forwards with great circumspection. I observed that my guide frequently
stopped, and looked under the bushes. On inquiring the reason of this
caution, he told me that lions were very numerous in that part of the
country, and frequently attacked people travelling through the woods.
While he was speaking, my horse started, and looking round, I observed a
large animal of the cameleopard kind, standing at a little distance. The
neck and fore legs were very long; the head was furnished with two short
black horns, turning backwards; the tail, which reached down to the ham
joint, had a tuft of hair at the end. The animal was of a mouse colour;
and it trotted away from us in a very sluggish manner; moving its head
from side to side, to see if we were pursuing it. Shortly after this, as
we were crossing a large open plain, where there were a few scattered
bushes, my guide, who was a little way before me, wheeled his horse round
in a moment, calling out something in the Foulah language, which I did
not understand. I inquired in Mandingo what he meant; _Wara billi billi_,
a very large lion, said he; and made signs for me to ride away. But my
horse was too much fatigued; so we rode slowly past the bush, from which
the animal had given us the alarm. Not seeing any thing myself, however,
I thought my guide had been mistaken, when the Foulah suddenly put his
hand to his mouth, exclaiming _Soubah an alluhi_ (God preserve us!), and
to my great surprise I then perceived a large red lion, at a short
distance from the bush, with his head couched between his fore paws. I
expected he would instantly spring upon me, and instinctively pulled my
feet from my stirrups to throw myself on the ground, that my horse might
become the victim, rather than myself. But it is probable the lion was
not hungry; for he quietly suffered us to pass, though we were fairly
within his reach. My eyes were so rivetted upon this sovereign of the
beasts, that I found it impossible to remove them, until we were at a
considerable distance. We now took a circuitous route, through some
swampy ground, to avoid any more of these disagreeable rencounters. At
sunset we arrived at Modiboo, a delightful village on the banks of the
Niger, commanding a view of the river for many miles, both to the east
and west. The small green islands, (the peaceful retreat of some
industrious Foulahs, whose cattle are here secure from the depredations
of wild beasts,) and the majestic breadth of the river, which is here
much larger than at Sego, render the situation one of the most enchanting
in the world. Here are caught great plenty of fish, by means of long
cotton nets, which the natives make themselves, and use nearly in the
same manner as nets are used in Europe. I observed the head of a
crocodile lying upon one of the houses, which they told me had been
killed by the shepherds in a swamp near the town. These animals are not
uncommon in the Niger; but I believe they are not oftentimes found
dangerous. They are of little account to the traveller, when compared
with the amazing swarms of musquetoes, which rise from the swamps and
creeks, in such numbers as to harass even the most torpid of the natives;
and as my clothes were now almost worn to rags, I was but ill prepared to
resist their attacks. I usually passed the night without shutting my
eyes, walking backwards and forwards, fanning myself with my hat; their
stings raised numerous blisters on my legs and arms; which, together with
the want of rest, made me very feverish and uneasy.
July 29th. Early in the morning, my landlord observing that I was sickly,
hurried me away; sending a servant with me as a guide to Kea. But though
I was little able to walk, my horse was still less able to carry me; and
about six miles to the east of Modiboo, in crossing some rough clayey
ground, he fell; and the united strength of the guide and myself could
not place him again upon his legs. I sat down for some time, beside this
worn-out associate of my adventures; but finding him still unable to
rise, I took off the saddle and bridle, and placed a quantity of grass
before him. I surveyed the poor animal, as he lay panting on the ground,
with sympathetic emotion; for I could not suppress the sad apprehension,
that I should myself, in a short time, lie down and perish in the same
manner, of fatigue and hunger. With this foreboding, I left my poor
horse, and with great reluctance followed my guide on foot, along the
bank of the river, until about noon; when we reached Kea, which I found
to be nothing more than a small fishing village. The Dooty, a surly old
man, who was sitting by the gate, received me very coolly; and when I
informed him of my situation, and begged his protection, told me, with
great indifference, that he paid very little attention to fine speeches,
and that I should not enter his house. My guide remonstrated in my
favour, but to no purpose; for the Dooty remained inflexible in his
determination, I knew not where to rest my wearied limbs, but was happily
relieved by a fishing canoe, belonging to Silla, which was at that moment
coming down the river. The Dooty waved to the fisherman to come near, and
desired him to take, charge of me as far as Moorzan. The fisherman, after
some hesitation, consented to carry me; and I embarked in the canoe, in
company with the fisherman, his wife, and a boy. The Negro who had
conducted me from Modiboo now left me; I requested him to look to my
horse on his return, and take care of him if he was still alive, which he
promised to do.
Departing from Kea, we proceeded about a mile down the river, when the
fisherman paddled the canoe to the bank, and desired me to jump out.
Having tied the canoe to a stake, he stripped off his clothes, and dived
for such a length of time, that I thought he had actually drowned
himself, and was surprised to see his wife behave with so much
indifference upon the occasion; but my fears were over when he raised up
his head astern of the canoe, and called for a rope. With this rope he
dived a second time, and then got into the canoe, and ordered the boy to
assist him in pulling. At length they brought up a large basket, about
ten feet in diameter, containing two fine fish, which the fisherman
(after returning the basket into the water) immediately carried ashore,
and hid in the grass. We then went a little further down, and took up
another basket, in which was one fish. The fisherman now left us, to
carry his prizes to some neighbouring market; and the woman and boy
proceeded with me in the canoe down the river.
About four o'clock we arrived at Moorzan, a fishing town on the northern
bank; from whence I was conveyed across the river to Silla, a large town;
where I remained until it was quite dark, under a tree, surrounded by
hundreds of people. But their language was very different from the other
parts of Bambarra: and I was informed that in my progress eastward, the
Bambarra tongue was but little understood, and that when I reached Jenne,
I should find that the majority of the inhabitants spoke a different
language, called _Jenne Kummo_ by the Negroes; and _Kalam Soudan_ by the
Moors.
With a great deal of entreaty the Dooty allowed me to come into his
baloon, to avoid the rain, but the place was very damp, and I had a smart
paroxysm of fever during the night. Worn down by sickness, exhausted with
hunger and fatigue, half naked, and without any article of value, by
which I might procure provisions, clothes, or lodging, I began to reflect
seriously on my situation. I was now convinced, by painful experience,
that the obstacles to my further progress were insurmountable. The
tropical rains were already set in, with all their violence, the rice
grounds and swamps were everywhere overflowed, and, in a few days more,
travelling of every kind, unless by water, would be completely
obstructed. The kowries which remained of the King of Bambarra's present,
were not sufficient to enable me to hire a canoe for any great distance;
and I had but little hopes of subsisting by charity, in a country where
the Moors have such influence. But about all, I perceived that I was
advancing more and more within the power of those merciless fanatics; and
from my reception both at Sego and Sansanding, I was apprehensive that,
in attempting to reach even Jenne, (unless under the protection of some
man of consequence amongst them, which I had no means of obtaining,) I
should sacrifice my life to no purpose, for my discoveries would perish
with me. The prospect either way was gloomy. In returning to the Gambia,
a journey on foot of many hundred miles, presented itself to my
contemplation, through regions and countries unknown. Nevertheless, this
seemed to be the only alternative; for I saw inevitable destruction, in
attempting to proceed to the eastward. With this conviction on my mind, I
hope my readers will acknowledge, that I did right in going no farther. I
had made every effort to execute my mission in its fullest extent, which
prudence could justify. Had there been the most distant prospect of a
successful termination, neither the unavoidable hardships of the journey,
nor the dangers of a second captivity, should have forced me to desist.
This, however, necessity compelled me to do; and whatever may be the
opinion of my general readers on this point, it affords me inexpressible
satisfaction, that my honourable employers have been pleased, since my
return, to express their full approbation of my conduct.
Having thus brought my mind, after much doubt and perplexity, to a
determination to return westward, I thought it incumbent on me, before I
left Silla, to collect from the Moorish and Negro traders all the
information I could, concerning the further course of the Niger eastward,
and the situation and extent of the kingdoms in its vicinage; and the
following few notices I received from such various quarters, as induce me
to think they are authentic.
Two short days journey to the eastward of Silla is the town of Jenne,
which is situated on a small island in the river, and is said to contain
a greater number of inhabitants than Sego itself, or any other town in
Bambarra. At the distance of two days more, the river spreads into a
considerable lake, called _Dibbe_ (or the dark lake), concerning the
extent of which all the information I could obtain was, that in crossing
it, from west to east, the canoes lose sight of land one whole day. From
this lake the water issues in many different streams, which terminate in
two large branches, one whereof flows towards the north-east, and the
other to the east; but these branches join at Kabra, which is one day's
journey to the southward of Tombuctoo, and is the port or shipping-place
of that city. The tract of land which the two streams encircle is called
Jinbala, and is inhabited by Negroes; and the whole distance, by land,
from Jenne to Tombuctoo, is twelve days journey.
From Kabra, at the distance of eleven days' journey, down the stream, the
river passes to the southward of Houssa, which is two days journey
distant from the river. Of the further progress of this great river and
its final exit, all the natives with whom I conversed seemed to be
entirely ignorant. Their commercial pursuits seldom induce them to travel
further than the cities of Tombuctoo and Houssa; and as the sole object
of those journeys is the acquirement of wealth, they pay but little
attention to the course of rivers, or the geography of countries. It is,
however, highly probable that the Niger affords a safe and easy
communication between very remote nations. All my informants agreed, that
many of the Negro merchants who arrive at Tombuctoo and Houssa, from the
eastward, speak a different language from that of Bambarra, or any other
kingdom with which they are acquainted. But even these merchants, it
would seem, are ignorant of the termination of the river, for such of
them as can speak Arabic, describe the amazing length of its course in
very general terms, saying only that they believe it _runs to the world's
end_.
The names of many kingdoms to the eastward of Houssa are familiar to the
inhabitants of Bambarra. I was shown quivers and arrows of very curious
workmanship, which I was informed came from the kingdom of Kassina.
On the northern bank of the Niger, at a short distance from Silla, is the
kingdom of Masina, which is inhabited by Foulahs. They employ themselves
there, as in other places, chiefly in pasturage, and pay an annual
tribute to the King of Bambarra for the lands which they occupy.
To the north-east of Masina is situated the kingdom of Tombuctoo, the
great object of European research, the capital of this kingdom being one
of the principal marts for that extensive commerce which the Moors carry
on with the Negroes. The hopes of acquiring wealth in this pursuit, and
zeal for propagating their religion, have filled this extensive city with
Moors and Mahomedan converts; the king himself, and all the chief
officers of state, are Moors, and they are said to be more severe and
intolerant in their principles than any other of the Moorish tribes in
this part of Africa. I was informed by a venerable old Negro, that when
he first visited Tombuctoo, he took up his lodging at a sort of public
inn, the landlord of which, when he conducted him into his hut, spread a
mat on the floor, and laid a rope upon it, saying, "If you are a
Mussulman you are my friend, sit down; but if you are a Kafir, you are my
slave, and with this rope I will lead you to market." The present King of
Tombuctoo is named _Abu Abrahima_; he is reported to possess immense
riches. His wives and concubines are said to be clothed in silk, and the
chief officers of state live in considerable splendour. The whole expense
of his government is defrayed, as I was told, by a tax upon merchandize,
which is collected at the gates of the city.
The city of Houssa (the capital of a large kingdom of the same name,
situated to the eastward of Tombuctoo) is another great mart for Moorish
commerce. I conversed with many merchants who had visited that city, and
they all agreed that it is larger and more populous than Tombuctoo. The
trade, police, and government, are nearly the same in both; but in Houssa
the Negroes are in greater proportion to the Moors, and have some share
in the government.
Concerning the small kingdom of Jinbala, I was not able to collect much
information. The soil is said to be remarkably fertile, and the whole
country so full of creeks and swamps, that the Moors have hitherto been
baffled in every attempt to subdue it. The inhabitants are Negroes, and
some of them are said to live in considerable affluence, particularly
those near the capital, which is a resting-place for such merchants as
transport goods from Tombuctoo to the western parts of Africa.
