cases, the situation of the adventurer is

exactly the same. If he succeeds, he may secure an independency. If he is

unsuccessful, his person and services are at the disposal of another; for

in Africa, not only the effects of the insolvent, but even the insolvent

himself, are sold to satisfy the lawful demands of his creditors.[22]

[22] When a Negro takes up goods on credit from any of the

Europeans on the Coast, and does not make payment at the time

appointed, the European is authorized, by the laws of the country, to

seize upon the debtor himself, if he can find him; or if he cannot be

found, on any person of his family; or in the last resort, on any

native of the same kingdom. The person thus seized on is detained

while his friends are sent in quest of the debtor. When he is found,

a meeting is called of the chief people of the place, and the debtor

is compelled to ransom his friend by fulfilling his engagements. If

he is unable to do this, his person is immediately secured and sent

down to the Coast, and the other released. If the debtor cannot be

found, the person seized on is obliged to pay double the amount of

the debt, or is himself sold into slavery. I was given to understand,

however, that this part of the law is seldom enforced.

The fourth cause above enumerated, is _the commission of crimes, on which

the laws of the country affix slavery as a punishment_. In Africa, the

only offences of this class are murder, adultery, and witchcraft; and I

am happy to say, that they did not appear to me to be common. In cases of

murder, I was informed, that the nearest relation of the deceased had it

in his power, after conviction, either to kill the offender with his own

hand, or sell him into slavery. When adultery occurs, it is generally

left to the option of the person injured, either to sell the culprit, or

accept such a ransom for him as he may think equivalent to the injury he

has sustained. By witchcraft is meant pretended magic, by which the lives

or health of persons are affected; in other words, it is the

administering of poison. No trial for this offence, however, came under

my observation while I was in Africa, and I therefore suppose that the

crime, and its punishment, occur but very seldom.

When a freeman has become a slave by any one of the causes before

mentioned, he generally continues so for life, and his children (if they

are born of an enslaved mother) are brought up in the same state of

servitude. There are, however, a few instances of slaves obtaining their

freedom, and sometimes even with the consent of their masters; as by

performing some singular piece of service, or by going to battle, and

bringing home two slaves as a ransom; but the common way of regaining

freedom is by escape; and when slaves have once set their minds on

running away, they often succeed. Some of them will wait for years before

an opportunity presents itself, and during that period show no signs of

discontent. In general, it may be remarked, that slaves who come from a

hilly country, and have been much accustomed to hunting and travel, are

more apt to attempt their escape than such as are born in a flat country,

and have been employed in cultivating the land.

Such are the general outlines of that system of slavery which prevails in

Africa; and it is evident, from its nature and extent, that it is a

system of no modern date. It probably had its origin in the remote ages

of antiquity, before the Mahomedans explored a path across the Desert.

How far it is maintained and supported by the slave traffic, which for

two hundred years the nations of Europe have carried on with the natives

of the Coast, it is neither within my province nor in my power to

explain. If my sentiments should be required concerning the effect which

a discontinuance of that commerce would produce on the manners of the

natives, I should have no hesitation in observing, that in the present

unenlightened state of their minds, my opinion is, the effect would

neither be so extensive or beneficial, as many wise and worthy persons

fondly expect.

CHAPTER XXIII.

_Of gold-dust, and the manner in which it is collected.--Process of

washing it.--Its value in Africa,--Of ivory.--Surprise of the Negroes at

the eagerness of the Europeans for this commodity.--Scattered teeth

frequently picked up in the woods.--Mode of hunting the elephant.--Some

reflections on the unimproved state of the country, &c._

Those valuable commodities, gold and ivory, (the next objects of our

inquiry,) have probably been found in Africa from the first ages of the

world. They are reckoned among its most important productions in the

earliest records of its history.

It has been observed, that gold is seldom or never discovered, except in

_mountainous_ and _barren_ countries. Nature, it is said, thus making

amends in one way, for her penuriousness in the other. This, however, is

not wholly true. Gold is found in considerable quantities throughout

every part of Manding; a country which is indeed hilly, but cannot

properly be called mountainous, much less barren. It is also found in

great plenty in Jallonkadoo, (particularly about Boori,) another hilly,

but by no means an infertile country. It is remarkable, that in the place

last mentioned, (Boori,) which is situated about four days' journey to

the south-west of Kamalia, the salt market is often supplied, at the same

time, with rock-salt from the Great Desert, and sea-salt from the Rio

Grande; the price of each, at this distance from its source, being nearly

the same; and the dealers in each, whether Moors from the north, or

Negroes from the west, are invited thither by the same motives, that of

bartering their salt for gold.

The gold of Manding, so far as I could learn, is never found in any

matrix or vein, but always in small grains, nearly in a pure state, from

the size of a pin's head to that of a pea; scattered through a large body

of sand or clay; and in this state it is called by the Mandingoes _sanoo

munko_, "gold powder," It is, however, extremely probable, by what I

could learn of the situation of the ground, that most of it has

originally been washed down by repeated torrents from the neighbouring

hills. The manner in which it is collected is nearly as follows:--

About the beginning of December, when the harvest is over, and the

streams and torrents have greatly subsided, the Mansa, or chief man of

the town, appoints a day to begin _sanoo koo_, "gold washing;" and the

women are sure to have themselves in readiness by the time appointed. A

hoe, or spade, for digging up the sand, two or three calabashes for

washing it in, and a few quills for containing the gold dust, are all the

implements necessary for the purpose. On the morning of their departure,

a bullock is killed for the first day's entertainment, and a number of

prayers and charms are used to ensure success; for a failure on that day

is thought a bad omen. The Manga of Kamalia, with fourteen of his people,

were, I remember, so much disappointed in their first day's washing, that

a very few of them had resolution to persevere; and the few that did had

but very indifferent success: which indeed is not much to be wondered at,

for, instead of opening some untried place, they continue to dig and wash

in the same spot where they had dug and washed for years; and where, of

course, but few large grains could be left.

The washing the sands of the streams is by far the easiest way of

obtaining the gold-dust; but in most places the sands have been so

narrowly searched before, that unless the stream takes some new course,

the gold is found but in small quantities. While some of the party are

busied in washing the sands, others employ themselves farther up the

torrent, where the rapidity of the stream has carried away all the clay,

sand, &c. and left nothing but small pebbles. The search among these is a

very troublesome task. I have seen women who have had the skin worn off

the tops of their fingers in this employment. Sometimes, however, they

are rewarded by finding pieces of gold, which they call _sanoo birro_,

"gold-stones," that amply repay them for their trouble. A woman and her

daughter, inhabitants of Kamalia, found in one day two pieces of this

kind; one of five drachms, and the other of three drachms, weight. But

the most certain and profitable way of washing is practised in the height

of the dry season, by digging a deep pit, like a draw-well, near some

hill which has previously been discovered to contain gold. The pit is dug

with small spades or corn hoes, and the earth is drawn up in large

calabashes. As the Negroes dig through the different strata of clay or

sand, a calabash or two of each is washed, by way of experiment; and in

this manner the labourers proceed, until they come to a stratum

containing gold; or until they are obstructed by rocks, or inundated by

water. In general, when they come to a stratum of fine reddish sand, with

small black specks therein, they find gold in some proportion or other,

and send up large calabashes full of the sand, for the women to wash; for

though the pit is dug by the men, the gold is always washed by the women,

who are accustomed from their infancy to a similar operation, in

separating the husks of corn from the meal.

As I never descended into any of these pits, I cannot say in what manner

they are worked under ground. Indeed, the situation in which I was placed

made it necessary for me to be cautious not to incur the suspicion of the

natives, by examining too far into the riches of their country; but the

manner of separating the gold from the sand is very simple, and is

frequently performed by the women in the middle of the town; for when the

searchers return from the valleys in the evening, they commonly bring

with them each a calabash or two of sand, to be washed by such of the

females as remain at home. The operation is simply as follows:--

A portion of sand or clay (for gold is sometimes found in a brown

coloured clay) is put into a large calabash, and mixed with a sufficient

quantity of water. The woman, whose office it is, then shakes the

calabash in such a manner, as to mix the sand and water together, and

give the whole a rotatory motion; at first gently, but afterwards more

quick, until a small portion of sand and water, at every revolution,

flies over the brim of the calabash. The sand thus separated is only the

coarsest particles mixed with a little muddy water. After the operation

has been continued for some time, the sand is allowed to subside, and the

water poured off; a portion of coarse sand, which is now uppermost in the

calabash, is removed by the hand, and fresh water being added, the

operation is repeated until the water comes off almost pure. The woman

now takes a second calabash, and shakes the sand and water gently from

the one to the other, reserving that portion of sand which is next the

bottom of the calabash, and which is most likely to contain the gold.

This small quantity is mixed with some pure water, and being moved about

in the calabash, is carefully examined. If a few particles of gold are

picked out, the contents of the other calabash are examined in the same

manner; but in general, the party is well contented; if she can obtain

three or four grains from the contents of both calabashes. Some women,

however, by long practice, become so well acquainted with the nature of

the sand, and the mode of washing it, that they will collect gold, where

others cannot find a single particle. The gold dust is kept in quills,

stopt up with cotton, and the washers are fond of displaying a number of

these quills in their hair. Generally speaking, if a person uses common

diligence, in a proper soil, it is supposed that as much gold may be

collected by him in the course of the dry season as is equal to the value

of two slaves.

Thus simple is the process by which the Negroes obtain gold in Manding;

and it is evident, from this account, that the country contains a

considerable portion of this precious metal; for many of the smaller

particles must necessarily escape the observation of the naked eye; and

as the natives generally search the sands of streams at a considerable

distance from the hills, and consequently far removed from the mines

where the gold was originally produced, the labourers are sometimes but

ill paid for their trouble. Minute particles only of this heavy metal can

be carried by the current to any considerable distance; the larger must

remain deposited near the original source from whence they came. Were the

gold-bearing streams to be traced to their fountains, and the hills from

whence they spring properly examined, the sand in which the gold is there

deposited would, no doubt, be found to contain particles of a much larger

size;[23] and even the small grains might be collected to considerable

advantage by the use of quicksilver, and other improvements, with which

the natives are at present unacquainted.

[23] I am informed that the gold mine, as it is called, in Wicklow,

in Ireland, which was discovered in the year 1795, is near the top,

and upon the steep slope of a mountain. Here, pieces of gold of

several ounces weight were frequently found. What would have been

gold dust two miles below was here golden gravel; that is, each grain

was like a small pebble in size, and one piece was found which

weighed near twenty-two ounces, troy.