To the southward of Jinbala is situated the Negro kingdom of Gotto, which
is said to be of great extent. It was formerly divided into a number of
petty states which were governed by their own chiefs; but their private
quarrels invited invasion from the neighbouring kingdoms. At length a
politic chief, of the name of Moosee, had address enough to make them
unite in hostilities against Bambarra; and on this occasion he was
unanimously chosen general, the different chiefs consenting for a time to
act under his command. Moosee immediately dispatched a fleet of canoes,
loaded with provisions, from the banks of the lake Dibbe up the Niger
towards Jenne, and with the whole of his army pushed forwards into
Bambarra. He arrived on the banks of the Niger opposite to Jenne, before
the townspeople had the smallest intimation of his approach. His fleet of
canoes joined him the same day, and having landed the provisions, he
embarked part of his army, and in the night took Jenne by storm. This
event so terrified the King of Bambarra, that he sent messengers to sue
for peace, and in order to obtain it, consented to deliver to Moosee a
certain number of slaves every year, and return every thing that had been
taken from the inhabitants of Gotto. Moosee, thus triumphant, returned to
Gotto, where he was declared king, and the capital of the country is
called by his name.
On the west of Gotto is the kingdom of Baedoo, which was conquered by the
present King of Bambarra about seven years ago, and has continued
tributary to him ever since.
West of Baedoo is Maniana, the inhabitants of which, according to the
best information I was able to collect, are cruel and ferocious, carrying
their resentment towards their enemies so far, as never to give quarter,
and even to indulge themselves with unnatural and disgusting banquets of
human flesh.
I am well aware that the accounts which the Negroes give of their enemies
ought to be received with great caution; but I heard the same account in
so many different kingdoms, and from such variety of people, whose
veracity I had no occasion to suspect, that I am disposed to allow it
some degree of credit. The inhabitants of Bambarra, in the course of a
long and bloody war, must have had frequent opportunities of satisfying
themselves as to the fact; and if the report had been entirely without
foundation, I cannot conceive why the term _Madummulo_ (man-eaters)
should be applied exclusively to the inhabitants of Maniana.
CHAPTER XVII.
_The Author returns westward.--Arrives at Modiboo, and recovers his
horse.--Finds great difficulty in travelling in consequence of the rains,
and the overflowing of the river.--Is informed that the King of Bambarra
had sent persons to apprehend him.--Avoids Sego, and prosecutes his
journey along the banks of the Niger.--Incidents on the road.--Cruelties
attendant on African wars.--The Author crosses the river Frina, and
arrives at Tafiara._
Having, for the reasons assigned in the last chapter, determined to
proceed no farther eastward than Silla, I acquainted the Dooty with my
intention of returning to Sego, proposing to travel along the southern
side of the river; but he informed me, that, from the number of creeks
and swamps on that side, it was impossible to travel by any other route
than along the northern bank; and even that route, he said, would soon be
impassable, on account of the overflowing of the river. However, as he
commended my determination to return westward, he agreed to speak to some
one of the fishermen to carry me over to Moorzan. I accordingly stepped
into a canoe about eight o'clock in the morning of July 30th, and in
about an hour was landed at Moorzan. At this place I hired a canoe for
sixty kowries, and in the afternoon arrived at Kea; where, for forty
kowries more, the Dooty permitted me to sleep in the same hut with one of
his slaves. This poor Negro, perceiving that I was sickly, and that my
clothes were very ragged, humanely lent me a large cloth to cover me for
the night.
July 31st. The Dooty's brother being going to Modiboo, I embraced the
opportunity of accompanying him thither, there being no beaten road. He
promised to carry my saddle, which I had left at Kea when my horse fell
down in the woods, as I now proposed to present it to the King of
Bambarra.
We departed from Kea at eight o'clock, and about a mile to the westward
observed, on the bank of the river, a great number of earthen jars piled
up together. They were very neatly formed, but not glazed; and were
evidently of that sort of pottery which is manufactured at Downie, (a
town to the west of Tombuctoo,) and sold to great advantage in different
parts of Bambarra. As we approached towards the jars, my companion
plucked up a large handful of herbage, and threw it upon them, making
signs for me to do the same, which I did. He then, with great
seriousness, told me that these jars belonged to some supernatural power;
that they were found in their present situation about two years ago, and
as no person had claimed them, every traveller, as he passed them, from
respect to the invisible proprietor, threw some grass, or the branch of a
tree, upon the heap, to defend the jars from the rain.
Thus conversing, we travelled in the most friendly manner, until,
unfortunately, we perceived the footsteps of a lion, quite fresh in the
mud, near the river side. My companion now proceeded with great
circumspection, and at last, coming to some thick underwood, he insisted
that I should walk before him. I endeavoured to excuse myself, by
alleging that I did not know the road, but he obstinately persisted; and
after a few high words and menacing looks, threw down the saddle and went
away. This very much disconcerted me; but as I had given up all hopes of
obtaining a horse, I could not think of encumbering myself with the
saddle, and taking off the stirrups and girths, I threw the saddle into
the river. The Negro no sooner saw me throw the saddle into the water,
than he came running from among the bushes where he had concealed
himself, jumped into the river, and by help of his spear, brought out the
saddle, and ran away with it. I continued my course along the bank; but
as the wood was remarkably thick, and I had reason to believe that a lion
was at no great distance, I became much alarmed, and took a long circuit
through the bushes to avoid him.
About four in the afternoon I reached Modiboo, where I found my saddle.
The guide, who had got there before me, being afraid that I should inform
the king of his conduct, had brought the saddle with him in a canoe.
While I was conversing with the Dooty, and remonstrating against the
guide for having left me in such a situation, I heard a horse neigh in
one of the huts; and the Dooty inquired, with a smile, if I knew who was
speaking to me? He explained himself, by telling me that my horse was
still alive, and somewhat recovered from his fatigue; but he insisted
that I should take him along with me; adding, that he had once kept a
Moor's horse for four months, and when the horse had recovered and got
into good condition, the Moor returned and claimed it, and refused to
give him any reward for his trouble.
August 1st. I departed from Modiboo, driving my horse before me, and in
the afternoon reached Nyamee, where I remained three days, during which
time it rained without intermission, and with such violence, that no
person could venture out of doors.
Aug. 5th. I departed from Nyamee; but the country was so deluged, that I
was frequently in danger of losing the road, and had to wade across the
savannahs for miles together, knee deep in water. Even the corn ground,
which is the driest land in the country, was so completely flooded, that
my horse twice stuck fast in the mud, and was not got out without the
greatest difficulty.
In the evening of the same day I arrived at Nyara, where I was well
received by the Dooty; and as the 6th was rainy, I did not depart until
the morning of the 7th; but the water had swelled to such a height, that
in many places the road was scarcely passable; and though I waded breast
deep across the swamps, I could only reach a small village called
Nemaboo, where, however, for an hundred kowries, I procured from some
Foulahs plenty of corn for my horse, and milk for myself.
Aug. 8th. The difficulties I had experienced the day before, made me
anxious to engage a fellow-traveller; particularly as I was assured,
that, in the course of a few days, the country would be so completely
overflowed, as to render the road utterly impassable; but though I
offered two hundred kowries for a guide, nobody would accompany me.
However, on the morning following, (Aug. 9th,) a Moor and his wife,
riding upon two bullocks, and bound for Sego with salt, passed the
village, and agreed to take me along with them; but I found them of
little service, for they were wholly unacquainted with the road, and
being accustomed to a sandy soil, were very bad travellers. Instead of
wading before the bullocks, to feel if the ground was solid, the woman
boldly entered the first swamp, riding upon the top of the load; but when
she had proceeded about two hundred yards, the bullock sunk into a hole,
and threw both the load and herself among the reeds. The frightened
husband stood for some time seemingly petrified with horror, and suffered
his wife to be almost drowned before he went to her assistance.
About sunset we reached Sibity, but the Dooty received me very coolly,
and when I solicited for a guide to Sansanding, he told me his people
were otherwise employed. I was shown into a damp old hut, where I passed
a very uncomfortable night; for when the walls of the hut are softened by
the rain, they frequently become too weak to support the weight of the
roof. I heard three huts fall during the night, and was apprehensive that
the hut I lodged in would be the fourth. In the morning, as I went to
pull some grass for my horse, I counted fourteen huts which had fallen in
this manner, since the commencement of the rainy season.
It continued to rain with great violence all the 10th; and as the Dooty
refused to give me any provisions, I purchased some corn, which I divided
with my horse.
Aug. 11th. The Dooty compelled me to depart from the town, and I set out
for Sansanding, without any great hopes of faring better there than I had
done at Sibity; for I learned from people who came to visit me, that a
report prevailed, and was universally believed, that I had come to
Bambarra as a spy; and as Mansong had not admitted me into his presence,
the Dooties of the different towns were at liberty to treat me in what
manner they pleased. From repeatedly hearing the same story, I had no
doubt of the truth of it; but as there was no alternative, I determined
to proceed, and a little before sunset arrived at Sansanding. My
reception was what I expected. Counti Mamadi, who had been so kind to me
formerly, scarcely gave me welcome. Every one wished to shun me, and my
landlord sent a person to inform me, that a very unfavourable report was
received from Sego concerning me, and that he wished me to depart early
in the morning. About ten o'clock at night Counti Mamadi himself came
privately to me, and informed me, that Mansong had dispatched a canoe to
Jenne to bring me back; and he was afraid I should find great difficulty
in going to the west country. He advised me, therefore, to depart from
Sansanding before daybreak; and cautioned me against stopping at Diggani,
or any town near Sego.
Aug. 12th. I departed from Sansanding, and reached Kabba in the
afternoon. As I approached the town, I was surprised to see several
people assembled at the gate; one of whom, as I advanced, came running
towards me, and taking my horse by the bridle, led me round the walls of
the town; and then pointing to the west, told me to go along, or it would
fare worse with me. It was in vain that I represented the danger of being
benighted in the woods, exposed to the inclemency of the weather, and to
the fury of wild beasts. "Go along," was all the answer; and a number of
people coming up, and urging me in the same manner with great
earnestness, I suspected that some of the king's messengers, who were
sent in search of me, were in the town; and that these Negroes, from mere
kindness, conducted me past it with a view to facilitate my escape. I
accordingly took the road for Sego, with the uncomfortable prospect of
passing the night on the branches of a tree. After travelling about three
miles, I came to a small village near the road. The Dooty was splitting
sticks by the gate; but I found I could have no admittance; and when I
attempted to enter, he jumped up, and with the stick he held in his hand,
threatened to strike me off the horse, if I presumed to advance another
step.
At a little distance from this village (and farther from the road) is
another small one. I conjectured, that being rather out of the common
route, the inhabitants might have fewer objections to give me house room
for the night; and having crossed some corn fields, I sat down under a
tree by the well. Two or three women came to draw water; and one of them
perceiving I was a stranger, inquired whither I was going. I told her I
was going for Sego, but being benighted on the road, I wished to stay at
the village until morning; and begged she would acquaint the Dooty with
my situation. In a little time the Dooty sent for me, and permitted me to
sleep in a large baloon, in one corner of which was constructed a kiln
for drying the fruit of the Shea trees. It contained about half a
cart-load of fruit, under which was kept up a clear wood fire. I was
informed that in three days the fruit would be ready for pounding and
boiling; and that the butter thus manufactured is preferable to that
which is prepared from the fruit dried in the sun, especially in the
rainy season, when the process by insolation is always tedious, and
oftentimes ineffectual.
Aug. 13th. About ten o'clock I reached a small village within half a mile
of Sego, where I endeavoured, but in vain, to procure some provisions.
Every one seemed anxious to avoid me; and I could plainly perceive, by
the looks and behaviour of the inhabitants, that some very unfavourable
accounts had been circulated concerning me. I was again informed, that
Mansong had sent people to apprehend me; and the Dooty's son told me I
had no time to lose, if I wished to get safe out of Bambarra. I now fully
saw the danger of my situation, and determined to avoid Sego altogether.
I accordingly mounted my horse, and taking the road for Diggani,
travelled as fast as I could, until I was out of sight of the villagers,
when I struck to the westward through high grass and swampy ground. About
noon, I stopped under a tree, to consider what course to take; for I had
now no doubt but that the Moors and Slatees had misinformed the king
respecting the object of my mission, and that the people were absolutely
in search of me to convey me a prisoner to Sego. Sometimes I had thoughts
of swimming my horse across the Niger, and going to the southward for
Cape Coast; but reflecting that I had ten days to travel before I should
reach Kong, and afterward an extensive country to traverse, inhabited by
various nations, with whose language and manners I was totally
unacquainted, I relinquished this scheme, and judged that I should better
answer the purpose of my mission, by proceeding to the westward along the
Niger, endeavouring to ascertain how far the river was navigable in that
direction. Having resolved upon this course, I proceeded accordingly; and
a little before sunset arrived at a Foulah village called Sooboo, where,
for two hundred kowries, I procured lodging for the night.
Aug. 14th. I continued my course along the bank of the river, through a
populous and well cultivated country. I passed a walled town called
Kamalia,[14] without stopping; and at noon rode through a large town called
Samee, where there happened to be a market, and a number of people
assembled in an open place in the middle of the town, selling cattle,
cloth, corn, &c. I rode through the midst of them without being much
observed, every one taking me for a Moor. In the afternoon I arrived at a
small village called Binni, where I agreed with the Dooty's son, for one
hundred kowries, to allow me to stay for the night; but when the Dooty
returned, he insisted that I should instantly leave the place, and if his
wife and son had not interceded for me, I must have complied.
[14] There is another town of this name hereafter to be mentioned.
Aug. 15th. About nine o'clock I passed a large town called Sai, which
very much excited my curiosity. It is completely surrounded by two very
deep trenches, at about two hundred yards distant from the walls. On the
top of the trenches are a number of square towers, and the whole has the
appearance of a regular fortification. Inquiring into the origin of this
extraordinary entrenchment, I learned from two of the townspeople the
following particulars, which, if true, furnish a mournful picture of the
enormities of African wars. About fifteen years ago, when the present
King of Bambarra's father desolated Maniana, the Dooty of Sai had two
sons slain in battle, fighting in the king's cause. He had a third son
living; and when the king demanded a further reinforcement of men, and
this youth among the rest, the Dooty refused to send him. This conduct so
enraged the king, that when he returned from Maniana, about the beginning
of the rainy season, and found the Dooty protected by the inhabitants, he
sat down before Sai with his army, and surrounded the town with the
trenches I had now seen. After a siege of two months, the townspeople
became involved in all the horrors of famine; and whilst the king's army
were feasting in their trenches, they saw with pleasure the miserable
inhabitants of Sai devour the leaves and bark of the Bentang tree that
stood in the middle of the town. Finding, however, that the besieged
would sooner perish than surrender, the king had recourse to treachery.
He promised, that if they would open the gates, no person should be put
to death, nor suffer any injury but the Dooty alone. The poor old man
determined to sacrifice himself for the sake of his fellow citizens, and
immediately walked over to the king's army, where he was put to death.
His son, in attempting to escape, was caught and massacred in the
trenches; and the rest of the townspeople were carried away captives, and
sold as slaves to the different Negro traders.
About noon I came to the village of Kaimoo, situated upon the bank of the
river; and as the corn I had purchased at Sibili was exhausted, I
endeavoured to purchase a fresh supply, but was informed that corn was
become very scarce all over the country; and, though I offered fifty
kowries for a small quantity, no person would sell me any. As I was about
to depart, however, one of the villagers (who probably mistook me for a
Moorish shereef) brought me some as a present; only desiring me in return
to bestow my blessing upon him; which I did in plain English, and he
received it with a thousand acknowledgments. Of this present I made my
dinner; and it was the third successive day that I had subsisted entirely
upon raw corn.
In the evening I arrived at a small village called Song, the surly
inhabitants of which would not receive me, nor so much as permit me to
enter the gate; but as lions were very numerous in this neighbourhood,
and I had frequently, in the course of the day, seen the impression of
their feet on the road, I resolved to stay in the vicinity of the
village. Having collected some grass for my horse, I accordingly lay down
under a tree by the gate. About ten o'clock I heard the hollow roar of a
lion at no great distance, and attempted to open the gate; but the people
from within told me, that no person must attempt to enter the gate
without the Dooty's permission. I begged them to inform the Dooty that a
lion was approaching the village, and I hoped he would allow me to come
within the gate. I waited for an answer to this message with great
anxiety; for the lion kept prowling round the village, and once advanced
so very near me, that I heard him rustling among the grass, and climbed
the tree for safety. About midnight the Dooty, with some of his people,
opened the gate, and desired me to come in. They were convinced, they
said, that I was not a Moor; for no Moor ever waited any time at the gate
of a village, without cursing the inhabitants.
Aug. 16th. About ten o'clock I passed a considerable town, with a mosque,
called Jabbe. Here the country begins to rise into hills, and I could see
the summits of high mountains to the westward. I had very disagreeable
travelling all this day, on account of the swampiness of the roads; for
the river was now risen to such a height, as to overflow great part of
the flat land on both sides; and, from the muddiness of the water, it was
difficult to discern its depth. In crossing one of these swamps, a little
to the westward of a town called Gangu, my horse, being up to the belly
in water, slipt suddenly into a deep pit, and was almost drowned before
he could disengage his feet from the stiff clay at the bottom. Indeed,
both the horse and its rider were so completely covered with mud, that,
in passing the village of Callimana, the people compared us to two dirty
elephants. About noon I stopped at a small village near Yamina, where I
purchased some corn, and dried my papers and clothes.
The town of Yamina, at a distance, has a very fine appearance. It covers
nearly the same extent of ground as Sansanding; but having been plundered
by Daisy, King of Kaarta, about four years ago, it has not yet resumed
its former prosperity; nearly one half of the town being nothing but a
heap of ruins. However, it is still a considerable place, and is so much
frequented by the Moors, that I did not think it safe to lodge in it. But
in order to satisfy myself respecting its population and extent, I
resolved to ride through it; in doing which, I observed a great many
Moors sitting upon the Bentangs, and other places of public resort. Every
body looked at me with astonishment; but, as I rode briskly along, they
had no time to ask questions.
I arrived in the evening at Farra, a walled village; where, without much
difficulty, I procured a lodging for the night.
Aug. 17th. Early in the morning I pursued my journey, and at eight
o'clock passed a considerable, town called Balaba; after which the road
quits the plain, and stretches along the side of the hill. I passed in
the course of this day the ruins of three towns, the inhabitants of which
were all carried away by Daisy, King of Kaarta, on the same day that he
took and plundered Yamina. Near one of these ruins I climbed a tamarind
tree, but found the fruit quite green and sour; and the prospect of the
country was by no means inviting; for the high grass and bushes seemed
completely to obstruct the road, and the low lands were all so flooded by
the river, that the Niger had the appearance of an extensive lake. In the
evening I arrived at Kanika, where the Dooty, who was sitting upon an
elephant's hide at the gate, received me kindly; and gave me for supper
some milk and meal; which I considered (as to a person in my situation it
really was) a very great luxury.
Aug. 18th. By mistake I took the wrong road, and did not discover my
error until I had travelled near four miles; when, coming to an eminence,
I observed the Niger considerably to the left. Directing my course
towards it, I travelled through long grass and bushes, with great
difficulty, until two o'clock in the afternoon; when I came to a
comparatively small, but very rapid river; which I took at first for a
creek, or one of the streams of the Niger. However, after I had examined
it with more attention, I was convinced that it was a distinct river; and
as the road evidently crossed it, (for I could see the pathway on the
opposite side,) I sat down upon the bank, in hopes that some traveller
might arrive, who would give me the necessary information concerning the
fording place; for the banks were so covered with reeds and bushes, that
it would have been almost impossible to land on the other side, except at
the pathway; which, on account of the rapidity of the stream, it seemed
very difficult to reach. No traveller, however, arriving, and there being
a great appearance of rain, I examined the grass and bushes, for some way
up the bank, and determined upon entering the river considerably above
the pathway, in order to reach the other side before the stream had swept
me too far down. With this view I fastened my clothes upon the saddle,
and was standing up to the neck in water, pulling my horse by the bridle
to make him follow me, when a man came accidentally to the place, and,
seeing me in the water, called to me with great vehemence to come out.
The alligators, he said, would devour both me and my horse, if we
attempted to swim over. When I had got out, the stranger, who had never
before seen a European, seemed wonderfully surprised. He twice put his
hand to his mouth, exclaiming in a low tone of voice, "God preserve me!
who is this?" But when he heard me speak the Bambarra tongue, and found
that I was going the same way as himself, he promised to assist me in
crossing the river; the name of which he told me was Frina. He then went
a little way along the bank and called to some person, who answered from
the other side. In a short time, a canoe with two boys, came paddling
from among the reeds. These boys agreed, for fifty Kowries, to transport
me and my horse over the river, which was effected without much
difficulty, and I arrived in the evening at Taffara, a walled town; and
soon discovered that the language of the natives was improved from the
corrupted dialect of Bambarra to the pure Mandingo.
CHAPTER XVIII.
_Inhospitable reception at Taffara.--A Negro funeral at Sooha.--The
Author continues his route through several villages along the banks of
the Niger, until he comes to Koolikorro.--Supports himself by writing
saphies--reaches Maraboo--loses the road; and, after many difficulties,
arrives at Bammakoo.--Takes the road for Sibidooloo--meets with great
kindness at a village called Kooma;--is afterwards robbed, stripped, and
plundered by banditti.--The Author's resource and consolation under
exquisite distress.--He arrives in safety at Sibidooloo._
On my arrival at Taffara, I inquired for the Dooty, but was informed that
he had died a few days before my arrival, and that there was, at that
moment, a meeting of the chief men for electing another, there being some
dispute about the succession. It was probably owing to the unsettled
state of the town, that I experienced such a want of hospitality in it,
for, though I informed the inhabitants that I should only remain with
them for one night, and assured them that Mansong had given me some
kowries to pay for my lodging, yet no person invited me to come in; and I
was forced to sit alone under the Bentang tree, exposed to the rain and
wind of a tornado, which lasted with great violence until midnight. At
this time the stranger, who had assisted me in crossing the river, paid
me a visit, and observing that I had not found a lodging, invited me to
take part of his supper, which he had brought to the door of his hut;
for, being a guest himself, he could not, without his landlord's consent,
invite me to come in. After this, I slept upon some wet grass in the
corner of a court. My horse fared still worse than myself, the corn I had
purchased being all expended, and I could not procure a supply.
Aug. 20th. I passed the town of Jaba, and stopped a few minutes at a
village called Somino, where I begged and obtained some coarse food,
which the natives prepare from the husks of corn, and call _Boo_. About
two o'clock I came to the village of Sooha, and endeavoured to purchase
some corn from the Dooty, who was sitting by the gate, but without
success. I then requested a little food by way of charity, but was told
that he had none to spare. Whilst I was examining the countenance of this
inhospitable old man, and endeavouring to find out the cause of the
sullen discontent which was visible in his eye, he called to a slave who
was working in the corn-field at a little distance, and ordered him to
bring his hoe along with him. The Dooty then told him to dig a hole in
the ground, pointing to a spot at no great distance. The slave, with his
hoe, began to dig a pit in the earth; and the Dooty, who appeared to be a
man of a very fretful disposition, kept muttering and talking to himself
until the pit was almost finished, when he repeated _dankatoo_ (good for
nothing;) _jiankra lemen_ (a real plague;) which expressions I thought
could be applied to nobody but myself; and as the pit had very much the
appearance of a grave, I thought it prudent to mount my horse, and was
about to decamp, when the slave, who had before gone into the village, to
my surprise, returned with a corpse of a boy about nine or ten years of
age, quite naked. The Negro carried the body by a leg and an arm, and
threw it into the pit with a savage indifference, which I had never
before seen. As he covered the body with earth, the Dooty often expressed
himself, _naphula attiniata_ (money lost;) whence I concluded that the
boy had been one of his slaves.
Departing from this shocking scene, I travelled by the side of the river
until sunset, when I came to Koolikorro; a considerable town, and a great
market for salt. Here I took up my lodging at the house of a Barabarran,
who had formerly been the slave of a Moor, and in that character had
travelled to Aoran, Towdinni, and many other places in the Great Desert;
but turning Mussulman, and his master dying at Jenne, he obtained his
freedom, and settled at this place, where he carries on a considerable
trade in salt, cotton-cloth, &c. His knowledge of the world has not
lessened that superstitious confidence in saphies and charms, which he
had imbibed in his earlier years; for, when he heard that I was a
Christian, he immediately thought of procuring a saphie, and for this
purpose brought out his _walha_, or writing board, assuring me, that he
would dress me a supper of rice, if I would write him a saphie to protect
him from wicked men. The proposal was of too great consequence to me to
be refused; I therefore wrote the board full from top to bottom on both
sides; and my landlord, to be certain of having the whole force of the
charm, washed the writing from the board into a calabash with a little
water, and having said a few prayers over it, drank this powerful
draught; after which, lest a single word should escape, he licked the
board until it was quite dry. A saphie writer was a man of too great
consequence to be long concealed; the important information was carried
to the Dooty, who sent his son with half a sheet of writing paper,
desiring me to write him a _naphula saphie_ (a charm to procure wealth).