Part of this gold is converted into ornaments for the women; but, in

general, these ornaments are more to be admired for their weight than

their workmanship. They are massy and inconvenient, particularly the ear

rings, which are commonly so heavy as to pull down and lacerate the lobe

of the ear; to avoid which, they are supported by a thong of red leather,

which passes over the crown of the head from one ear to the other. The

necklace displays greater fancy; and the proper arrangement of the

different beads and plates of gold, is the great criterion of taste and

elegance. When a lady of consequence is in full dress, her gold ornaments

may be worth altogether from fifty to eighty pounds sterling.

A small quantity of gold is likewise employed by the Slatees, in

defraying the expenses of their journies to and from the Coast; but by

far the greater proportion is annually carried away by the Moors in

exchange for salt and other merchandize. During my stay at Kamalia, the

gold collected by the different traders at that place, for salt alone,

was nearly equal to one hundred and ninety-eight pounds sterling; and as

Kamalia is but a small town, and not much resorted to by the trading

Moors, this quantity must have borne a very small proportion to the gold

collected at Kancaba, Kancaree, and some other large towns.

The value of salt in this part of Africa is very great. One slab, about

two feet and a half in length, fourteen inches in breadth, and two inches

in thickness, will sometimes sell for about two pounds ten shillings

sterling, and from one pound fifteen shillings to two pounds, may be

considered as the common price. Four of these slabs are considered as a

load for an ass, and six for a bullock. The value of European merchandize

in Manding varies very much, according to the supply from the Coast, or

the dread of war in the country; but the return for such articles is

commonly made in slaves. The price of a prime slave, when I was at

Kamalia, was from _nine_ to _twelve_ minkallies, and European commodities

had then nearly the following value:--

18 gun flints, )

48 leaves of tobacco, ) one minkalli.

20 charges of gunpowder, )

A cutlass, )

A musket from three to four minkallies.

The produce of the country, and the different necessaries of life when

exchanged for gold, sold as follows:--

Common provisions for one day, the weight of one _teelee-kissi_, (a black

bean, six of which make the weight of one minkalli;) a chicken, one

teelee-kissi; a sheep, three teelee-kissi; a bullock, one minkalli; a

horse, from ten to seventeen minkallies.

The Negroes weigh the gold in small balances, which they always carry

about them. They make no difference, in point of value, between gold dust

and wrought gold. In bartering one article for another, the person who

receives the gold always weighs it with his own teelee-kissi. These beans

are sometimes fraudulently soaked in Shea-butter, to make them heavy; and

I once saw a pebble ground exactly into the form of one of them; but such

practices are not very common.

Having now related the substance of what occurs to my recollection

concerning the African mode of obtaining gold from the earth, and its

value in barter, I proceed to the next article, of which I proposed to

treat, namely, _ivory_.

Nothing creates a greater surprise among the Negroes on the sea coast,

than the eagerness displayed by the European traders to procure

elephants' teeth; it being exceedingly difficult to make them comprehend

to what use it is applied. Although they are shown knives with ivory

hafts, combs, and toys of the same material, and are convinced that the

ivory thus manufactured was originally part of a tooth, they are not

satisfied. They suspect that this commodity is more frequently converted

in Europe to purposes of far greater importance, the true nature of which

is studiously concealed from them, lest the price of ivory should be

enhanced. They cannot, they say, easily persuade themselves, that ships

would be built, and voyages undertaken, to procure an article, which had

no other value than that of furnishing handles to knives, &c., when

pieces of wood would answer the purpose equally well.

Elephants are very numerous in the interior of Africa, but they appear to

be a distinct species from those found in Asia. Blumenbach, in his

figures of objects of natural history, has given good drawings of a

grinder of each; and the variation is evident. M. Cuvier also has given

in the _Magazin Encyclopedique_ a clear account of the difference between

them. As I never examined the Asiatic elephant, I have chosen rather to

refer to those writers, than advance this as an opinion of my own. It has

been said that the African elephant is of a less docile nature than the

Asiatic, and incapable of being tamed. The Negroes certainly do not at

present tame them; but when we consider that the Carthaginians had always

tame elephants in their armies, and actually transported some of them to

Italy in the course of the Punic wars, it seems more likely that they

should have possessed the art of taming their own elephants, than have

submitted to the expense of bringing such vast animals from Asia. Perhaps

the barbarous practice of hunting the African elephants for the sake of

their teeth, has rendered them more untractable and savage, than they

were found to be in former times.

The greater part of the ivory which is sold on the Gambia and Senegal

rivers is brought from the interior country. The lands towards the Coast

are too swampy, and too much intersected with creeks and rivers, for so

bulky an animal as the elephant to travel through, without being

discovered; and when once the natives discern the marks of his feet in

the earth, the whole village is up in arms. The thoughts of feasting on

his flesh, making sandals of his hide, and selling the teeth to the

Europeans, inspire every one with courage; and the animal seldom escapes

from his pursuers; but in the plains of Bambarra and Kaarta, and the

extensive wilds of Jallonkadoo, the elephants are very numerous; and,

from the great scarcity of gunpowder in those districts, they are less

annoyed by the natives.

Scattered teeth are frequently picked up in the woods, and travellers are

very diligent in looking for them. It is a common practice with the

elephant to thrust his teeth under the roots of such shrubs and bushes as

grow in the more dry and elevated parts of the country where the soil is

shallow. These bushes he easily overturns, and feeds on the roots, which

are in general more tender and juicy than the hard woody branches or the

foliage; but when the teeth are partly decayed by age, and the roots more

firmly fixed, the great exertions of the animal, in this practice,

frequently causes them to break short. At Kamalia I saw two teeth, one a

very large one, which were found in the woods, and which were evidently

broke off in this manner. Indeed, it is difficult otherwise to account

for such a large proportion of broken ivory, as is daily offered for

sale, at the different factories; for when the elephant is killed in

hunting, unless he dashes himself over a precipice, the teeth are always

extracted entire.

There are certain seasons of the year when the elephants collect into

large herds, and traverse the country in quest of food or water; and as

all that part of the country to the north of the Niger is destitute of

rivers, whenever the pools in the woods are dried up, the elephants

approach towards the banks of that river. Here they continue until the

commencement of the rainy season, in the months of June or July; and

during this time they are much hunted by such of the Bambarrans as have

gunpowder to spare. The elephant hunters seldom go out singly; a party of

four or five join together; and having each furnished himself with powder

and ball, and a quantity of corn-meal in a leather bag, sufficient for

five or six day's provisions, they enter the most unfrequented parts of

the wood, and examine with great care every thing that can lead to the

discovery of the elephants. In this pursuit, notwithstanding the bulk of

the animal, very great nicety of observation is required. The broken

branches, the scattered dung of the animal, and the marks of his feet,

are carefully inspected; and many of the hunters have, by long experience

and attentive observation, become so expert in their search, that as soon

as they observe the footmarks of an elephant, will they tell almost to a

certainty at what time it passed, and at what distance it will be found.

When they discover a herd of elephants, they follow them at a distance,

until they perceive some one stray from the rest, and come into such a

situation as to be fired at with advantage. The hunters then approach

with great caution, creeping amongst the long grass, until they have got

near enough to be sure of their aim. They then discharge all their pieces

at once, and throw themselves on their faces among the grass. The wounded

elephant immediately applies his trunk to the different wounds, but being

unable to extract the balls, and seeing nobody near him, becomes quite

furious, and runs about among the bushes, until by fatigue and loss of

blood he has exhausted himself, and affords the hunters an opportunity of

firing a second time at him, by which he is generally brought to the

ground.

The skin is now taken off, and extended on the ground with pegs, to dry;

and such parts of the flesh as are most esteemed are cut up into thin

slices, and dried in the sun, to serve for provisions on some future

occasion. The teeth are struck out with a light hatchet, which the

hunters always carry along with them; not only for that purpose, but also

to enable them to cut down such trees as contain honey; for though they

carry with them only five or six days' provisions, they will remain in

the woods for months if they are successful, and support themselves upon

the flesh of such elephants as they kill, and wild honey.

The ivory thus collected is seldom brought down to the Coast by the

hunters themselves. They dispose of it to the itinerant merchants, who

come annually from the Coast with arms and ammunition, to purchase this

valuable commodity. Some of these merchants will collect ivory, in the

course of one season, sufficient to load four or five asses. A great

quantity of ivory is likewise brought from the interior by the slave

coffles. There are, however, some Slatees, of the Mahomedan persuasion,

who, from motives of religion, will not deal in ivory, nor eat of the

flesh of the elephant, unless it has been killed with a spear.

The quantity of ivory collected in this part of Africa is not so great,

nor are the teeth in general so large, as in the countries nearer the

Line: few of them weigh more than eighty, or one hundred pounds; and upon

an average, a bar of European merchandize may be reckoned as the price of

a pound of ivory.

I have now, I trust, in this and the preceding chapters, explained, with

sufficient minuteness, the nature and extent of the commercial connection

which at present prevails, and has long subsisted, between the Negro

natives of those parts of Africa which I visited, and the nations of

Europe; and it appears that slaves, gold, and ivory, together with the

few articles enumerated in the beginning of my work, viz. bees-wax and

honey, hides, gums, and dye woods, constitute the whole catalogue of

exportable commodities. Other productions, however, have been

incidentally noticed as the growth of Africa; such as grain of different

kinds, tobacco, indigo, cotton-wool, and perhaps a few others; but all of

these (which can only be obtained by cultivation and labour) the natives

raise sufficient only for their own immediate expenditure; nor, under the

present system of their laws, manners, trade, and government, can any

thing farther be expected from them. It cannot, however, admit of a

doubt, that all the rich and valuable productions, both of the East and

West Indies, might easily be naturalized, and brought to the utmost

perfection, in the tropical parts of this immense continent. Nothing is

wanting to this end but example, to enlighten the minds of the natives;

and instruction, to enable them to direct their industry to proper

objects. It was not possible for me to behold the wonderful fertility of

the soil, the vast herds of cattle, proper both for labour and food, and

a variety of other circumstances favourable to colonization and

agriculture; and reflect, withal, on the means which presented themselves

of a vast inland navigation, without lamenting that a country, so

abundantly gifted and favoured by nature, should remain in its present

savage and neglected state. Much more did I lament, that a people of

manners and disposition so gentle and benevolent, should either be left,

as they now are, immersed in the gross and uncomfortable blindness of

pagan superstition, or permitted to become converts to a system of

bigotry and fanaticism, which, without enlightening the mind, often

debases the heart. On this subject many observations might be made; but

the reader will probably think that I have already digressed too largely;

and I now, therefore, return to my situation at Kamalia.