He brought me, as a present, some meal and milk; and when I had finished
the saphie, and read it to him with an audible voice, he seemed highly
satisfied with his bargain, and promised to bring me in the morning some
milk for my breakfast. When I had finished my supper of rice and salt I
laid myself down upon a bullock's hide, and slept very quietly until
morning; this being the first good meal and refreshing sleep that I had
enjoyed for a long time.
Aug. 21st. At daybreak I departed from Koolikorro, and about noon passed
the villages of Kayoo and Toolumbo. In the afternoon I arrived at
Maraboo, a large town, and like Koolikorro, famous for its trade in salt.
I was conducted to the house of a Kaartan, of the tribe of Jower, by whom
I was well received. This man had acquired a considerable property in the
slave trade; and, from his hospitality to strangers, was called by way of
pre-eminence, _Jattee_ (the landlord;) and his house was a sort of public
inn for all travellers. Those who had money were well lodged, for they
always made him some return for his kindness; but those who had nothing
to give, were content to accept whatever he thought proper; and as I
could not rank myself among the monied men, I was happy to take up my
lodging in the same hut with seven poor fellows who had come from Kancaba
in a canoe. But our landlord sent us some victuals.
Aug. 22d. One of the landlord's servants went with me a little way from
the town to shew me what road to take; but, whether from ignorance or
design I know not, he directed me wrong; and I did not discover my
mistake until the day was far advanced, when, coming to a deep creek, I
had some thoughts of turning back; but as by that means, I foresaw that I
could not possibly reach Bammakoo before night, I resolved to cross it;
and leading my horse close to the brink, I went behind him, and pushed
him headlong into the water; and then taking the bridle in my teeth, swam
over to the other side. This was the third creek I had crossed in this
manner, since I had left Sego; but having secured my notes and
memorandums in the crown of my hat, I received little or no inconvenience
from such adventures. The rain and heavy dew kept my clothes constantly
wet; and the roads being very deep and full of mud, such a washing was
sometimes pleasant, and oftentimes necessary. I continued travelling,
through high grass, without any beaten road, and about noon came to the
river; the banks of which are here very rocky, and the force and roar of
the water were very great. The King of Bambarra's canoes, however,
frequently pass these rapids by keeping close to the bank; persons being
stationed on the shore with ropes fastened to the canoe, while others
push it forward with long poles. At this time, however, it would, I
think, have been a matter of great difficulty for any European boat to
have crossed the stream. About four o'clock in the afternoon, having
altered my course from the river towards the mountains, I came to a small
pathway which led to a village called Foorkaboo, where I slept.
Aug. 23d. Early in the morning I set out for Bammakoo, at which place I
arrived about five o'clock in the afternoon. I had heard Bammakoo much
talked of as a great market for salt, and I felt rather disappointed to
find it only a middling town, not quite so large as Maraboo; however, the
smallness of its size is more than compensated by the riches of its
inhabitants; for, when the Moors bring their salt through Kaarta or
Bambarra, they constantly rest a few days at this place; and the Negro
merchants here, who are well acquainted with the value of salt in
different kingdoms, frequently purchase by wholesale, and retail it to
great advantage. Here I lodged at the house of a Sera-Woolli Negro, and
was visited by a number of Moors. They spoke very good Mandingo, and were
more civil to me than their countrymen had been. One of them had
travelled to Rio Grande, and spoke very highly of the Christians. He sent
me in the evening some boiled rice and milk. I now endeavoured to procure
information concerning my route to the westward, from a slave merchant
who had resided some years on the Gambia. He gave me some imperfect
account of the distance, and enumerated the names of a great many places
that lay in the way; but withal told me, that the road was impassable at
this season of the year. He was even afraid, he said, that I should find
great difficulty in proceeding any farther, as the road crossed the
Joliba at a town about half a day's journey to the westward of Bammakoo;
and there being no canoes at that place large enough, to receive my
horse, I could not possibly get him over for some months to come. This
was an obstruction of a very serious nature; but as I had no money to
maintain myself even for a few days, I resolved to push on, and if I
could, not convey my horse across the river, to abandon him, and swim
over myself. In thoughts of this nature I passed the night, and in the
morning consulted with my landlord how I should surmount the present
difficulty. He informed me that one road still remained, which was indeed
very rocky, and scarcely passable for horses; but that if I had a proper
guide over the hills to a town called Sibidooloo, he had no doubt, but
with patience and caution, I might travel forwards through Handing. I
immediately applied to the Dooty, and was informed that a _Jilli Kea_
(singing man) was about to depart for Sibidooloo, and would show me the
road over the hills. With this man, who undertook to be my conductor, I
travelled up a rocky glen about two miles, when we came to a small
village; and here my musical fellow-traveller found out that he had
brought me the wrong road. He told me that the horse-road lay on the
other side of the hill, and throwing his drum upon his back, mounted up
the rocks, where indeed no horse could follow him, leaving me to admire
his agility, and trace out a road for myself. As I found it impossible to
proceed, I rode back to the level ground, and directing my course to the
eastward, came about noon to another glen, and discovered a path on which
I observed the marks of horses feet. Following this path I came in a
short time to some shepherds' huts, where I was informed that I was in
the right road, but that I could not possibly reach Sibidooloo before
night. Soon after this I gained the summit of a hill, from whence I had
an extensive view of the country. Towards the south-east appeared some
very distant mountains, which I had formerly seen from an eminence near
Maraboo, where the people informed me that these mountains were situated
in a large and powerful kingdom called Kong, the sovereign of which could
raise a much greater army than the king of Bambarra. Upon this height the
soil is shallow, the rocks are iron-stone and schistus, with detached
pieces of white quartz.
A little before sunset, I descended on the north-west side of this ridge
of hills, and as I was looking about for a convenient tree under which to
pass the night, (for I had no hopes of reaching any town,) I descended
into a delightful valley, and soon afterwards arrived at a romantic
village called Kooma. This village is surrounded by a high wall, and is
the sole property of a Mandingo merchant, who fled hither with his family
during a former war. The adjacent fields yield him plenty of corn, his
cattle roam at large in the valley, and the rocky hills secure him from
the depredations of war. In this obscure retreat he is seldom visited by
strangers, but whenever this happens, he makes the weary traveller
welcome. I soon found myself surrounded by a circle of the harmless
villagers. They asked me a thousand questions about my country; and, in
return for my information, brought corn and milk for myself, and grass
for my horse, kindled a fire in the hut where I was to sleep, and
appeared very anxious to serve me.
Aug. 25th. I departed from Kooma, accompanied by two shepherds, who were
going towards Sibidooloo. The road was very steep and rocky, and as my
horse had hurt his feet much in coming from Bammakoo, he travelled slowly
and with great difficulty; for in many places the ascent was so sharp,
and the declivities so great, that if he made one false step, he must
inevitably have been dashed to pieces. The shepherds being anxious to
proceed, gave themselves little trouble about me or my horse, and kept
walking on at a considerable distance. It was about eleven o'clock, as I
stopped to drink a little water at a rivulet, (my companions being near a
quarter of a mile before me,) that I heard some people calling to each
other, and presently a loud screaming, as from a person in great
distress. I immediately conjectured that a lion had taken one of the
shepherds, and mounted my horse to have a better view of what had
happened. The noise, however, ceased; and I rode slowly towards the place
from whence I thought it had proceeded, calling out but without receiving
any answer. In a little time, however, I perceived one of the shepherds
lying among the long grass near the road, and, though I could see no
blood upon him, I concluded he was dead. But when I came close to him, he
whispered me to stop, telling me that a party of armed men had seized
upon his companion, and shot two arrows at himself as he was making his
escape. I stopped to consider what course to take, and looking round, saw
at a little distance a man sitting upon the stump of a tree; I
distinguished also the heads of six or seven more sitting among the
grass, with muskets in their hands. I had now no hopes of escaping, and
therefore determined to ride toward towards them. As I approached them,
I was in hopes they were elephant hunters; and, by way of opening the
conversation, inquired if they had shot any thing; but without returning
an answer, one of them ordered me to dismount; and then, as if
recollecting himself, waved with his hand for me to proceed. I
accordingly rode past, and had with some difficulty crossed a deep
rivulet, when I heard somebody holla; and looking behind, saw those I had
taken for elephant hunters running after me, and calling out to me to
turn back. I stopped until they were all come up; when they informed
me that the King of the Foulahs had sent them on purpose to bring me,
my horse, and every thing that belonged to me, to Fooladoo; and
that therefore I must turn back and go along with them. Without
hesitating a moment, I turned round and followed them, and we travelled
together near a quarter of a mile without exchanging a word, when, coming
to a dark place of the wood, one of them said in the Mandingo language,
"this place will do;" and immediately snatched my hat from my head.
Though I was by no means free of apprehension, yet I resolved to shew as
few signs of fear as possible, and therefore told them, that unless my
hat was returned to me, I should proceed no further. But before I had
time to receive an answer, another drew his knife, and seizing upon a
metal button which remained upon my waistcoat, cut it off, and put it
into his pocket. Their intentions were now obvious; and I thought that
the easier they were permitted to rob me of every thing, the less I had
to fear. I therefore allowed them to search my pockets without
resistance, and examine every part of my apparel, which they did with the
most scrupulous exactness. But observing that I had one waistcoat under
another, they insisted that I should cast them both off; and at last, to
make sure work, stripped me quite naked. Even my half boots (though the
sole of one of them was tied on to my foot with a broken-bridle rein,)
were minutely inspected. Whilst they were examining the plunder, I begged
them, with great earnestness, to return my pocket compass; but when I
pointed it out to them, as it was lying on the ground, one of the
banditti, thinking I was about to take it up, cocked his musket, and
swore that he would lay me dead on the spot, if I presumed to put my hand
upon it. After this, some of them went away with my horse, and the
remainder stood considering whether they should leave me quite naked, or
allow me something to shelter me from the sun. Humanity at last
prevailed; they returned me the worst of the two shirts, and a pair of
trowsers; and, as they went away, one of them threw back my hat, in the
crown of which I kept my memorandums; and this was probably the reason
they did not wish to keep it. After they were gone, I sat for some time
looking around me with amazement and terror. Which ever way I turned,
nothing appeared but danger and difficulty. I saw myself in the midst of
a vast wilderness in the depth of the rainy season, naked and alone,
surrounded by savage animals, and men still more savage. I was five
hundred miles from the nearest European settlement. All these
circumstances crowded at once on my recollection, and I confess that my
spirits began to fail me. I considered my fate as certain, and that I had
no alternative but to lie down and perish. The influence of religion,
however, aided and supported me. I reflected that no human prudence or
foresight could possibly have averted my present sufferings. I was indeed
a stranger in a strange land, yet I was still under the protecting eye of
that Providence who has condescended to call himself the stranger's
friend. At this moment, painful as my reflections were, the extraordinary
beauty of a small moss, in fructification, irresistibly caught my eye, I
mention this to show from what trifling circumstances the mind will
sometimes derive consolation; for though the whole plant was not larger
than the top of one of my fingers, I could not contemplate the delicate
conformation of its roots, leaves, and capsula, without admiration. Can
that Being (thought I,) who planted, watered, and brought to perfection,
in this obscure part of the world, a thing which appears of so small
importance, look with unconcern upon the situation and sufferings of
creatures formed after his own image?--Surely not? Reflections like these
would not allow me to despair. I started up, and disregarding both hunger
and fatigue, travelled forwards, assured that relief was at hand; and I
was not disappointed. In a short time I came to a small village, at the
entrance of which I overtook the two shepherds who had come with me from
Kooma. They were much surprised to see me; for they said they never
doubted that the Foulahs, when they had robbed, had murdered me.
Departing from this village, we travelled over several rocky ridges, and
at sunset arrived at Sibidooloo, the frontier town of the kingdom of
Manding.
CHAPTER XIX.