CHAPTER XXIV.

Transactions at Kamalia resumed.--Arabic MSS. in use among the Mahomedan

Negroes.--Reflections concerning the conversion and education of the

Negro children.--Return of the Author's benefactor, Karfa.--Further

account of the purchase and treatment of slaves.--Fast of Rhamadan, how

observed by the Negroes.--Author's anxiety for the day of departure.--The

Caravan sets out.--Account of it on its departure, and proceedings on the

road, until its arrival at Kinytakooro.

The schoolmaster, to whose care I was entrusted during the absence of

Karfa, was a man of a mild disposition and gentle manners; his name was

Fankooma; and although he himself adhered strictly to the religion of

Mahomet, he was by no means intolerant in his principles towards others

who differed from him. He spent much of his time in reading; and teaching

appeared to be his pleasure, as well as employment. His school consisted

of seventeen boys, most of whom were sons of Kafirs; and two girls, one

of whom was Karfa's own daughter. The girls received their instructions

in the daytime, but the boys always had their lessons by the light of a

large fire before daybreak, and again late in the evening; for being

considered, during their scholarship, as the domestic slaves of the

master, they were employed in planting corn, bringing fire-wood, and in

other servile offices through the day.

Exclusive of the Koran, and a book or two of commentaries thereon, the

schoolmaster possessed a variety of manuscripts, which had partly been

purchased from the trading Moors, and partly borrowed from Bushreens in

the neighbourhood, and copied with great care. Other MSS. had been

produced to me at different places in the course of my journey; and on

recounting those I had before seen, and those which were now shown to me,

and interrogating the schoolmaster on the subject, I discovered that the

Negroes are in possession (among others) of an Arabic version of the

Pentateuch of Moses; which they call _Taureta la Moosa_. This is so

highly esteemed, that it is often sold for the value of one prime slave.

They have likewise a version of the Psalms of David, (_Zabora Dawidi_;)

and, lastly the book of Isaiah, which they call _Lingeeli la Isa_, and it

is in very high esteem. I suspect, indeed, that in all these copies,

there are interpolations of some of the peculiar tenets of Mahomet, for I

could distinguish in many passages the name of the Prophet. It is

possible, however, that this circumstance might otherwise have been

accounted for, if my knowledge of the Arabic had been more extensive. By

means of those books, many of the converted Negroes have acquired an

acquaintance with some of the remarkable events recorded in the Old

Testament. The account of our first parents; the death of Abel; the

Deluge; the lives of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob; the story of Joseph and

his brethren; the history of Moses David, Solomon, &c. All these have

been related to me in the Mandingo language, with tolerable exactness, by

different people; and my surprise was not greater on hearing these

accounts from the lips of the Negroes, than theirs, on finding that I was

already acquainted with them; for although the Negroes in general have a

very great idea of the wealth and power of the Europeans, I am afraid

that the Mahomedan converts among them think but very lightly of our

superior attainments in religious knowledge. The white traders in the

maritime districts take no pains to counteract this unhappy prejudice;

always performing their own devotions in secret, and seldom condescending

to converse with the Negroes in a friendly and instructive manner. To me,

therefore, it was not so much the subject of wonder as matter of regret,

to observe, that while the superstition of Mahomet has in this manner

scattered a few faint beams of learning among these poor people, the

precious light of Christianity is altogether excluded. I could not but

lament, that although the Coast of Africa has now been known and

frequented by the Europeans for more than two hundred years, yet the

Negroes still remain entire strangers to the doctrines of our holy

religion. We are anxious to draw from obscurity the opinions and records

of antiquity, the beauties of Arabian and Asiatic literature, &c.; but

while our libraries are thus stored with the learning of various

countries, we distribute with a parsimonious hand, the blessings of

religious truth, to the benighted nations of the earth. The natives of

Asia derive but little advantage in this respect from an intercourse with

us, and even the poor Africans, whom we affect to consider as barbarians,

look upon us, I fear, as little better than a race of formidable but

ignorant heathens. When I produced Richardson's Arabic Grammar to some

Slatees on the Gambia, they were astonished to think that any European

should understand and write the sacred language of their religion. At

first they suspected that it might have been written by some of the

slaves carried from the Coast; but on a closer examination, they were

satisfied that no Bushreen could write such beautiful Arabic; and one of

them offered to give me an ass, and sixteen bars of goods, if I would

part with the book. Perhaps a short and easy introduction to

Christianity, such as is found in some of the catechisms for children,

elegantly printed in Arabic, and distributed on different parts of the

Coast, might have a wonderful effect. The expense would be but trifling;

curiosity would induce many to read it; and the evident superiority which

it would possess over their present manuscripts, both in point of

elegance and cheapness, might at last obtain it a place among the school

books of Africa.

The reflections which I have thus ventured to submit to my readers on

this important subject, naturally suggested themselves to my mind on

perceiving the encouragement which was thus given to learning (such as it

is) in many parts of Africa. I have observed, that the pupils at Kamalia

were most of them the children of Pagans; their parents, therefore, could

have had no predilection for the doctrines of Mahomet. Their aim was

their children's improvement, and if a more enlightened system had

presented itself, it would probably have been preferred. The children,

too, wanted not a spirit of emulation, which it is the aim of the tutor

to encourage. When any one of them has read through the Koran, and

performed a certain number of public prayers, a feast is prepared by the

schoolmaster, and the scholar undergoes an examination, or (in European

terms) _takes out his degree_. I attended at three different

inaugurations of this sort, and heard with pleasure the distinct and

intelligent answers which the scholars frequently gave to the Bushreens,

who assembled on those occasions, and acted as examiners. When the

Bushreens had satisfied themselves respecting the learning and abilities

of the scholar, the last page of the Koran was put into his hand, and he

was desired to read it aloud; after the boy had finished this lesson, he

pressed the paper against his forehead, and pronounced the word _Amen_;

upon which all the Bushreens rose, and shaking him cordially by the hand,

bestowed upon him the title of Bushreen.

When a scholar has undergone this examination, his parents are informed

that he has completed his education and that it is incumbent on them to

redeem their son, by giving to the schoolmaster a slave, or the price of

a slave, in exchange; which is always done, if the parents can afford to

do it; if not, the boy remains the domestic slave of the schoolmaster,

until he can, by his own industry, collect goods sufficient to ransom

himself.

About a week after the departure of Karfa, three Moors arrived at Kamalia

with a considerable quantity of salt, and other merchandize, which they

had obtained on credit, from a merchant of Fezzan, who had lately arrived

at Kancaba. Their engagement was to pay him his price when the goods were

sold, which they expected would be in the course of a month. Being rigid

Bushreens, they were accommodated with two of Karfa's huts, and sold

their goods to very great advantage.

On the 24th of January, Karfa returned to Kamalia with a number of people

and thirteen prime slaves, which he had purchased. He likewise brought

with him a young girl whom he had married at Kancaba, as his fourth wife,

and had given her parents three prime slaves for her. She was kindly

received at the door of the baloon by Karfa's other wives, who conducted

their new acquaintance and co-partner into one of the best huts, which

they had caused to be sweat and white-washed, on purpose to receive

her.[24]

[24] The Negroes white wash their huts with a mixture of bone ashes

and water, to which is commonly added a little gum.

My clothes were by this time become so very ragged, that I was almost

ashamed to appear out of doors; but Karfa, on the day after his arrival,

generously presented me with such a garment and trowsers as are commonly

worn in the country.

The slaves which Karfa had brought with him were all of them prisoners of

war; they had been taken by the Bambarran army in the kingdoms of Wassela

and Kaarta, and carried to Sego, where some of them had remained three

years in irons. From Sego they were sent, in company with a number of

other captives, up the Niger in two large canoes, and offered for sale at

Yamina, Bammakoo, and Kancaba; at which places the greater number of the

captives were bartered for gold-dust, and the remainder sent forward to

Kankakee.

Eleven of them confessed to me that they had been slaves from their

infancy; but the other two refused to give any account of their former

condition. They were all very inquisitive; but they viewed me at first

with looks of horror, and repeatedly asked if my countrymen were

cannibals. They were very desirous to know what became of the slaves

after they had crossed the salt water. I told them, that they were

employed in cultivating the land; but they would not believe me; and one

of them putting his hand upon the ground, said with great simplicity,

"Have you really got such ground as this to set your feet upon?" A deeply

rooted idea that the Whites purchase Negroes for the purpose of devouring

them, or of selling them to others, that they may be devoured hereafter,

naturally makes the slaves contemplate a journey towards the Coast with

great terror; insomuch that the Slatees are forced to keep them

constantly in irons, and watch them very closely to prevent their escape.

They are commonly secured, by putting the right leg of one, and the left

of another, into the same pair of fetters. By supporting the fetters with

a string, they can walk, though very slowly. Every four slaves are

likewise fastened together by the necks, with a strong rope of twisted

thongs; and in the night an additional pair of fetters is put on their

hands, and sometimes a light iron chain passed round their necks.

Such of them as evince marks of discontent are secured in a different

manner. A thick billet of wood is cut about three feet long, and a smooth

notch being made upon one side of it, the ankle of the slave is bolted to

the smooth part by means of a strong iron staple, one prong of which

passes on each side of the ankle. All these fetters and bolts are made

from native iron; in the present case they were put on by the blacksmith

as soon as the slaves arrived from Kancaba, and were not taken off until

the morning on which the coffle departed for Gambia.

In other respects, the treatment of the slaves during their stay at

Kamalia was far from being harsh or cruel. They were led out in their

fetters every morning to the shade of the tamarind tree, where they were

encouraged to play at games of hazard, and sing diverting songs, to keep

up their spirits; for though some of them sustained the hardships of

their situation with amazing fortitude, the greater part were very much

dejected, and would sit all day in a sort of sullen melancholy, with

their eyes fixed upon the ground. In the evening, their irons were

examined, and their hand fetters put on; after which they were conducted

into two large huts, where they were guarded during the night by Karfa's

domestic slaves. But notwithstanding all this, about a week after their

arrival, one of the slaves had the address to procure a small knife with

which he opened the rings of his fetters, cut the rope, and made his

escape; more of them would probably have got off, had they assisted each

other; but the slave no sooner found himself at liberty, than he refused

to stop and assist in breaking the chain which was fastened round the

necks of his companions.

As all the Slatees and slaves belonging to the coffle were now assembled,

either at Kamalia, or some of the neighbouring villages, it might have

been expected that we should have set out immediately for Gambia; but

though the day of our departure was frequently fixed, it was always found

expedient to change it. Some of the people had not prepared their dry

provisions; others had gone to visit their relations, or collect some

trifling debts; and, last of all, it was necessary to consult whether the

day would be a lucky one. On account of one of these, or other such

causes, our departure was put off, day after day, until the month of

February was far advanced; after which all the Slatees agreed to remain

in their present quarters, until the _fast moon was over_. And here I may

remark, that loss of time is an object of no great importance in the eyes

of a Negro. If he has any thing of consequence to perform, it is a matter

of indifference to him whether he does it to-day or to-morrow, or a month

or two hence; so long as he can spend the present moment with any degree

of comfort, he gives himself very little concern about the future.

The fast of Rhamadan was observed with great strictness by all the

Bushreens; but instead of compelling me to follow their example, as the

Moors did on a similar occasion, Karfa frankly told me that I was at

liberty to pursue my own inclination. In order, however, to manifest a

respect for their religious opinions, I voluntarily fasted three days,

which was thought sufficient to screen me from the reproachful epithet of

Kafir. During the fast, all the Slatees belonging to the coffle assembled

every morning in Karfa's house, where the schoolmaster read to them some

religious lesson, from a large folio volume, the author of which was an

Arab, of the name of _Sheiffa_. In the evening, such of the women as had

embraced Mahomedanism assembled, and said their prayers publicly at the

Misura. They were all dressed in white, and went through the different

prostrations, prescribed by their religion, with becoming solemnity.

Indeed, during the whole fast of Rhamadan, the Negroes behaved themselves

with the greatest meekness and humility; forming a striking contrast to

the savage intolerance and brutal bigotry which at this period

characterise the Moors.

When the fast month was almost at an end, the Bushreens assembled at the

Misura, to watch for the appearance of the new moon; but the evening

being rather cloudy, they were for some time disappointed, and a number

of them had gone home with a resolution to fast another day, when on a

sudden this delightful object showed her sharp horns from behind a cloud,

and was welcomed with the clapping of hands, beating of drums, firing

muskets, and other marks of rejoicing. As this moon is reckoned extremely

lucky, Karfa gave orders that all the people belonging to the coffle

should immediately pack up their dry provisions, and hold themselves in

readiness: and on the 16th of April, the Slatees held a consultation, and

fixed on the 19th of the same month, as the day on which the coffle

should depart from Kamalia. This resolution freed me from much

uneasiness; for our departure had already been so long deferred, that I

was apprehensive it might still be put off until the commencement of the

rainy reason; and although Karfa behaved towards me with the greatest

kindness, I found my situation very unpleasant. The Slatees were

unfriendly to me; and the trading Moors, who were at this time at

Kamalia, continued to plot mischief against me, from the first day of

their arrival. Under these circumstances, I reflected, that my life in a

great measure depended on the good opinion of an individual, who was

daily hearing malicious stories concerning the Europeans; and I could

hardly expect that he would always judge with impartiality between me and

his countrymen. Time had, indeed, reconciled me, in some degree, to their

mode of life; and a smoky hut, or a scanty supper, gave me no great

uneasiness; but I became at last wearied out with a constant state of

alarm and anxiety, and felt a painful longing for the manifold blessings

of civilized society.

On the morning of the 17th, a circumstance occurred, which wrought a

considerable change in my favour. The three trading Moors who had lodged

under Karfa's protection, ever since their arrival at Kamalia, and had

gained the esteem of all the Bushreens, by an appearance of great

sanctity, suddenly packed up their effects, and, without once thanking

Karfa for his kindness towards them, marched over the hills to Bala.

Every one was astonished at this unexpected removal; but the affair was

cleared up in the evening, by the arrival of the Fezzan merchant from

Kancaba, (mentioned in p. 269;) who assured Karfa, that these Moors had

borrowed all their salt and goods from him, and had sent for him to come

to Kamalia, and receive payment. When he was told that they had fled to

the westward, he wiped a tear from each eye with the sleeve of his cloak,

and exclaimed, "These _shirukas_ (robbers) are Mahomedans, but they are

not men: they have robbed me of two hundred minkallies." From this

merchant I received information of the capture of our Mediterranean

convoy by the French, in October 1795.

April 19th. The long-wished-for day of our departure was at length

arrived; and the Slatees having taken the irons from their slaves,

assembled with them at the door of Karfa's house, where the bundles were

all tied up, and every one had his load assigned him. The coffle, on its

departure from Kamalia, consisted of twenty-seven slaves for sale, the

property of Karfa and four other Slatees: but we were afterwards joined

by five at Maraboo, and three at Bala: making in all thirty-five slaves.

The free men were fourteen in number, but most of them had one or two

wives and some domestic slaves; and the schoolmaster, who was now upon

his return for Woradoo, the place of his nativity, took with him eight of

his scholars, so that the number of free people and domestic slaves

amounted to thirty-eight, and the whole amount of the coffle was

seventy-three. Among the freemen were six Jilli keas, (singing men) whose

musical talents were frequently exerted either to divert our fatigue, or

obtain us a welcome from strangers. When we departed from Kamalia, we

were followed for about half a mile by most of the inhabitants of the

town, some of them crying, and others shaking hands with their relations,

who were now about to leave them; and when we had gained a piece of

rising ground, from which we had a view of Kamalia, all the people

belonging to the coffle were ordered to sit down in one place, with their

faces towards the west, and the townspeople were desired to sit down in

another place, with their faces towards Kamalia. In this situation, the

schoolmaster, with two of the principal Slatees, having taken their

places between the two parties, pronounced a long and solemn prayer;

after which, they walked three times round the coffle, making an

impression on the ground with the ends of their spears, and muttering

something by way of charm. When this ceremony was ended, all the people

belonging to the coffle sprang up, and without taking a formal farewell

of their friends, set forward. As many of the slaves had remained for

years in irons, the sudden exertion of walking quick, with heavy loads

upon their heads, occasioned spasmodic contractions of their legs; and we

had not proceeded above a mile, before it was found necessary to take two

of them from the rope, and allow them to walk more slowly until we

reached Maraboo, a walled village, where some people were waiting to join

the coffle. Here we stopt about two hours, to allow the strangers time to

pack up their provisions, and then continued our route to Bala, which

town we reached about four in the afternoon. The inhabitants of Bala, at

this season of the year, subsist chiefly on fish, which they take in

great plenty from the streams in the neighbourhood. We remained here

until the afternoon of the next day, the 20th, when we proceeded to

Worumbang, the frontier village of Manding towards Jallonkadoo. As we

proposed shortly to enter the Jallonka Wilderness, the people of this

village furnished us with great plenty of provisions; and on the morning

of the 21st, we entered the woods to the westward of Worumbang. After

having travelled some little way, a consultation was held, whether we

should continue our route through the Wilderness, or save one day's

provisions by going to Kinytakooro, a town in Jallonkadoo. After debating

the matter for some time, it was agreed that we should take the road for

Kinytakooro; but as that town was a long day's journey distant, it was

necessary to take some refreshment. Accordingly, every person opened his

provision bag, and brought a handful or two of meal, to the place where

Karfa and the Slatees were sitting. When every one had brought his quota,

and the whole was properly arranged in small gourd shells, the

schoolmaster offered up a short prayer, the substance of which was, that

God and the holy Prophet might preserve us from robbers and all bad

people, that our provisions might never fail us, nor our limbs become

fatigued. This ceremony being ended, every one partook of the meal, and

drank a little water, after which we set forward, (rather running than

walking) until we came to the river Kokoro, a branch of the Senegal,

where we halted about ten minutes. The banks' of this river are very

high; and from the grass and brushwood which had been left by the stream,

it was evident that at this place the water had risen more than twenty

feet perpendicular, during the rainy season. At this time it was only a

small stream, such as would turn a mill, swarming with fish; and on

account of the number of crocodiles, and the danger of being carried past

the ford by the force of the stream in the rainy season, it is called

_Kokoro_, (dangerous.) From this place we continued to travel with the

greatest expedition, and in the afternoon crossed two small branches of

the Kokoro. About sunset we came in sight of Kinytakooro, a considerable

town, nearly square, situate in the middle of a large and well cultivated

plain: before we entered the town we halted, until the people who had

fallen behind came up. During this day's travel, two slaves, a woman and

a girl, belonging to a Slatee of Bala, were so much fatigued, that they

could not keep up with the coffle; they were severely whipped, and

dragged along until about three o'clock in the afternoon, when they were

both affected with vomiting, by which it was discovered that they had

eaten clay. This practice is by no means uncommon amongst the Negroes;

but whether it arises from a vitiated appetite, or from a settled

intention to destroy themselves, I cannot affirm. They were permitted to

lie down in the woods, and three people remained with them until they had

rested themselves; but they did not arrive at the town until past

midnight; and were then so much exhausted, that the Slatee gave up all

thoughts of taking them across the woods in their present condition, and

determined to return with them to Bala, and wait for another opportunity.

As this was the first town beyond the limits of Manding, greater

etiquette than usual was observed. Every person was ordered to keep in

his proper station, and we marched towards the town in a sort of

procession nearly as follows. In front five or six singing men, all of

them belonging to the coffle; these were followed by the other free

people; then came the slaves fastened in the usual way by a rope round

their necks, four of them to a rope, and a man with a spear between each

four; after them came the domestic slaves, and in the rear the women of

free condition, wives of the Slatees, &c. In this manner we proceeded,

until we came within a hundred yards of the gate, when the singing men

began a loud song, well calculated to flatter the vanity of the

inhabitants, by extolling their known hospitality to strangers, and their

particular friendship for the Mandingoes. When we entered the town we

proceeded to the Bentang, where the people gathered round us to hear our

_dentegi_, (history;) this was related publicly by two of the singing

men; they enumerated every little circumstance which had happened to the

coffle; beginning with the events of the present day, and relating every

thing, in a backward series, until they reached Kamalia. When this

history was ended, the master of the town gave them a small present, and

all the people of the coffle, both free and enslaved, were invited by

some person or other, and accommodated with lodging and provisions for

the night.