_Government of Manding.--The Author's reception by the Mansa, or chief
man of Sibidooloo, who takes measures for the recovery of his horse and
effects.--The Author removes to Wonda.--Great scarcity, and its
afflicting consequences.--The Author recovers his horse and
clothes.--Presents his horse to the Mansa, and prosecutes his journey to
Kamalia.--Some account of that town.--The Author's kind reception by
Karfa Taura, a slatee, who proposes to go to the Gambia in the next dry
season, with a caravan of slaves.--The Author's sickness, and
determination to remain and accompany Karfa._
The town of Sibidooloo is situated in a fertile valley, surrounded with
high rocky hills. It is scarcely accessible for horses, and during the
frequent wars between the Bambarrans, Foulahs, and Mandingoes, has never
once been plundered by an enemy. When I entered the town, the people
gathered round me, and followed me into the balloon; where I was
presented to the Dooty or chief man, who is here called Mansa, which
usually signifies king. Nevertheless, it appeared to me that the
government of Manding was a sort of republic, or rather an oligarchy,
every town having a particular Mansa, and the chief power of the state,
in the last resort, being lodged in the assembly of the whole body. I
related to the Mansa the circumstances of my having been robbed of my
horse and apparel, and my story was confirmed by the two shepherds. He
continued smoking his pipe all the time I was speaking; but I had no
sooner finished, than, taking his pipe from his mouth, and tossing up the
sleeve of his coat, with an indignant air "Sit down, (said he,) you shall
have everything restored to you; I have sworn it:"--and then turning to
an attendant, "Give the white man (said he) a draught of water; and with
the first light of the morning go over the hills, and inform the Dooty of
Bammakoo, that a poor white man, the King of Bambarra's stranger, has
been robbed by the King of Fooladoo's people."
I little expected, in my forlorn condition, to meet with a man who could
thus feel for my sufferings. I heartily thanked the Mansa for his
kindness, and accepted his invitation to remain with him until the return
of the messenger, I was conducted into a hut, and had some victuals sent
me; but the crowd of people which assembled to see me, all of whom
commiserated my misfortunes, and vented imprecations against the Foulahs,
prevented me from sleeping until past midnight. Two days I remained
without hearing any intelligence of my horse or clothes; and as there was
at this time a great scarcity of provisions, approaching even to famine,
all over this part of the country, I was unwilling to trespass any
further on the Mansa's generosity, and begged permission to depart to the
next village. Finding me very anxious to proceed, he told me that I might
go as far as a town called Wonda, where he hoped I would remain a few
days, until I heard some account of my horse, &c.
I departed accordingly on the next morning of the 28th, and stopped at
some small villages for refreshment. I was presented at one of them with
a dish which I had never before seen. It was composed of the blossoms, or
_antherae_ of the maize, stewed in milk and water. It is eaten only in
time of great scarcity. On the 30th, about noon, I arrived at Wonda, a
small town with a mosque, and surrounded by a high wall. The Mansa, who
was a Mahomedan, acted in two capacities; as chief magistrate of the
town, and schoolmaster to the children. He kept his school in an open
shed, where I was desired to take up my lodging, until some account
should arrive from Sibidooloo, concerning my horse and clothes; for
though the horse was of little use to me, yet the few clothes were
essential. The little raiment upon me could neither protect me from the
sun by day, nor the dews and musquetoes by night: indeed my shirt was not
only worn thin, like a piece of muslin, but withal was so very dirty,
that I was happy to embrace an opportunity of washing it; which having
done, and spread it upon a bush, I sat down naked in the shade until it
was dry.
Ever since the commencement of the rainy season, my health had been
greatly on the decline. I had often been affected with slight paroxysms
of fever; and, from the time of leaving Bammakoo the symptoms had
considerably increased. As I was sitting in the manner described, the
fever returned with such violence, that it very much alarmed me; the more
so, as I had no medicine to stop its progress, nor any hope of obtaining
that care and attention which my situation required.
I remained at Wonda nine days; during which time I experienced the
regular return of the fever every day. And though I endeavoured as much
as possible to conceal my distress from my landlord, and frequently lay
down the whole day, out of his sight, in a corn field, conscious how
burthensome I was to him and his family, in a time of such great
scarcity, yet I found that he was apprised of my situation, and one
morning, as I feigned to be asleep by the fire; he observed to his wife
that they were likely to find me a very troublesome and chargeable guest,
for that, in my present sickly state, they should be obliged, for the
sake of their good name, to maintain me until I recovered, or died.
The scarcity of provisions was certainly felt at this time most severely
by the poor people, as the following circumstance most painfully
convinced me. Every evening, during my stay, I observed five or six women
come to the Mansa's house, and receive each of them a certain quantity of
corn. As I knew how valuable this article was at this juncture, I
enquired of the Mansa, whether he maintained these poor women from pure
bounty, or expected a return when the harvest should be gathered in.
"Observe that boy," said he, (pointing to a fine child about five years
of age;) "his mother has sold him to me for forty days' provision for
herself and the rest of her family. I have bought another boy in the same
manner." Good God, thought I, what must a mother suffer, before she sells
her own child! I could not get this melancholy subject out of my mind,
and the next night, when the women returned for their allowance, I
desired the boy to point out to me his mother, which he did. She was much
emaciated, but had nothing cruel or savage in her countenance; and when
she had received her corn, she came and talked to her son with as much
cheerfulness as if he had still been under her care.
Sept. 6th. Two people arrived from Sibidooloo, bringing with them my
horse and clothes; but I found that my pocket compass was broken to
pieces. This was a great loss, which I could not repair.
Sept. 7th. As my horse was grazing near the brink of a well, the ground
gave way, and he fell in. The well was about ten feet diameter, and so
very deep, that when I saw my horse snorting in the water, I thought it
was impossible to save him. The inhabitants of the village, however,
immediately assembled, and having tied together a number of withes[15]
they lowered a man down into the well, who fastened those withes round
the body of the horse; and the people, having first drawn up the man,
took hold of the withes, and to my surprise, pulled the horse out with
the greatest facility. The poor animal was now reduced to a mere
skeleton, and the roads were scarcely passable, being either very rocky,
or else full of mud and water. I therefore found it impracticable to
travel with him any farther, and was happy to leave him in the hands of
one who I thought would take care of him. I accordingly presented him to
my landlord, and desired him to send my saddle and bridle a present to
the Mansa of Sibidooloo, being the only return I could make him for
having taken so much trouble in procuring my horse and clothes.
[15] From a plant called _kabba_, that climbs like a vine upon the
trees.
I now thought it necessary, sick as I was, to take leave of my hospitable
landlord. On the morning of Sept. 8th, when I was about to depart, he
presented me with his spear, as a token of remembrance, and a leather bag
to contain my clothes. Having converted my half boots into sandals, I
travelled with more ease, and slept that night at a village called
Ballanti. On the 9th, I reached Nemacoo; but the Mansa of the village
thought fit to make me sup upon the cameleon's dish. By way of apology,
however, he assured me the next morning, that the scarcity of corn was
such, that he could not possibly allow me any. I could not accuse him of
unkindness, as all the people actually appeared to be starving.
Sept. 10th. It rained hard all day, and the people kept themselves in
their huts. In the afternoon I was visited by a Negro, named Modi Lemina
Taura, a great trader, who, suspecting my distress, brought me some
victuals, and promised to conduct me to his house at Kinyeto the day
following.
Sept. 11th. I departed from Nemacoo, and arrived at Kinyeto in the
evening; but having hurt my ankle in the way, it swelled and inflamed so
much that I could neither walk nor set my foot to the ground, the next
day, without great pain. My landlord observing this, kindly invited me to
stop with him a few days; and I accordingly remained at his house until
the 14th; by which time I felt much relieved, and, could walk with the
help of a staff. I now set out, thanking my landlord for his great care
and attention; and being accompanied by a young man, who was travelling
the same way, I proceeded for Jerijang, a beautiful and well cultivated
district, the Mansa of which is reckoned the most powerful chief of any
in Manding.
On the 15th, I reached Dosita, a large town, where I staid one day on
account of the rain; but continued very sickly, and was slightly
delirious in the night. On the 17th, I set out for Mansia, a considerable
town, where small quantities of gold are collected. The road led over a
high rocky hill, and my strength and spirits were so much exhausted, that
before I could reach the top of the hill, I was forced to lie down three
times, being very faint and sickly. I reached Mansia in the afternoon.
The Mansa of this town had the character of being very inhospitable. He
however sent me a little corn for supper, but demanded something in
return; and when I assured him that I had nothing of value in my
possession, he told me (as if in jest) that my white skin should not
defend me if I told him lies. He then showed me the hut wherein I was to
sleep; but took away my spear, saying that it should be returned to me in
the morning. This trifling circumstance, when joined to the character I
had heard of the man, made me rather suspicious of him; and I privately
desired one of the inhabitants of the place, who had a bow and quiver, to
sleep in the same hut with me. About midnight, I heard somebody approach
the door, and observing the moonlight strike suddenly into the hut, I
started up, and saw a man stepping cautiously over the threshold. I
immediately snatched up the Negro's bow and quiver, the rattling of which
made the man withdraw; and my companion looking out, assured me that it
was the Mansa himself, and advised me to keep awake until the morning. I
closed the door, and placed a large piece of wood behind it; and was
wondering at this unexpected visit, when somebody pressed so hard against
the door, that the Negro could scarcely keep it shut. But when I called
to him to open the door, the intruder ran off, as before.
Sept. 16th. As soon as it was light, the Negro, at my request, went to
the Mansa's house, and brought away my spear. He told me that the Mansa
was asleep, and lest this inhospitable chief should devise means to
detain me, he advised me to set out before he was awake; which I
immediately did; and about two o'clock reached Kamalia, a small town
situated at the bottom of some rocky hills, where the inhabitants collect
gold in considerable quantities. The Bushreens here live apart from the
Kafirs, and have built their huts in a scattered manner, at a short
distance from the town. They have a place set apart for performing their
devotions in, to which they give the name of _missura_, or mosque; but it
is in fact nothing more than a square piece of ground made level, and
surrounded with the trunks of trees, having a small projection towards
the east, where the Marraboo, or priest, stands, when he calls the people
to prayers. Mosques of this construction are very common among the
converted Negroes; but having neither walls nor roof, they can only be
used in fine weather. When it rains, the Bushreens perform their
devotions in their huts.
On my arrival at Kamalia, I was conducted to the house of a Bushreen
named Karfa Taura, the brother of him to whose hospitality I was indebted
at Kinyeto. He was collecting a coffle of slaves, with a view to sell
them to the Europeans on the Gambia, as soon as the rains should be over.
I found him sitting in his baloon surrounded by several Slatees, who
proposed to join the coffle. He was reading to them from an Arabic book;
and inquired, with a smile, if I understood it? Being answered in the
negative, he desired one of the Slatees to fetch the little curious book,
which had been brought from the west country. On opening this small
volume, I was surprised and delighted to find it our _Book of Common
Prayer_; and Karfa expressed great joy to hear that I could read it; for
some of the Slatees, who had seen the Europeans upon the Coast, observing
the colour of my skin, (which was now become very yellow from sickness,)
my long beard, ragged clothes, and extreme poverty, were unwilling to
admit that I was a white man, and told Karfa that they suspected I was
some Arab in disguise. Karfa, however, perceiving that I could read this
book, had no doubt concerning me; and kindly promised me every assistance
in his power. At the same time he informed me, that it was impossible to
cross the Jallonka wilderness for many months yet to come, as no less
than eight rapid rivers, he said, lay in the way. He added, that he
intended to set out himself for Gambia as soon as the rivers were
fordable, and the grass burnt; and advised me to stay and accompany him.
He remarked, that when a caravan of the natives could not travel through
the country, it was idle for a single white man to attempt it. I readily
admitted that such an attempt was an act of rashness, but I assured him
that I had now no alternative; for having no money to support myself, I
must either beg my subsistence, by travelling from place to place, or
perish for want. Karfa now looked at me with great earnestness, and
inquired if I could eat the common victuals of the country, assuring me
he had never before seen a white man. He added, that if I would remain
with him until the rains were over, he would give me plenty of victuals
in the meantime, and a hut to sleep in; and that after he had conducted
me in safety to the Gambia, I might then make him what return I thought
proper. I asked him if the value of one prime slave would satisfy him. He
answered in the affirmative, and immediately ordered one of the huts to
be swept for my accomodation. Thus was I delivered, by the friendly care
of this benevolent Negro, from a situation truly deplorable. Distress and
famine pressed hard upon me. I had, before me, the gloomy wilds of
Jallonkadoo, where the traveller sees no habitation for five successive
days. I had observed at a distance the rapid course of the river Kokoro.
I had almost marked out the place where I was doomed, I thought, to
perish, when this friendly Negro stretched out his hospitable hand for my
relief.