CHAPTER XXV.

_The coffle crosses the Jallonka Wilderness.--Miserable fate of one of

the female slaves.--Arrives at Sooseeta.--Proceeds to Manna.--Some

account of the Jallonkas.--Crosses the main stream of the

Senegal.--Bridge of a singular construction.--Arrives at

Malacotta.--Remarkable conduct of the King of the Jalofs._

We continued at Kinytakooro until noon of the 22d of April, when we

removed to a village about seven miles to the westward, the inhabitants

of which being apprehensive of hostilities from the Foulahs of Fooladoo,

were at this time employed in constructing small temporary huts among the

rocks, on the side of a high hill close to the village. The situation was

almost impregnable, being everywhere surrounded with high precipices,

except on the eastern side, where the natives had left a pathway

sufficient to allow one person at a time to ascend. Upon the brow of the

hill, immediately over this path, I observed several heaps of large loose

stones, which the people told me were intended to be thrown down upon the

Foulahs, if they should attempt the hill.

At daybreak on the 23d, we departed from this village, and entered the

Jallonka Wilderness. We passed, in the course of the morning, the ruins

of two small towns, which had lately been burnt by the Foulahs. The fire

must have been very intense; for I observed that the walls of many of the

huts were slightly vitrified, and appeared at a distance as if covered

with a red varnish. About ten o'clock we came to the river Wonda, which

is somewhat larger than the river Kokoro; but the stream was at this time

rather muddy, which Karfa assured me was occasioned by amazing shoals of

fish. They were indeed seen in all directions, and in such abundance,

that I fancied the water itself tasted and smelt fishy. As soon as we had

crossed the river, Karfa gave orders that all the people of the coffle

should in future keep close together, and travel in their proper station;

the guides and young men were accordingly placed in the van, the women

and slaves in the centre, and the freemen in the rear. In this order, we

travelled with uncommon expedition through a woody, but beautiful

country, interspersed with a pleasing variety of hill and dale, and

abounding with partridges, guinea-fowls, and deer, until sunset, when we

arrived at a most romantic stream called Co-meissang. My arms and neck

having been exposed during the whole day, and irritated by the rubbing of

my dress in walking, were now very much inflamed and covered with

blisters; and I was happy to embrace the opportunity, while the coffle

rested on the bank of this river, to bathe myself in the stream. This

practice, together with the cool of the evening, much diminished the

inflammation. About three miles to the westward of the Co-meissang we

halted in a thick wood, and kindled our fires for the night. We were all,

by this time, very much fatigued, having, as I judged, travelled this day

thirty miles; but no person was heard to complain. Whilst supper was

preparing, Karfa made one of the slaves break some branches from the

trees for my bed. When we had finished our supper of kouskous, moistened

with some boiling water, and put the slaves in irons, we all lay down to

sleep; but we were frequently disturbed in the night by the howling of

wild beasts; and we found the small brown ants very troublesome.

April 24th. Before daybreak the Bushreens said their morning prayers, and

most of the free people drank a little _moening_, (a sort of gruel,) part

of which was likewise given to such of the slaves as appeared least able

to sustain the fatigues of the day. One of Karfa's female slaves was very

sulky, and when some gruel was to offered her, she refused to drink it.

As soon as day dawned we set out, and travelled the whole morning over a

wild and rocky country, by which my feet were very much bruised; and I

was sadly apprehensive that I should not be able to keep up with the

coffle during the day; but I was in a great measure relieved from this

anxiety, when I observed that others were more exhausted than myself. In

particular, the woman slave, who had refused victuals in the morning,

began now to lag behind, and complain dreadfully of pains in her legs.

Her load was taken from her, and given to another slave, and she was

ordered to keep in the front of the coffle. About eleven o'clock, as we

were resting by a small rivulet, some of the people discovered a hive of

bees in a hollow tree, and they were proceeding to obtain the honey, when

the largest swarm I ever beheld flew out, and attacking the people of the

coffle, made us fly in all directions. I took the alarm first, and I

believe was the only person who escaped with impunity. When our enemies

thought fit to desist from pursuing us, and every person was employed in

picking out the stings he had received, it was discovered that the poor

woman above mentioned, whose name was Nealee, was not come up; and as

many of the slaves in their retreat had left their bundles behind them,

it became necessary for some persons to return, and bring them. In order

to do this with safety, fire was set to the grass, a considerable way to

the eastward of the hive, and the wind driving the fire furiously along,

the party pushed through the smoke, and recovered the bundles. They

likewise brought with them poor Nealee, whom they found lying in the

rivulet. She was very much exhausted, and had crept to the stream in

hopes to defend herself from the bees by throwing water over her body,

but this proved ineffectual; for she was stung in the most dreadful

manner.

When the Slatees had picked out the stings as far as they could, she was

washed with water, and then rubbed with bruised leaves; but the wretched

woman obstinately refused to proceed any farther; declaring that she

would rather die than walk another step. As entreaties and threats were

used in vain, the whip was at length applied; and after bearing patiently

a few strokes, she started up and walked with tolerable expedition for

four or five hours longer, when she made an attempt to run away from the

coffle, but was so very weak, that she fell down in the grass. Though she

was unable to rise, the whip was a second time applied, but without

effect; upon which Karfa desired two of the Slatees to place her upon the

ass which carried our dry provisions; but she could not sit erect; and

the ass being very refractory, it was found impossible to carry her

forward in that manner. The Slatees, however, were unwilling to abandon

her, the day's journey being nearly ended; they therefore made a sort of

litter of bamboo canes, upon which she was placed, and tied on it with

slips of bark: this litter was carried upon the heads of two slaves, one

walking before the other, and they were followed by two others, who

relieved them occasionally. In this manner the woman was carried forward

until it was dark, when we reached a stream of water, at the foot of a

high hill called Gankaran-Kooro; and here we stopt for the night and set

about preparing our supper. As we had ate only one handful of meal since

the preceding night, and travelled all day in a hot sun, many of the

slaves, who had loads upon their heads, were very much fatigued: and some

of them _snapt their fingers_, which among the Negroes is a sure sign of

desperation. The Slatees immediately put them all in irons; and such of

them as had evinced signs of great despondency were kept apart from the

rest, and had their hands tied. In the morning they were found greatly

recovered.

April 25th. At daybreak poor Nealee was awakened, but her limbs were now

so stiff and painful, that she could neither walk nor stand; she was

therefore lifted, like a corpse, upon the back of the ass, and the

Slatees endeavoured to secure her in that situation, by fastening her

hands together under the ass's neck and her feet under the belly, with

long slips of bark; but the ass was so very unruly, that no sort of

treatment could induce him to proceed with his load; and as Nealee made

no exertion to prevent herself from falling, she was quickly thrown off,

and had one of her legs much bruised. Every attempt to carry her forward

being thus found ineffectual, the general cry of the coffle was,

_kang-tegi, kang-tegi_, "cut her throat, cut her throat;" an operation I

did not wish to see performed, and therefore marched onwards with the

foremost of the coffle. I had not walked above a mile, when one of

Karfa's domestic slaves came up to me, with poor Nealee's garment upon

the end of his bow, and exclaimed, _Nealee affeeleeta_, (Nealee is lost.)

I asked him whether the Slatees had given him the garment as a reward for

cutting her throat; he replied, that Karfa and the schoolmaster would not

consent to that measure, but had left her on the road, where undoubtedly

she soon perished, and was probably devoured by wild beasts.

The sad fate of this wretched woman, notwithstanding the outcry before

mentioned, made a strong impression on the minds of the whole coffle, and

the schoolmaster fasted the whole of the ensuing day, in consequence of

it. We proceeded in deep silence, and soon afterward crossed the river

Furkoomah, which was about as large as the river Wonda. We now travelled

with great expedition, every one being apprehensive he might otherwise

meet with the fate of poor Nealee. It was, however, with great difficulty

that I could keep up, although I threw away my spear, and every thing

that could in the least obstruct me. About noon we saw a large herd of

elephants, but they suffered us to pass unmolested, and in the evening we

halted near a thicket of bamboo, but found no water; so that we were

forced to proceed four miles farther, to a small stream, where we stopt

for the night. We had marched this day, as I judged, about twenty-six

miles.

April 26th. This morning two of the schoolmaster's pupils complained much

of pains in their legs, and one of the slaves walked lame, the soles of

his feet being very much blistered and inflamed; we proceeded,

notwithstanding, and about eleven o'clock began to ascend a rocky hill

called Boki-Kooro, and it was past two in the afternoon before we reached

the level ground on the other side. This was the most rocky road we had

yet encountered, and it hurt our feet much. In a short time we arrived at

a pretty large river called Boki, which we forded: it ran smooth and

clear, over a bed of whinstone. About a mile to the westward of the

river, we came to a road which leads to the north-east towards Gadou, and

seeing the marks of many horses' feet upon the soft sand, the Slatees

conjectured that a party of plunderers had lately rode that way, to fall

upon some town of Gadou; and lest they should discover, upon their

return, that we had passed, and attempt to pursue us by the marks of our

feet, the coffle was ordered to disperse, and travel in a loose manner

through the high grass and bushes. A little before it was dark, having

crossed the ridge of hills to the westward of the river Boki, we came to

a well called _culleng qui_, (white sand well,) and here we rested for

the night.

April 27th. We departed from the well early in the morning, and walked on

with the greatest alacrity, in hopes of reaching a town before night. The

road, during the forenoon, led through extensive thickets of dry bamboos.

About two o'clock we came to a stream called Nunkolo, where we were each

of us regaled with a handful of meal, which, according to a superstitious

custom, was not to be eaten until it was first moistened with water from

this stream. About four o'clock we reached Sooseeta, a small Jallonka

village, situated in the district of Kullo, which comprehends all that

tract of country lying along the banks of the Black river, or main branch

of the Senegal. These were the first human habitations we had seen since

we left the village to the westward of Kinytakooro; having travelled in

the course of the last five days upwards of one hundred miles. Here,

after a great deal of entreaty, we were provided with huts to sleep in;

but the master of the village plainly told us that he could not give us

any provisions, as there had lately been a great scarcity in this part of

the country. He assured us, that before they had gathered in their

present crops, the whole inhabitants of Kullo had been for twenty-nine

days without tasting corn; during which time, they supported themselves

entirely upon the yellow powder which is found in the pods of the

_nitta_, so called by the natives, a species of mimosa; and upon the

seeds of the bamboo cane, which, when properly pounded and dressed, taste

very much like rice. As our dry provisions were not yet exhausted, a

considerable quantity of kouskous was dressed for supper, and many of the

villagers were invited to take part of the repast; but they made a very

bad return for this kindness; for in the night they seized upon one of

the schoolmaster's boys, who had fallen asleep under the Bentang tree,

and carried him away. The boy fortunately awoke before he was far from

the village, and setting up a loud scream, the man who carried him put

his hand upon his mouth, and ran with him into the woods; but afterwards

understanding that he belonged to the schoolmaster, whose place of

residence is only three days' journey distant, he thought, I suppose,

that he could not retain him as a slave without the schoolmaster's

knowledge; and therefore stripped off the boy's clothes, and permitted

him to return.

April 28th. Early in the morning we departed from Sooseeta, and about ten

o'clock, came to an unwalled town called Manna, the inhabitants of which

were employed in collecting the fruit of the nitta trees, which are very

numerous in this neighbourhood. The pods are long and narrow, and contain

a few black seeds enveloped in the fine mealy powder before mentioned,

the meal itself is of a bright yellow colour, resembling the flour of

sulphur, and has a sweet mucilaginous taste; when eaten by itself it is

clammy, but when mixed with milk or water, it constitutes a very pleasant

and nourishing article of diet.

The language of the people of Manna is the same that is spoken all over

that extensive and hilly country called Jallonkadoo. Some of the words

have great affinity to the Mandingo, but the natives themselves consider

it as a distinct language. Their numerals are these:--

One _Kidding_.

Two _Fidding_.

Three _Sarra_.

Four _Nani_.

Five _Soolo_.

Six _Seni_.

Seven _Soolo ma fidding_.

Eight _Soolo ma sarra_.

Nine _Soolo ma nani_.

Ten _Nuff_.

The Jallonkas, like the Mandingoes, are governed by a number of petty

chiefs, who are in a great measure independent of each other: they have

no common sovereign; and the chiefs are seldom upon such terms of

friendship as to assist each other even in war time. The chief of Manna,

with a number of his people, accompanied us to the banks of the Bafing,

or Black river, (a principal branch of the Senegal,) which we crossed

upon a bridge of bamboos of a very singular construction. The river at

this place is smooth and deep, and has very little current. Two tall

trees, when tied together by the tops, are sufficiently long to reach

from one side to the other; the roots resting upon the rocks, and the

tops floating in the water. When a few trees have been placed in this

direction, they are covered with dry bamboos, so as to form a floating

bridge, with a sloping gangway at each end, where the trees rest upon the

rocks. This bridge is carried away every year by the swelling of the

river in the rainy season, and is constantly rebuilt by the inhabitants

of Manna, who, on that account, expect a small tribute from every

passenger.

In the afternoon we passed several villages, at none of which could we

procure a lodging; and in the twilight we received information that two

hundred Jallonkas had assembled near a town called Melo, with a view to

plunder the coffle. This induced us to alter our course, and we travelled

with great secrecy until midnight, when we approached a town called Koba.

Before we entered the town, the names of all the people belonging to the

coffle were called over, and a freeman and three slaves were found to be

missing. Every person immediately concluded that the slaves had murdered

the freeman, and made their escape. It was therefore agreed that six

people should go back as far as the last village, and endeavour to find

his body, or collect some information concerning the slaves. In the

meantime the coffle was ordered to lie concealed in a cotton field near a

large nitta tree, and nobody to speak except in a whisper. It was towards

morning before the six men returned, having heard nothing of the man or

the slaves. As none of us had tasted victuals for the last twenty-four

hours, it was agreed that we should go into Koba, and endeavour to

procure some provisions. We accordingly entered the town before it was

quite day, and Karfa purchased from the chief man, for three strings of

beads, a considerable quantity of ground nuts, which we roasted and ate

for breakfast; we were afterwards provided with huts, and rested here for

the day.

About eleven o'clock, to our great joy and surprise, the freeman and

slaves, who had parted from the coffle the preceding night, entered the

town. One of the slaves, it seems, had hurt his foot, and the night being

very dark, they soon lost sight of the coffle. The freeman, as soon as he

found himself alone with the slaves, was aware of his own danger, and

insisted on putting them in irons. The slaves were at first rather

unwilling to submit, but when he threatened to stab them one by one with

his spear, they made no further resistance; and he remained with them

among the bushes until morning, when he let them out of irons, and came

to the town in hopes of hearing which route the coffle had taken. The

information that we received concerning the Jallonkas, who intended to

rob the coffle, was this day confirmed, and we were forced to remain here

until the afternoon of the 30th; when Karfa hired a number of people to

protect us, and we proceeded to a village called Tinkingtang. Departing

from this village on the day following, we crossed a high ridge of

mountains to the west of the Black river, and travelled over a rough

stony country until sunset, when we arrived at Lingicotta, a small

village in the district of Woradoo. Here we shook out the last handful of

meal from our dry provision bags; this being the second day (since we

crossed the Black river) that we had travelled from morning until night,

without tasting one morsel of food.

May 2d. We departed from Lingicotta; but the slaves being very much

fatigued, we halted for the night at a village about nine miles to the

westward, and procured some provisions through the interest of the

schoolmaster; who now sent forward a messenger to Malacotta, his native

town, to inform his friends of his arrival in the country, and to desire

them to provide the necessary quantity of victuals to entertain the

coffle for two or three days.

May 3d. We set out for Malacotta, and about noon arrived at a village,

near a considerable stream of water which flows to the westward; here we

determined to stop for the return of the messenger which had been sent to

Malacotta the day before; and as the natives assured me there were no

crocodiles in this stream, I went and bathed myself. Very few people here

can swim; for they came in numbers to dissuade me from venturing into a

pool, where they said the water would come over my head. About two

o'clock the messenger returned from Malacotta; and the schoolmaster's

elder brother being impatient to see him, came along with the messenger

to meet him at this village. The interview between the two brothers, who

had not seen each other for nine years, was very natural and affecting.

They fell upon each other's neck, and it was some time before either of

them could speak. At length, when the schoolmaster had a little recovered

himself, he took his brother by the hand, and turning round, "This is the

man" (said he, pointing to Karfa) "who has been my father in Manding; I

would have pointed him out sooner to you, but my heart was too full."

We reached Malacotta in the evening, where we were well received. This is

an unwalled town; the huts for the most part are made of split cane,

twisted into a sort of wicker-work, and plastered over with mud. Here we

remained three days, and were each day presented with a bullock from the

schoolmaster; we were likewise well entertained by the townspeople, who

appear to be very active and industrious. They make very good soap, by

boiling ground nuts in water, and then adding a ley of wood ashes. They

likewise manufacture excellent iron: which they carry to Bondou to barter

for salt. A party of the townspeople had lately returned from a trading

expedition of this kind, and brought information concerning a war between

Almami Abdulkader, King of Foota Torra, and Damel, King of the Jaloffs.

The events of this war soon became a favourite subject with the singing

men, and the common topic of conversation in all the kingdoms bordering

upon the Senegal and Gambia; and as the account is somewhat singular, I

shall here abridge it for the reader's information. The King of Foota

Torra, inflamed with a zeal for propagating his religion, had sent an

embassy to Damel, similar to that which he had sent to Kasson, as related

in page 67. The ambassador, on the present occasion, was accompanied by

two of the principal Bushreens, who carried each a large knife, fixed on

the top of a long pole. As soon as he had procured admission into the

presence of Damel, and announced the pleasure of his sovereign, he

ordered the Bushreens to present the emblems of his mission. The two

knives were accordingly laid before Damel, and the ambassador explained

himself as follows:--"With this knife (said he) Abdulkader will

condescend to shave the head of Damel, if Damel will embrace the

Mahomedan faith: and with this other knife, Abdulkader will cut the

throat of Damel, if Damel refuses to embrace it:--take your choice."

Damel coolly told the ambassador that he had no choice to make; he

neither chose to have his head shaved, nor his throat cut; and with this

answer the ambassador was civilly dismissed. Abdulkader took his measures

accordingly, and with a powerful army invaded Damel's country. The

inhabitants of the towns and villages filled up their wells, destroyed

their provisions, carried off their effects, and abandoned their

dwellings, as he approached. By this means he was led on from place to

place, until he had advanced three days' journey into the country of the

Jaloffs. He had, indeed, met with no opposition; but his army had

suffered so much from the scarcity of water, that several of his men had

died by the way. This induced him to direct his march towards a watering

place in the woods, where his men, having quenched their thirst, and

being overcome with fatigue, lay down carelessly to sleep among the

bushes. In this situation they were attacked by Damel before daybreak,

and completely routed. Many of them were trampled to death as they lay

asleep by the Jaloff horses; others were killed in attempting to make

their escape; and a still greater number were taken prisoners. Among the

latter was Abdulkader himself. This ambitious or rather frantic prince,

who but a month before had sent the threatening message to Damel, was now

himself led into his presence a miserable captive. The behaviour of Damel

on this occasion is never mentioned by the singing men but in terms of

the highest approbation; and it was indeed so extraordinary in an African

prince, that the reader may find it difficult to give credit to the

recital. When his royal prisoner was brought before him in irons, and

thrown upon the ground, the magnanimous Damel, instead of setting his

foot upon his neck, and stabbing him with his spear, according to custom

in such cases, addressed him as follows:--"Abdulkader, answer me this

question: If the chance of war had placed me in your situation, and you

in mine, how would you have treated me?"--"I would have thrust my spear

into your heart," returned Abdulkader with great firmness; "and I know

that a similar fate awaits me."--"Not so, (said Damel,) my spear is

indeed red with the blood of your subjects killed in battle, and I could

now give it a deeper stain by dipping it in your own; but this would not

build up my towns, nor bring to life the thousands who fell in the woods.

I will not therefore kill you in cold blood, but I will retain you as my

slave, until I perceive that your presence in your own kingdom will be no

longer dangerous to your neighbours; and then I will consider of the

proper way of disposing of you." Abdulkader was accordingly retained, and

worked as a slave for three months; at the end of which period, Damel

listened to the solicitations of the inhabitants of Foota Torra, and

restored to them their king. Strange as this story may appear, I have no

doubt of the truth of it: it was told me at Malacotta by the Negroes; it

was afterwards related to me by the Europeans on the Gambia; by some of

the French at Goree; and confirmed by nine slaves who were taken

prisoners along with Abdulkader, by the watering place in the woods, and

carried in the same ship with me to the West Indies.