In the hut which was appropriated for me, I was provided with a mat to
sleep on, an earthen jar for holding water, and a small calabash to drink
out of; and Karfa sent me from his own dwelling two meals a day; and
ordered his slaves to supply me with firewood and water. But I found that
neither the kindness of Karfa, nor any sort of accomodation, could put a
stop to the fever which weakened me, and which became every day more
alarming. I endeavoured as much as possible to conceal my distress; but
on the third day after my arrival, as I was going with Karfa to visit
some of his friends, I found myself so faint that I could scarcely walk,
and before we reached the place, I staggered, and fell into a pit from
which the clay had been taken to build one of the huts. Karfa endeavoured
to console me with the hopes of a speedy recovery; assuring me, that if I
would not walk out in the wet, I should soon be well. I determined to
follow his advice and confine myself to my hut; but was still tormented
with the fever, and my health continued to be in a very precarious state
for five ensuing weeks. Sometimes I could crawl out of the hut, and sit a
few hours in the open air; at other times I was unable to rise, and
passed the lingering hours in a very gloomy and solitary manner. I was
seldom visited by any person except my benevolent landlord, who came
daily to inquire after my health. When the rains became less frequent and
the country began to grow dry, the fever left me; but in so debilitated
condition, that I could scarcely stand upright, and it was with great
difficulty that I could carry my mat to the shade of a tamarind tree, at
a short distance, to enjoy the refreshing smell of the corn-fields, and
delight my eyes with a prospect of the country. I had the pleasure, at
length, to find myself in a state of convalescence: towards which the
benevolent and simple manners of the Negroes, and the perusal of Karfa's
little volume, greatly contributed.
In the meantime, many of the slatees who resided at Kamalia, having spent
all their money, and become in a great measure dependent upon Karfa's
hospitality, beheld me with an eye of envy, and invented many ridiculous
and trifling stories to lessen me in Karfa's esteem; and in the beginning
of December, a Sera-Woolli slatee, with five slaves, arrived from Sego.
This man, too, spread a number of malicious reports concerning me; but
Karfa paid no attention to them, and continued to show me the same
kindness as formerly. As I was one day conversing with the slaves which
this slatee had brought, one of them begged me to give him some victuals.
I told him I was a stranger, and had none to give. He replied, "I gave
_you_ victuals when you was hungry.--Have you forgot the man who brought
you milk at Karrankalla? But (added he, with a sigh) _the irons were not
then upon my legs!_" I immediately recollected him, and begged some
ground nuts from Karfa to give him as a return for his former kindness.
He told me that he had been taken by the Bambarrans, the day after the
battle at Joka, and sent to Sego, where he had been purchased by his
present master, who was carrying him down to Kajaaga. Three more of these
slaves were from Kaarta, and one from Wassela, all of them prisoners of
war. They stopped four days at Kamalia, and were then taken to Bala,
where they remained until the river Kokoro was fordable, and the grass
burnt.
In the beginning of December Karfa proposed to complete his purchase of
slaves; and for this purpose, collected all the debts which were owing to
him in his own country; and on the 19th, being accompanied by three
slatees, he departed for Kancaba, a large town on the banks of the Niger,
and a great slave-market. Most of the slaves, who are sold at Kancaba,
come from Bambarra; for Mansong, to avoid the expense and danger of
keeping all his prisoners at Sego, commonly sends them in small parties
to be sold at the different trading towns; and as Kancaba is much
resorted to by merchants, it is always well supplied with slaves, which
are sent thither up the Niger in canoes. When Karfa departed from
Kamalia, he proposed to return in the course of a month; and during his
absence I was left to the care of a good old Bushreen, who acted as
schoolmaster to the young people of Kamalia.
Being now left alone, and at leisure to indulge my own reflections, it
was an opportunity not to be neglected of augmenting and extending the
observations I had already made on the climate and productions of the
country; and of acquiring a more perfect knowledge of the natives, than
it was possible for me to obtain in the course of a transient and
perilous journey through the country. I endeavoured likewise to collect
all the information I could concerning those important branches of
African commerce, the trade for gold, ivory, and slaves. Such was my
employment during the remainder of my stay at Kamalia; and I shall now
proceed to lay before my readers the result of my researches and
inquiries; avoiding, as far as I can, a repetition of those circumstances
and observations, which were related, as occasion arose, in the narrative
of my journey.
CHAPTER XX.
_Of the climate and seasons.--Winds.--Vegetable
productions.--Population.--General observations on the character and
disposition of the Mandingoes; and a summary account of their manners and
habits of life; their marriages, &c._
The whole of my route, both in going and returning, having been confined
to a tract of country bounded nearly by the 12th and 15th parallels of
latitude, the reader must imagine that I found the climate in most places
extremely hot; but nowhere did I feel the heat so intense and oppressive
as in the Camp at Benowm, of which mention has been made in a former
place. In some parts, where the country ascends into hills, the air is at
all times comparatively cool; yet none of the districts which I traversed
could properly be called mountainous. About the middle of June, the hot
and sultry atmosphere is agitated by violent gusts of wind, (called
_tornadoes_,) accompanied with thunder and rain. These usher in what is
denominated the _rainy season_, which continues until the month of
November. During this time, the diurnal rains are very heavy; and the
prevailing winds are from the south-west. The termination of the rainy
season is likewise attended with violent tornadoes; after which the wind
shifts to the north-east, and continues to blow from that quarter during
the rest of the year.
When the wind sets in from the north-east it produces a wonderful change
on the face of the country. The grass soon becomes dry and withered; the
rivers subside very rapidly, and many of the trees shed their leaves.
About this period is commonly felt the _harmattan_, a dry and parching
wind, blowing from the north-east, and accompanied by a thick smoky haze,
through which the sun appears of a dull red colour. This wind, in passing
over the Great Desert of Sahara, acquires a very strong attraction for
humidity, and parches up every thing exposed to its current. It is,
however, reckoned very salutary, particularly to Europeans, who generally
recover their health during its continuance. I experienced immediate
relief from sickness, both at Dr. Laidley's and at Kamalia, during the
harmattan. Indeed, the air, during the rainy season, is so loaded with
moisture, that clothes, shoes, trunks, and every thing that is not close
to the fire, become damp and mouldy; and the inhabitants may be said to
live in a sort of vapour bath: but this dry wind braces up the solids,
which were before relaxed, gives a cheerful flow of spirits, and is even
pleasant to respiration. Its ill effects are, that it produces chaps in
the lips, and afflicts many of the natives with sore eyes.
Whenever the grass is sufficiently dry, the Negroes set it on fire; but
in Ludamar, and other Moorish countries, this practice is not allowed:
for it is upon the withered stubble that the Moors feed their cattle,
until the return of the rains. The burning the grass in Mandingo exhibits
a scene of terrific grandeur. In the middle of the night, I could see the
plains and mountains, as far as my eye could reach, variegated with lines
of fire; and the light reflected on the sky made the heavens appear in a
blaze. In the day-time, pillars of smoke were seen in every direction;
while the birds of prey were observed hovering round the conflagration,
and pouncing down upon the snakes, lizards, and other reptiles, which
attempted to escape from the flames. This annual burning is soon followed
by a fresh and sweet verdure, and the country is thereby rendered more
healthful and pleasant.
Of the most remarkable and important of the vegetable productions,
mention has already been made; and they are nearly the same in all the
districts through which I passed. It is observable, however, that
although many species of the edible roots which grow in the West India
Islands are found in Africa, yet I never saw, in any part of my journey,
either the sugar-cane, the coffee, or the cocoa-tree; nor could I learn,
on inquiry, that they were known to the natives. The pine-apple, and the
thousand other delicious fruits, which the industry of civilized man
(improving the bounties of nature) has brought to such great perfection
in the tropical climates of America, are here equally unknown. I
observed, indeed, a few orange and banana-trees, near the mouth of the
Gambia; but whether they were indigenous, or were formerly planted there
by some of the white traders, I could not positively learn. I suspect
that they were originally introduced by the Portuguese.
Concerning property in the soil, it appeared to me that the lands in
native woods were considered as belonging to the king or (where the
government was not monarchical) to the state. When any individual of free
condition had the means of cultivating more land than he actually
possessed, he applied to the chief man of the district, who allowed him
an extension of territory, on condition of forfeiture if the lands were
not brought into cultivation by a given period. The condition being
fulfilled, the soil became vested in the possessor; and for aught that
appeared to me, descended to his heirs.
The population, however, considering the extent and fertility of the
soil, and the ease with which lands are obtained, is not very great in
the countries which I visited. I found many extensive and beautiful
districts, entirely destitute of inhabitants; and in general, the borders
of the different kingdoms were either very thinly peopled or entirely
deserted. Many places are likewise unfavourable to population, from being
unhealthful. The swampy banks of the Gambia, the Senegal, and other
rivers towards the coast, are of this description. Perhaps it is on this
account chiefly that the interior countries abound more with inhabitants,
than the maritime districts, for all the Negro nations that fell under my
observation, though divided into a number of petty independent states,
subsist chiefly by the same means, live nearly in the same temperature,
and possess a wonderful similarity of disposition. The Mandingoes, in
particular, are a very gentle race, cheerful in their dispositions,
inquisitive, credulous, simple, and fond of flattery. Perhaps the most
prominent defect in their character, was that insurmountable propensity,
which the reader must have observed to prevail in all classes, of them,
to steal from me the few effects I was possessed of. For this part of
their conduct, no complete justification can be offered, because theft is
a crime in their own estimation; and it must be observed, that they are
not habitually and generally guilty of it towards each other. This,
however, is an important circumstance in mitigation; and before we
pronounce them a more depraved people than any other, it were well to
consider whether the lower order of people in any part of Europe would
have acted, under similar circumstances, with greater honesty towards a
stranger, than the Negroes acted towards me. It must not be forgotten,
that the laws of the country afforded me no protection; that every one
was at liberty to rob me with impunity; and, finally, that some part of
my effects were of as great value, in the estimation of the Negroes, as
pearls and diamonds would have been in the eyes of a European. Let us
suppose a black merchant of Hindostan to have found his way into the
centre of England, with a box of jewels at his back; and that the laws of
the kingdom afforded him no security, in such a case, the wonder would
be, not that the stranger was robbed of any part of his riches, but that
any part was left for a second depredator. Such, on sober reflection, is
the judgment I have formed concerning the pilfering disposition of the
Mandingo Negroes towards myself. Notwithstanding I was so great a
sufferer by it, I do not consider that their natural sense of justice was
perverted or extinguished; it was overpowered only for the moment, by the
strength of a temptation which it required no common virtue to resist.
On the other hand, as some counterbalance to this depravity in their
nature, allowing it to be such, it is impossible for me to forget the
disinterested charity, and tender solicitude, with which many of these
poor heathens (from the sovereign of Sego to the poor women who received
me at different times into their cottages, when I was perishing of
hunger) sympathised with me in my sufferings, relieved my distresses, and
contributed to my safety. This acknowledgment, however, is perhaps more
particularly due to the female part of the nation. Among the men, as the
reader must have seen, my reception, though generally kind, was sometimes
otherwise. It varied according to the various tempers of those to whom I
made application. The hardness of avarice in some, and the blindness of
bigotry in others, had closed up the avenues to compassion; but I do not
recollect a single instance of hard-heartedness towards me in the women.
In all my wanderings and wretchedness I found them uniformly kind and
compassionate; and I can truly say, as my predecessor Mr. Ledyard has
eloquently said before me, "To a woman, I never addressed myself in the
language of decency and friendship, without receiving a decent and
friendly answer. If I was hungry or thirsty, wet or sick, they did not
hesitate, like the men, to perform a generous action. In so free and so
kind a manner did they contribute to my relief, that if I was dry, I
drank the sweetest draught, and if hungry, I ate the coarsest morsel with
a double relish."
It is surely reasonable to suppose, that the soft and amiable sympathy of
nature, which was thus spontaneously manifested towards me, in my
distress, is displayed by these poor people as occasion requires, much
more strongly towards persons of their own nation and neighbourhood, and
especially when the objects of their compassion are endeared to them by
the ties of consanguinity. Accordingly, the maternal affection (neither
suppressed by the restraints, nor diverted by the solicitudes of
civilized life) is every where conspicuous among them; and creates a
correspondent return of tenderness in the child. An illustration of this
has been given in p. 39. "Strike me," said my attendant, "but do not
curse my mother." The same sentiment I found universally to prevail, and
observed in all parts of Africa, that the greatest affront which could be
offered to a Negro, was to reflect on her who gave him birth.