CHAPTER XXVI.

_The caravan proceeds to Konkadoo, and crosses the Falemé River.--Its

arrival at Baniserile, Kirwani, and Tambacunda.--Incidents on the

road.--A matrimonial case.--The caravan proceeds through many towns and

villages, and arrives at length on the banks of the Gambia.--Passes

through Medina, the capital of Wolli, and finally stops at Jindey.--The

Author, accompanied by Karfa, proceeds to Pisania.--Various occurrences

previous to his departure from Africa.--Takes his passage in an American

ship.--Short account of his voyage to Great Britain by way of the West

Indies._

On the 7th of May, we departed from Malacotta, and having crossed the _Ba

lee_, "Honey river," a branch of the Senegal, we arrived in the evening

at a walled town called Bintingala, where we rested two days. From

thence, in one day more, we proceeded to Dindikoo, a small town situated

at the bottom of a high ridge of hills, from which this district is named

_Konkadoo_, "the country of mountains." These hills are very productive

of gold. I was shown a small quantity of this metal, which had been

lately collected: the grains were about the usual size, but much flatter

than those of Manding, and were found in white quartz, which had been

broken to pieces by hammers. At this town I met with a Negro, whose hair

and skin were of a dull white colour. He was of that sort which are

called in the Spanish West Indies _Albinos_, or white Negroes. The skin

is cadaverous and unsightly, and the natives considered this complexion

(I believe truly) as the effect of disease.

May 11th. At daybreak we departed from Dindikoo, and after a toilsome

day's travel, arrived in the evening at Satadoo, the capital of a

district of the same name. This town was formerly of considerable extent;

but many families had left it in consequence of the predatory incursions

of the Foulahs of Foota Jalla, who made it a practice to come secretly

through the woods, and carry off people from the corn fields, and even

from the wells near the town. In the afternoon of the 12th, we crossed

the Falemé river, the same which I had formerly crossed at Bondou in my

journey eastward. This river, at this season of the year, is easily

forded at this place, the stream being only about two feet deep. The

water is very pure, and flows rapidly over a bed of sand and gravel. We

lodged for the night at a small village called Medina, the sole property

of a Mandingo merchant, who, by a long intercourse with Europeans, has

been induced to adopt some of their customs. His victuals were served up

in pewter dishes, and even his houses were built after the fashion of the

English houses on the Gambia.

May 13th. In the morning, as we were preparing to depart, a coffle of

slaves, belonging to some Serawoolli traders, crossed the river, and

agreed to proceed with us to Baniserile, the capital of Dentila; a very

long day's journey from this place. We accordingly set out together, and

travelled with great expedition through the woods until noon; when one of

the Serawoolli slaves dropt the load from his head, for which he was

smartly whipped. The load was replaced; but he had not proceeded above a

mile before he let it fall a second time, for which he received the same

punishment. After this he travelled in great pain until about two

o'clock, when we stopt to breathe a little, by a pool of water, the day

being remarkably hot. The poor slave was now so completely exhausted that

his master was obliged to release him from the rope, for he lay

motionless on the ground. A Serawoolli therefore undertook to remain with

him, and endeavour to bring him to the town during the cool of the night;

in the meanwhile we continued our route, and after a very hard day's

travel, arrived at Baniserile late in the evening.

One of our Slatees was a native of this place, from which he had been

absent three years. This man invited me to go with him to his house; at

the gate of which his friends met him with many expressions of joy;

shaking hands with him, embracing him, and singing and dancing before

him. As soon as he had seated himself upon a mat by the threshold of his

door, a young woman (his intended bride) brought a little water in a

calabash, and kneeling down before him, desired him to wash his hands;

when he had done this, the girl with a tear of joy sparkling in her eyes,

drank the water; this being considered the greatest proof she could give

him of her fidelity and attachment. About eight o'clock the same evening,

the Serawoolli, who had been left in the woods to take care of the

fatigued slave, returned and told us that he was dead; the general

opinion, however, was that he himself had killed him, or left him to

perish on the road; for the Serawoollies are said to be infinitely more

cruel in their treatment of slaves than the Mandingoes. We remained at

Baniserile two days, in order to purchase native iron, shea-butter, and

some other articles for sale on the Gambia; and here the Slatee who had

invited me to his house, and who possessed three slaves, part of the

coffle, having obtained information that the price on the Coast was very

low, determined to separate from us, and remain with his slaves where he

was, until an opportunity should offer of disposing of them to advantage;

giving us to understand that he should complete his nuptials with the

young woman before mentioned, in the meantime.

May 16th. We departed from Baniserile, and travelled through thick woods

until noon, when we saw at a distance the town of Julifunda, but did not

approach it; as we proposed to rest for the night at a large town called

Kirwani, which we reached about four o'clock in the afternoon. This town

stands in a valley, and the country for more than a mile round it is

cleared of wood and well cultivated. The inhabitants appear to be very

active and industrious, and seem to have carried the system of

agriculture to some degree of perfection; for they collect the dung of

their cattle into large heaps during the dry season, for the purpose of

manuring their land with it at the proper time. I saw nothing like this

in any other part of Africa. Near the town are several smelting furnaces,

from which the natives obtain very good iron. They afterwards hammer the

metal into small bars, about a foot in length and two inches in breadth,

one of which bars is sufficient to make two Mandingo corn hoes. On the

morning after our arrival, we were visited by a Slatee of this place, who

informed Karfa, that among some slaves he had lately purchased, was a

native of Foota Jalla; and as that country was at no great distance, he

could not safely employ him in the labours of the field, lest he should

effect his escape. The Slatee was therefore desirous of exchanging this

slave for one of Karfa's, and offered some cloth and shea-butter, to

induce Karfa to comply with the proposal, which was accepted. The Slatee

thereupon sent a boy to order the slave in question to bring him a few

ground nuts. The poor creature soon afterwards entered the court in which

we were sitting, having no suspicion of what was negociating, until the

master caused the gate to be shut, and told him to sit down. The slave

now saw his danger, and perceiving the gate to be shut upon him, threw

down the nuts, and jumped over the fence. He was immediately pursued and

overtaken by the Slatees, who brought him back, and secured him in irons,

after which one of Karfa's slaves was released and delivered in exchange.

The unfortunate captive was at first very much dejected, but in the

course of a few days his melancholy gradually subsided; and he became at

length as cheerful as any of his companions.

Departing from Kirwani on the morning of the 20th, we entered the Tenda

Wilderness of two day's journey. The woods were very thick, and the

country shelved towards the south-west. About ten o'clock we met a coffle

of twenty-six people, and seven loaded asses, returning from the Gambia.

Most of the men were armed with muskets, and had broad belts of scarlet

cloth over their shoulders, and European hats upon their heads. They

informed us that there was very little demand for slaves on the Coast, as

no vessel had arrived for some months past. On hearing this, the

Serawoollies, who had travelled with us from the Falemé river, separated

themselves and their slaves from the coffle. They had not, they said, the

means of maintaining their slaves in Gambia until a vessel should arrive,

and were unwilling to sell them to disadvantage; they therefore departed

to the northward for Kajaaga. We continued our route through the

Wilderness, and travelled all day through a rugged country, covered with

extensive thickets of bamboo. At sunset, to our great joy, we arrived at

a pool of water near a large tabba tree, whence the place is called

Tabba-gee, and here we rested a few hours. The water at this season of

the year is by no means plentiful in these woods; and as the days were

insufferably hot, Karfa proposed to travel in the night. Accordingly,

about eleven o'clock, the slaves were taken out of their irons, and the

people of the coffle received orders to keep close together, as well to

prevent the slaves from attempting to escape, as on account of the wild

beasts. We travelled with great alacrity until daybreak, when it was

discovered that a free woman had parted from the coffle in the night; her

name was called until the woods resounded, but no answer being given, we

conjectured that she had either mistaken the road, or that a lion had

seized her unperceived. At length it was agreed that four people should

go back a few miles to a small rivulet, where some of the coffle had

stopt to drink, as we passed it in the night, and that the coffle should

wait for their return. The sun was about an hour high before the people

came back with the woman, whom they found lying fast asleep by the

stream. We now resumed our journey, and about eleven o'clock reached a

walled town called Tambacunda, where we were well received. Here we

remained four days, on account of a _palaver_ which was held on the

following occasion. Modi Lemina, one of the Slatees belonging to the

coffle, had formerly married a woman of this town, who had borne him two

children; he afterwards went to Manding, and remained there eight years,

without sending any account of himself, during all that time, to his

deserted wife; who, seeing no prospect of his return, at the end of three

years had married another man, to whom she had likewise borne two

children. Lemina now claimed his wife, but the second husband refused to

deliver her up; insisting that by the laws of Africa, when a man has been

three years absent from his wife, without giving her notice of his being

alive, the woman is at liberty to marry again. After all the

circumstances had been fully investigated in an assembly of the chief

men, it was determined that the wife should make her choice, and be at

liberty either to return to the first husband, or continue with the

second, as she alone should think proper. Favourable as this

determination was to the lady, she found it a difficult matter to make up

her mind, and requested time for consideration; but I think I could

perceive that first love would carry the day. Lemina was indeed somewhat

older than his rival, but he was also much richer. What weight this

circumstance had in the scale of his wife's affections, I pretend not to

say.

On the morning of the 26th, as we departed from Tambacunda, Karfa

observed to me that there were no shea-trees farther to the westward than

this town. I had collected and brought with me from Manding the leaves

and flowers of this tree, but they were so greatly bruised on the road

that I thought it best to gather another specimen at this place. The

appearance of the fruit evidently places the shea-tree in the natural

order of _Sapotae_, and it has some resemblance to the _mudhuca_ tree,

described by Lieutenant Charles Hamilton, in the Asiatic Researches, Vol.