It is not strange, that this sense of filial duty and affection among the
Negroes should be less ardent towards the father than the mother. The
system of polygamy, while it weakens the father's attachment, by dividing
it among the children of different wives, concentrates all the mother's
jealous tenderness to one point, the protection of her own offspring. I
perceived with great satisfaction, too, that the maternal solicitude
extended not only to the growth and security of the person, but also, in
a certain degree, to the improvement of the mind of the infant; for one
of the first lessons in which the Mandingo women instruct their children,
is _the practice of truth_. The reader will probably recollect the case
of the unhappy mother, whose son was murdered by the Moorish banditti, at
Funingkedy, p. 86.--Her only consolation, in her uttermost distress, was
the reflection that the poor boy, in the course of his blameless life,
_had never told a lie_. Such testimony, from a fond mother on such an
occasion, must have operated powerfully on the youthful part of the
surrounding spectators. It was at once a tribute of praise to the
deceased, and a lesson to the living.
The Negro women suckle their children until they are able to walk of
themselves. Three years nursing is not uncommon; and during this period
the husband devotes his whole attention to his other wives. To this
practice it is owing, I presume, that the family of each wife is seldom
very numerous. Few women have more than five or six children. As soon as
an infant is able to walk, it is permitted to run about with great
freedom. The mother is not over solicitous to preserve it from slight
falls and other trifling accidents. A little practice soon enables the
child to take care of itself, and experience acts the part of a nurse. As
they advance in life, the girls are taught to spin cotton, and to beat
corn, and are instructed in other domestic duties; and the boys are
employed in the labours of the field. Both sexes, whether Bushreens or
Kafirs, on attaining the age of puberty, are circumcised. This painful
operation is not considered by the Kafirs so much in the light of a
religious ceremony, as a matter of convenience and utility. They have,
indeed, a superstitious notion that it contributes to render the marriage
state prolific. The operation is performed upon several young people at
the same time; all of whom are exempted from every sort of labour for two
months afterwards. During this period, they form a society called
_Solimanu_. They visit the towns and villages in the neighbourhood, where
they dance and sing, and are well treated by the inhabitants, I had
frequently, in the course of my journey, observed parties of this
description, but they were all males. I had, however, an opportunity of
seeing a female _Solimana_ at Kamalia.
In the course of the celebration, it frequently happens that some of the
young women get married. If a man takes a fancy to any one of them, it is
not considered as absolutely necessary that he should make an overture to
the girl herself. The first object is to agree with the parents,
concerning the recompence to be given them for the loss of the company
and services of their daughter. The value of two slaves is a common
price, unless the girl is thought very handsome; in which case, the
parents will raise their demand very considerably. If the lover is rich
enough, and willing to give the sum demanded, he then communicates his
wishes to the damsel; but her consent is by no means necessary to the
match; for if the parents agree to it, and eat a few _kolla-nuts_, which
are presented by the suitor as an earnest of the bargain, the young lady
must either have the man of their choice, or continue unmarried, for she
cannot afterwards be given to another. If the parents should attempt it,
the lover is then authorised, by the laws of the country, to seize upon
the girl as his slave. When the day for celebrating the nuptials is fixed
on, a select number of people are invited to be present at the wedding; a
bullock or goat is killed, and great plenty of victuals dressed for the
occasion. As soon as it is dark, the bride is conducted into a hut, where
a company of matrons assist in arranging the wedding dress, which is
always white cotton, and is put on in such a manner as to conceal the
bride from head to foot. Thus arrayed, she is seated upon a mat, in the
middle of the floor, and the old women place themselves in a circle round
her. They then give her a series of instructions, and point out, with
great propriety, what ought to be her future conduct in life. This scene
of instruction, however, is frequently interrupted by girls, who amuse
the company with songs and dances, which are rather more remarkable for
their gaiety than delicacy. While the bride remains within the hut with
the women, the bridegroom devotes his attention to the guests of both
sexes, who assemble without doors, and by distributing among them small
presents of kolla-nuts, and seeing that every one partakes of the good
cheer which is provided, he contributes much to the general hilarity of
the evening. When supper is ended, the company spend the remainder of the
night in singing and dancing, and seldom separate until daybreak. About
midnight, the bride is privately conducted by the women into the hut
which is to be her future residence; and the bridegroom, upon a signal
given, retires from his company. The new married couple, however, are
always disturbed towards morning by the women, who assemble to inspect
the nuptial sheet, (according to the manners of the ancient Hebrews, as
recorded in scripture,) and dance round it. This ceremony is thought
indispensably necessary, nor is the marriage considered as valid without
it.
The Negroes, as hath been frequently observed, whether Mahomedan or
Pagan, allow a plurality of wives. The Mahomedans alone are by their
religion confined to four; and as the husband commonly pays a great price
for each, he requires from all of them the utmost deference and
submission, and treats them more like hired servants than companions.
They have, however, the management of domestic affairs, and each in
rotation is mistress of the household, and has the care of dressing the
victuals, overlooking the female slaves, &c. But though the African
husbands are possessed of great authority over their wives, I did not
observe that in general they treat them with cruelty; neither did I
perceive that mean jealousy in their dispositions which is so prevalent
among the Moors. They permit their wives to partake of all public
diversions, and this indulgence is seldom abused; for though the Negro
women are very cheerful and frank in their behaviour, they are by no
means given to intrigue: I believe that instances of conjugal infidelity
are not common. When the wives quarrel among themselves, a circumstance
which, from the nature of their situation, must frequently happen, the
husband decides between them; and sometimes finds it necessary to
administer a little corporal chastisement, before tranquillity can be
restored. But if any one of the ladies complains to the chief of the
town, that her husband has unjustly punished her, and shown an undue
partiality to some other of his wives, the affair is brought to a public
trial. In these _palavers_, however, which are conducted chiefly by
married men, I was informed, that the complaint of the wife is not always
considered in a very serious light; and the complainant herself is
sometimes convicted of strife and contention, and left without remedy. If
she murmurs at the decision of the court, the magic rod of _Mumbo Jumbo_
soon puts an end to the business.
The children of the Mandingoes are not always named after their
relations; but frequently in consequence of some remarkable occurrence.
Thus, my landlord at Kamalia was called _Karfa_, a word signifying _to
replace_; because he was born shortly after the death of one of his
brothers. Other names are descriptive of good or bad qualities; as
_Modi_, "a good man;" _Fadibba_, "father of the town," &c. Indeed, the
very names of their towns have something descriptive in them; as
_Sibidooloo_, "the town of ciboa trees;" _Kenneyeto_, "victuals here;"
_Dosita_, "lift your spoon." Others seem to be given by way of reproach,
as _Bammakoo_, "wash a crocodile;" _Korankalla_, "no cup to drink from,"
&c. A child is named when it is seven or eight days old. The ceremony
commences by shaving the infant's head; and a dish called _Dega_, made of
pounded corn and sour milk, is prepared for the guests. If the parents
are rich, a sheep or a goat is commonly added. The feast is called _Ding
koon lee_, "the child's head shaving." During my stay at Kamalia, I was
present at four different feasts of this kind, and the ceremony was the
same in each, whether the child belonged to a Bushreen or a Kafir. The
schoolmaster who officiated as priest on these occasions, and who is
necessarily a Bushreen, first said a long prayer over the _dega_; during
which every person present took hold of the brim of the calabash with his
right hand. After this, the schoolmaster took the child in his arms, and
said a second prayer, in which he repeatedly solicited the blessing of
God upon the child and upon all the company. When this prayer was ended,
he whispered a few sentences in the child's ear, and spit three times in
its face; after which he pronounced its name aloud, and returned the
infant to the mother. This part of the ceremony being ended, the father
of the child divided the _dega_ into a number of balls, one of which he
distributed to every person present. And inquiry was then made if any
person in the town was dangerously sick, it being usual in such cases to
send the party a large portion of the _dega_, which is thought to possess
great medical virtues.[16]
[16] Soon after baptism, the children are marked in different parts
of the skin, in a manner resembling what is called tattowing in the
South Sea Islands.
Among the Negroes, every individual, besides his own proper name, has
likewise a _kontong_, or surname, to denote the family or clan to which
he belongs. Some of these families are very numerous and powerful. It is
impossible to enumerate the various _kontongs_ which are found in
different parts of the country; though the knowledge of many of them is
of great service to the traveller; for as every Negro plumes himself upon
the importance, or the antiquity of his clan, he is much flattered when
he is addressed by his _kontong_.
Salutations among the Negroes to each other when they meet are always
observed; but those in most general use among the Kafirs are _Abbe
haeretto--E ning seni--Anawari, &c._, all of which have nearly the same
meaning, and signify _are you well?_ or to that effect. There are
likewise salutations which are used at different times of the day, as _E
ning somo_, good morning, &c. The general answer to all salutations is to
repeat the _kontong_ of the person who salutes, or else to repeat the
salutation itself, first pronouncing the word _marhaba_, my friend.
CHAPTER XXI.
_The account of the Mandingoes continued.--Their notions in respect of
the planetary bodies, and the figure of the earth.--Their religious
opinions, and belief in a future state.--Their diseases and methods of
treatment.--Their funeral ceremonies, amusements, occupations, diet,
arts, manufactures, &c._
The Mandingoes, and, I believe, the Negroes in general, have no
artificial method of dividing time. They calculate the years by the
number of _rainy seasons_. They portion the year into _moons_, and reckon
the days by so many _suns_. The day they divide into morning, mid-day,
and evening; and further subdivide it, when necessary, by pointing to the
sun's place in the Heavens. I frequently inquired of some of them what
became of the sun during the night, and whether we should see the same
sun, or a different one, in the morning? but I found that they considered
the question as very childish. The subject appeared to them as placed
beyond the reach of human investigation. They had never indulged a
conjecture, nor formed any hypothesis about the matter. The moon, by
varying her form, has more attracted their attention. On the first
appearance of the new moon, which they look upon to be newly created, the
Pagan natives, as well as Mahomedans, say a short prayer; and this seems
to be the only visible adoration which the Kafirs offer up to the Supreme
Being. This prayer is pronounced in a whisper, the party holding up his
hands before his face. Its purport (as I have been assured by many
different people) is to return thanks to God for his kindness through the
existence of the past moon, and to solicit a continuation of his favour
during that of the new one. At the conclusion, they spit, upon their
hands, and rub them over their faces. This seems to be nearly the same
ceremony which prevailed among the Heathens in the days of Job.[17]
[17] Chap. xxxi. ver. 26, 27, 28.
Great attention, however, is paid to the changes of this luminary in its
monthly course; and it is thought very unlucky to begin a journey, or any
other work of consequence, in the last quarter. An eclipse, whether of
the sun or moon, is supposed to be effected by witchcraft. The stars are
very little regarded; and the whole study of astronomy appears to them as
a useless pursuit, and attended to by such persons only as deal in magic.
Their notions of geography are equally puerile. They imagine that the
world is an extended plain, the termination of which no eye has
discovered; it being, they say, overhung with clouds and darkness. They
describe the sea as a large river of salt water, on the farther shore of
which is situated a country called _Tobaubo doo_; "the land of the white
people." At a distance from Tobaubo doo, they describe another country,
which they allege is inhabited by cannibals of gigantic size, called
_Koomi_. This country they call _Jong sang doo_, "the land where the
slaves are sold." But of all countries in the world their own appears to
them as the best, and their own people as the happiest; and they pity the
fate of other nations, who have been placed by Providence in less fertile
and less fortunate districts.
Some of the religious opinions of the Negroes, though blended with the
weakest credulity and superstition, are not unworthy of attention. I have
conversed with all ranks and conditions, upon the subject of their faith,
and can pronounce, without the smallest shadow of doubt, that the belief
of one God, and of a future state of reward and punishment, is entire and
universal among them. It is remarkable, however, that, except on the
appearance of a new moon, as before related, the Pagan natives do not
think it necessary to offer up prayers and supplications to the Almighty.
They represent the Deity, indeed, as the Creator and Preserver of all
things; but in general they consider him as a Being so remote, and of so
exalted a nature, that it is idle to imagine the feeble supplications of
wretched mortals can reverse the decrees, and change the purposes of
unerring Wisdom. If they are asked, for what reason then do they offer up
a prayer on the appearance of the new moon? the answer is, that custom
has made it necessary; they do it, because their fathers did it before
them. Such is the blindness of unassisted nature! The concerns of this
world, they believe, are committed by the Almighty to the superintendence
and direction of subordinate spirits, over whom they suppose that certain
magical ceremonies have great influence. A white fowl suspended to the
branch of a particular tree, a snake's head, or a few handfuls of fruit,
are offerings which ignorance and superstition frequently present, to
deprecate the wrath, or to conciliate the favour of these tutelary
agents. But it is not often that the Negroes make their religious
opinions the subject of conversation. When interrogated, in particular,
concerning their ideas of a future state, they express themselves with
great reverence, but endeavour to shorten the discussion by
observing--_mo o mo inta allo_, "no man knows any thing about it." They
are content, they say, to follow the precepts and examples of their
forefathers, through the various vicissitudes of life; and when this
world presents no objects of enjoyment or comfort, they seem to look with
anxiety towards another, which they believe will be better suited to
their natures; but concerning which they are far from indulging vain and
delusive conjectures.
The Mandingoes seldom attain extreme old age. At forty, most of them
become gray haired, and covered with wrinkles; and but few of them
survive the age of fifty-five or sixty. They calculate the years of their
lives, as I have already observed, by the number of rainy seasons, (there
being but one such in the year,) and distinguish each year by a
particular name, founded on some remarkable occurrence which happened in
that year. Thus they say the year of the _Farbanna war_; the year of the
_Kaarta war_; the year on which _Gadou was plundered_, &c. &c.; and I
have no doubt that the year 1796 will in many places be distinguished by
the name of _Tobaubo tambi sang_, "the year the white man passed;" as
such an occurrence would naturally form an epoch in their traditional
history.
But notwithstanding that longevity is uncommon among them, it appeared to
me, that their diseases are but few in number. Their simple diet, and
active way of life, preserve them from many of those disorders which
embitter the days of luxury and idleness. Fevers and fluxes are the most
common, and the most fatal. For these, they generally apply saphies to
different parts of the body, and perform a great many other superstitious
ceremonies; some of which are, indeed, well calculated to inspire the
patient with the hope of recovery, and divert his mind from brooding over
his own danger. But I have sometimes observed among them a more
systematic mode of treatment. On the first attack of a fever, when the
patient complains of cold, he is frequently placed in a sort of vapour.
This is done by spreading branches of the _nauclea orientalis_ upon hot
wood embers, and laying the patient upon them, wrapped up in a large
cotton cloth. Water is then sprinkled upon the branches, which descending
to the hot embers, soon covers the patient with a cloud of vapour, in
which he is allowed to remain until the embers are almost extinguished.
This practice commonly produces a profuse perspiration, and wonderfully
relieves the sufferer.
For the dysentery, they use the bark of different trees reduced to
powder; and mixed with the patient's food; but this practice is in
general very unsuccessful.
The other diseases which prevail among the Negroes are the _yaws_, the
_elephantiasis_, and a _leprosy_ of the very worst kind. This last
mentioned complaint appears, at the beginning, in scurfy spots upon
different parts of the body, which finally settle upon the hands or feet,
where the skin becomes withered, and cracks in many places. At length,
the ends of the fingers swell and ulcerate, the discharge is acrid and
foetid; the nails drop off, and the bones of the fingers become carious,
and separate at the joints. In this manner the disease continues to
spread, frequently until the patient loses all his fingers and toes. Even
the hands and feet are sometimes destroyed by this inveterate malady, to
which the Negroes give the name of _balla jou_, "incurable."
The _Guinea worm_ is likewise very common in certain places, especially
at the commencement of the rainy season. The Negroes attribute this
disease, which has been described by many writers, to bad water, and
allege that the people who drink from wells are more subject to it than
those who drink from streams. To the same cause they attribute the
swelling of the glands of the neck, (goitres,) which are very common in
some parts of Bambarra. I observed also, in the interior countries, a few
instances of simple gonorrhoea; but never the confirmed lues. On the
whole, it appeared to me that the Negroes are better surgeons than
physicians. I found them very successful in their management of fractures
and dislocations, and their splints and bandages are simple, and easily
removed. The patient is laid upon a soft mat, and the fractured limb is
frequently bathed with cold water. All abscesses they open with the
actual cautery; and the dressings are composed of either soft leaves,
shea-butter, or cows' dung, as the case seems, in their judgment, to
require. Towards the Coast, where a supply of European lancets can be
procured, they sometimes perform phlebotomy; and in cases of local
inflammation, a curious sort of cupping is practised. This operation is
performed by making incisions in the part, and applying to it a bullock's
horn, with a small hole in the end. The operator then takes a piece of
bees-wax in his mouth, and putting his lips to the hole, extracts the air
from the horn; and by a dexterous use of his tongue, stops up the hole
with the wax. This method is found to answer the purpose, and in general
produces a plentiful discharge.
When a person of consequence dies, the relations and neighbours meet
together, and manifest their sorrow by loud and dismal howlings. A
bullock or goat is killed for such persons as come to assist at the
funeral, which generally takes place in the evening of the same day on
which the party died. The Negroes have no appropriate burial places, and
frequently dig the grave in the floor of the deceased's hut, or in the
shade of a favourite tree. The body is dressed in white cotton, and
wrapped up in a mat. It is carried to the grave in the dusk of the
evening by the relations. If the grave is without the walls of the town,
a number of prickly bushes are laid upon it, to prevent the wolves from
digging up the body; but I never observed that any stone was placed over
the grave, as a monument or memorial.
Hitherto I have considered the Negroes chiefly in a moral light, and
confined myself to the most prominent features in their mental character,
their domestic amusements, occupations, and diet. Their arts and
manufactures, with some other subordinate objects, are now to be noticed.
Of their music and dances, some account has incidentally been given in
different parts of my Journal. On the first of these heads, I have now to
add a list of their musical instruments, the principal of which are--the
_koonting_, a sort of guitar with three strings;--the _korro_, a large
harp, with eighteen strings;--the _simbing_, a small harp with seven
strings;--the _balafou_, an instrument composed of twenty pieces of hard
wood of different lengths, with the shells of gourds hung underneath, to
increase the sound;--the _tangtang_, a drum, open at the lower end; and,
lastly, the _tabala_, a large drum, commonly used to spread an alarm
through the country. Besides these, they make use of small flutes,
bowstrings, elephants' teeth, and bells; and at all their dances and
concerts, _clapping of hands_ appears to constitute a necessary part of
the chorus.
With the love of music is naturally connected a taste for poetry; and,
fortunately for the poets of Africa, they are in a great measure exempted
from that neglect and indigence, which, in more polished countries,
commonly attend the votaries of the Muses. They consist of two classes;
the most numerous are the _singing men_, called _Jilli kea_, mentioned in
a former part of my narrative. One or more of these may be found in every
town. They sing extempore songs, in honour of their chief men, or any
other persons who are willing to give "solid pudding for empty praise."
But a nobler part of their office is to recite the historical events of
their country; hence, in war they accompany the soldiers to the field, in
order, by reciting the great actions of their ancestors, to awaken in
them a spirit of glorious emulation. The other class are devotees of the
Mahomedan faith, who travel about the country, singing devout hymns, and
performing religious ceremonies, to conciliate the favour of the
Almighty; either in averting calamity, or insuring success to any
enterprise. Both descriptions of these itinerant bards are much employed
and respected by the people, and very liberal contributions are made for
them.
The usual diet of the Negroes is somewhat different in different
districts. In general, the people of free condition breakfast about
daybreak, upon gruel made of meal and water, with a little of the fruit
of the tamarind, to give it an acid taste. About two o'clock in the
afternoon, a sort of hasty pudding, with a little shea-butter, is the
common meal; but the supper constitutes the principal repast, and is
seldom ready before midnight. This consists almost universally of
kouskous, with a small portion of animal food, or shea-butter, mixed with
it. In eating, the Kafirs as well as Mahomedans use the right hand only.
The beverage of the Pagan Negroes is beer and mead; of each of which they
frequently drink to excess. The Mahomedan converts drink nothing but
water. The natives of all descriptions take snuff, and smoke tobacco;
their pipes are made of wood, with an earthen bowl of curious
workmanship. But in the interior countries, the greatest of all luxuries
is salt. It would appear strange to an European, to see a child suck a
piece of rock-salt as if it were sugar. This, however, I have frequently
seen; although, in the inland parts, the poorer class of inhabitants are
so very rarely indulged with this precious article, that to say _a man
eats salt with his victuals_, is the same as saying _he is a rich man_. I
have myself suffered great inconvenience from the scarcity of this
article. The long use of vegetable food creates so painful a longing for
salt, that no words can sufficiently describe it.
The Negroes in general, and the Mandingoes in particular, are considered
by the whites on the Coast as an indolent and inactive people; I think
without reason. The nature of the climate is, indeed, unfavourable to
great exertion; but surely a people cannot justly be denominated
habitually indolent, whose wants are supplied, not by the spontaneous
productions of nature, but by their own exertions. Few people work
harder, when occasion requires, than the Mandingoes; but not having many
opportunities of turning to advantage the superfluous produce of their
labour, they are content with cultivating as much ground only as is
necessary for their own support. The labours of the field give them
pretty full employment during the rains; and in the dry season, the
people who live in the vicinity of large rivers employ themselves chiefly
in fishing. The fish are taken in wicker baskets, or with small cotton
nets; and are preserved by being first dried in the sun, and afterwards
rubbed with shea butter, to prevent them from contracting fresh moisture.
Others of the natives employ themselves in hunting. Their weapons are
bows and arrows; but the arrows in common use are not poisoned.[18] They
are very dexterous marksmen, and will hit a lizard on a tree, or any
other small object, at an amazing distance. They likewise kill
Guinea-fowls, partridges, and pigeons, but never on the wing. While the
men are occupied in these pursuits, the women are very diligent in
manufacturing cotton cloth. They prepare the cotton for spinning, by
laying it in small quantities at a time, upon a smooth stone, or piece of
wood, and rolling the seeds out with a thick iron spindle; and they spin
it with the distaff. The thread is not fine, but well twisted, and makes
a very durable cloth. A woman, with common diligence, will spin from six
to nine garments of this cloth in one year; which, according to its
fineness, will sell for a minkalli and a half, or two minkallies
each.[19] The weaving is performed by the men. The loom is made exactly
upon the same principle as that of Europe; but so small and narrow, that
the web is seldom more than four inches broad. The shuttle is of the
common construction; but as the thread is coarse, the chamber is somewhat
larger than the European.
[18] Poisoned arrows are used chiefly in war. The poison, which is
said to be very deadly, is prepared from a shrub called _koona_ (a
species of _echites_,) which is very common in the woods. The leaves
of this shrub, when boiled with a small quantity of water, yield a
thick black juice, into which the Negroes dip a cotton thread; this
thread they fasten round the iron of the arrow, in such a manner that
it is almost impossible to extract the arrow, when it has sunk beyond
the barbs, without leaving the iron point, and the poisoned thread,
in the wound.
[19] A minkalli is a quantity of gold, nearly equal in value to ten
shillings sterling.
The women dye this cloth of a rich and lasting blue colour, by the
following simple process: The leaves of the indigo when fresh gathered
are pounded in a wooden mortar, and mixed in a large earthen jar, with a
strong ley of wood ashes; chamber-ley is sometimes added. The cloth is
steeped in this mixture, and allowed to remain until it has acquired the
proper shade. In Kaarta and Ludamar, where the indigo is not plentiful,
they collect the leaves, and dry them in the sun; and when they wish to
use them, they reduce a sufficient quantity to powder, and mix it with
the ley as before mentioned. Either way, the colour is very beautiful,
with a fine purple gloss, and equal, in my opinion, to the best Indian or
European blue. This cloth is cut into various pieces, and sewed into
garments, with needles of the natives' own making.
As the arts of weaving, dyeing, sewing, &c. may easily be acquired, those
who exercise them are not considered in Africa as following any
particular profession; for almost every slave can weave, and every boy
can sew. The only artists which are distinctly acknowledged as such by
the Negroes, and who value themselves on exercising appropriate and
peculiar trades, are the manufacturers of _leather_ and of _iron_. The
first of these are called _Karrankea_, (or, as the word is sometimes
pronounced, _Gaungay_.) They are to be found in almost every town, and
they frequently travel through the country in the exercise of their
calling. They tan and dress leather with very great expedition, by
steeping the hide first in a mixture of wood-ashes and water, until it
parts with the hair; and afterwards by using the pounded leaves of a tree
called _goo_, as an astringent. They are at great pains to render the
hide as soft and pliant as possible, by rubbing it frequently between
their hands, and beating it upon a stone. The hides of bullocks are
converted chiefly into sandals, and therefore require less care in
dressing than the skins of sheep and goats, which are used for covering
quivers and saphies, and in making sheaths for swords and knives, belts,
pockets, and a variety of ornaments. These skins are commonly dyed of a
red or yellow colour; the red, by means of millet stalks reduced to
powder; and the yellow, by the root of a plant, the name of which I have
forgotten.