I. page 300. About one o'clock we reached Sibikillin, a walled village,

but the inhabitants having the character of inhospitality towards

strangers, and of being much addicted to theft, we did not think proper

to enter the gate. We rested a short time under a tree, and then

continued our route until it was dark, when we halted for the night by a

small stream running towards the Gambia. Next day the road led over a

wild and rocky country, everywhere rising into hills, and abounding with

monkeys and wild beasts. In the rivulets among the hills we found plenty

of fish. This was a very hard day's journey, and it was not until sunset,

that we reached the village of Koomboo, near to which are the ruins of a

large town formerly destroyed by war. The inhabitants of Koomboo, like

those of Sibikillin, have so bad a reputation, that strangers seldom

lodge in the village; we accordingly rested for the night in the fields,

where we erected temporary huts for our protection, there being great

appearance of rain.

May 28th. We departed from Koomboo, and slept at a Foulah town about

seven miles to the westward; from which, on the day following, having

crossed a considerable branch of the Gambia, called Neola Koba, we

reached a well inhabited part of the country. Here are several towns

within sight of each other, collectively called Tenda, but each is

distinguished also by its particular name. We lodged at one of them

called Koba Tenda, where we remained the day following, in order to

procure provisions for our support in crossing the Simbani woods. On the

30th we reached Jallacotta, a considerable town, but much infested by

Foulah banditti, who come through the woods from Bondou, and steal every

thing they can lay their hands on. A few days before our arrival, they

had stolen twenty head of cattle, and on the day following made a second

attempt, but were beaten off, and one of them taken prisoner. Here one of

the slaves belonging to the coffle, who had travelled with great

difficulty for the last three days, was found unable to proceed any

farther; his master (a singing man) proposed therefore to exchange him

for a young girl, belonging to one of the townspeople. The poor girl was

ignorant of her fate, until the bundles were all tied up in the morning,

and the coffle ready to depart, when coming with some other young women

to see the coffle set out, her master took her by the hand, and delivered

her to the singing man. Never was a face of serenity more suddenly

changed into one of the deepest distress; the terror she manifested on

having the load put upon her head, and the rope fastened round her neck,

and the sorrow with which she bade adieu to her companions, were truly

affecting. About nine o'clock, we crossed a large plain covered with

_ciboa_ trees, (a species of palm,) and came to the river Nerico, a

branch of the Gambia. This was but a small river at this time, but in the

rainy season it is often dangerous to travellers. As soon as we had

crossed this river, the singing men began to vociferate a particular

song, expressive of their joy at having got safe into the west country,

or, as they expressed it, _the land of the setting sun_. The country was

found to be very level, and the soil a mixture of clay and sand. In the

afternoon it rained hard, and we had recourse to the common Negro

umbrella, a large ciboa leaf, which being placed upon the head,

completely defends the whole body from the rain. We lodged for the night

under the shade of a large tabba tree, near the ruins of a village. On

the morning following, we crossed a stream called Noulico, and about two

o'clock, to my infinite joy, I saw myself once more on the banks of the

Gambia, which at this place being deep and smooth, is navigable; but the

people told me that a little lower down, the stream is so shallow that

the coffles frequently cross it on foot. On the south side of the river,

opposite to this place, is a large plain of clayey ground, called Toombi

Toorila. It is a sort of morass, in which people are frequently lost, it

being more than a day's journey across it. In the afternoon we met a man

and two women, with bundles of cotton-cloth upon their heads. They were

going, they said, for Dentila, to purchase iron, there being a great

scarcity of that article on the Gambia. A little before it was dark, we

arrived at a village in the kingdom of Woolli, called Seesukunda. Near

this village there are great plenty of nitta-trees, and the slaves in

passing along had collected large bunches of the fruit; but such was the

superstition of the inhabitants, that they would not permit any of the

fruit to be brought into the village. They had been told, they said, that

some catastrophe would happen to the place when people lived upon nittas,

and neglected to cultivate corn.

June 2d. We departed from Seesukunda, and passed a number of villages, at

none of which was the coffle permitted to stop, although we were all very

much fatigued: it was four o'clock in the afternoon before we reached

Baraconda, where we rested one day. Departing from Baraconda on the

morning of the 4th, we reached in a few hours Medina, the capital of the

King of Woolli's dominions, from whom the reader way recollect I received

an hospitable reception in the beginning of December 1795, in my journey

east-ward.[25] I immediately inquired concerning the health of my good

old benefactor, and learnt with great concern that he was dangerously

ill. As Karfa would not allow the coffle to stop, I could not present my

respects to the king in person; but I sent him word, by the officer to

whom we paid customs, that his prayers for my safety had not been

unavailing. We continued our route until sunset, when we lodged at a

small village a little to the westward of Koota-kunda, and on the day

following arrived at Jindey; where, eighteen months before I had parted

from my friend Dr. Laidley; an interval during which I had not beheld the

face of a Christian, nor once heard the delightful sound of my native

language.

[25] Vide pages 51 [Second half of chapter IV. Transcriber], 72

[Beginning of chapter VII. Transcriber.].

Being now arrived within a short distance of Pisania, from whence my

journey originally commenced, and learning that my friend Karfa was not

likely to meet with an immediate opportunity of selling his slaves on the

Gambia, it occurred to me to suggest to him that he would find it for his

interest to leave them at Jindey, until a market should offer. Karfa

agreed with me in this opinion; and hired from the chief man of the town,

huts for their accomodation, and a piece of land on which to employ them,

in raising corn, and other provisions for their maintenance. With regard

to myself, he declared that he would not quit me until my departure from

Africa. We set out accordingly, Karfa, myself, and one of the Foulahs

belonging to the coffle, early on the morning of the 9th; but although I

was now approaching the end of my tedious and toilsome journey, and

expected in another day to meet with countrymen and friends, I could not

part, for the last time, with my unfortunate fellow-travellers--doomed,

as I knew most of them to be, to a life of captivity and slavery in a

foreign land--without great emotion. During a wearisome peregrination of

more than five hundred British miles, exposed to the burning rays of a

tropical sun, these poor slaves, amidst their own infinitely greater

sufferings, would commiserate mine; and frequently of their own accord

bring water to quench my thirst, and at night collect branches and leaves

to prepare me a bed in the Wilderness. We parted with reciprocal

expressions of regret and benediction. My good wishes and prayers were

all I could bestow upon them; and it afforded me some consolation to be

told that they were sensible I had no more to give.

My anxiety to get forward admitting of no delay on the road we reached

Tendacunda in the evening, and were hospitably received at the house of

an aged black female, called Seniora Camilla, a person who had resided

many years at the English factory, and spoke our language. I was known to

her before I had left the Gambia, at the outset of my journey; but my

dress and figure were now so different from the usual appearance of an

European, that she was very excusable in mistaking me for a Moor. When I

told her my name and country, she surveyed me with great astonishment,

and seemed unwilling to give credit to the testimony of her senses. She

assured me that none of the traders on the Gambia ever expected to see me

again; having been informed long ago, that the Moors of Ludamar had

murdered me, as they had murdered Major Boughton. I inquired for my two

attendants, Johnson and Demba, and learnt with great sorrow, that neither

of them was returned. Karfa who had never before heard people converse in

English, listened to us with great attention. Every thing he saw seemed

wonderful. The furniture of the house, the chairs, &c. and particularly

beds with curtains, were objects of his great admiration; and he asked me

a thousand questions concerning the utility and necessity of different

articles, to some of which I found it difficult to give satisfactory

answers.

On the morning of the 10th, Mr. Robert Ainsley, having learnt that I was

at Tendacunda, came to meet me, and politely offered me the use of his

horse. He informed me that Dr. Laidley had removed all his property to a

place called Kaye, a little farther down the river, and that he was then

gone to Doomasansa with his vessel to purchase rice, but would return in

a day or two. He therefore invited me to stay with him at Pisania until

the Doctor's return. I accepted the invitation, and being accompanied by

my friend Karfa, reached Pisania about ten o'clock. Mr. Ainsley's

schooner was lying at anchor before the place. This was the most

surprising object which Karfa had yet seen. He could not easily

comprehend the use of the masts, sails, and rigging; nor did he conceive

that it was possible, by any sort of contrivance, to make so large a body

move forwards by the common force of the wind. The manner of fastening

together the different planks which composed the vessel, and filling up

the seams so as to exclude the water, was perfectly new to him; and I

found that the schooner with her cable and anchor, kept Karfa in deep

meditation the greater part of the day.

About noon, on the 12th, Dr. Laidley returned from Doomasansa, and

received me with great joy and satisfaction, as one risen from the dead.

Finding that the wearing apparel which I had left under his care was not

sold nor sent to England, I lost no time in resuming the English dress,

and disrobing my chin of its venerable incumbrance. Karfa surveyed me in

my British apparel with great delight; but regretted exceedingly that I

had taken off my beard; the loss of which, he said, had converted me from

a man into a boy. Dr. Laidley readily undertook to discharge all the

pecuniary engagements I had entered into since my departure from the

Gambia, and took my draft upon the Association for the amount. My

agreement with Karfa (as I have already related) was to pay him the value

of one prime slave, for which I had given him my bill upon Dr. Laidley,

before we departed from Kamalia: for, in case of my death on the road I

was unwilling that my benefactor should be a loser. But this good

creature had continued to manifest towards me so much kindness, that I

thought I made him but an inadequate recompence, when I told him that he

was now to receive double the sum I had originally promised; and Dr.

Laidley assured him that he was ready to deliver the goods to that

amount, whenever he thought proper to send for them. Karfa was

overpowered by this unexpected token of my gratitude, and still more so,

when he heard that I intended to send a handsome present to the good old

schoolmaster Fankooma, at Malacotta. He promised to carry up the goods

along with his own; and Dr. Laidley assured him that he would exert

himself in assisting him to dispose of his slaves to the best advantage,

the moment a slave vessel should arrive. These and other instances of

attention and kindness shown him by Dr. Laidley were not lost upon Karfa.

He would often say to me, "my journey has indeed been prosperous!" But,

observing the improved state of our manufactures, and our manifest

superiority in the arts of civilized life, he would sometimes appear

pensive, and exclaim with an involuntary sigh, _fato fing inta feng_,

"black men are nothing." At other times, he would ask me with great

seriousness, what could possibly have induced me, who was no trader, to

think of exploring so miserable a country as Africa? He meant by this to

signify that, after what I must have witnessed in my own country, nothing

in Africa could in his opinion deserve a moment's attention, I have

preserved these little traits of character in this worthy Negro, not only

from regard to the man, but also because they appear to me to demonstrate

that he possessed a mind _above his condition_; and to such of my readers

as love to contemplate human nature in all its varieties, and to trace

its progress from rudeness to refinement, I hope the account I have given

of this poor African will not be unacceptable.