with the whole severity of the law. Comply with all future directives,
it is a matter of your and your children’s future!
Now to work!
Long live Socialism!
Long live Germany!
# # # # #
WORKERS’ CONGRESS IN BERLIN
NSK, Berlin, 2 May
The “National Socialist Party Press Agency” is informed that a great
Workers’ Congress will take place on Wednesday, 10 May, in the
Prussian House of Lords in Berlin. The united front of German workers
will be formed there. Adolf Hitler will be asked to assume the position
of Honorary Patron.
# # # # #
THE ACTION COMMITTEE WITH ADOLF HITLER
NSK. On Tuesday noon, at about two o’clock, the gentlemen of the
Action Committee for the Protection of German Labor visited the Reich
Chancellery under the leadership of Dr. R. Ley, in order to inform the
Reich Chancellor of the accomplished coordination [Gleichschaltung]
of the Free Trade Unions in line with the general political situation
in Germany. Dr. Ley informed the Chancellor of the smooth course
encountered by the project, the necessity of which was based on the
attitude of the German working class itself, which had demanded an end
to Marxist activity in the trade unions. The Action Committee then
asked Adolf Hitler to become Honorary Patron of the Great Workers’
Congress to take place within the next few weeks.
The Fuehrer declared his readiness to assume this position of Honorary
Patron and emphasized especially that he expected smooth execution
of the various measures, so that especially from a financial point
of view, the Purge Project [Reinigungsaktion] would result not only
in harm to the German worker, but exclusively in benefit. The Action
Committee asserted that the settlement was taking place in complete
peace and order, and could promise that as of tomorrow the payments of
the institutions concerned would be resumed to their full extent.
# # # # #
“ARBEITERTUM”
OFFICIAL ORGAN OF THE ADGB
[General German Trade Union League]
NSK, Berlin, 2 May
In consequence of the coordination [Gleichschaltung] of the Free Trade
Unions, the organ of the National Socialist Factory Cell Organizations
[Nationalsozialistische Betriebszellenorganisation], “Das Deutsche
Arbeitertum”, has been designated as official organ of the ADGB. In
future “Arbeitertum” will appear weekly (instead of bi-weekly, as up to
now) with a total circulation of about 4 million copies.
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2225-PS
THE FRONT OF GERMAN WORKERS HAS BEEN ERECTED!
Page 1, Issue 382, 3 May 1933, of “NSK”. National Socialist Party
Press Agency, [NSK, Pressedienst der NSDAP--the official news
agency of the NSDAP]. Edited by Wilhelm Weiss. Responsible for
communications of the Reich Press Office. Dr. Otto Dietrich, Reich
Press Chief. Published by Franz Eher Successor, Munich.
NSK. We have been informed by the leader of the Action Committee
for the Protection of German Labor, Dr. Ley, that the following
organizations have unconditionally subordinated themselves to the
leadership of Adolf Hitler and the directives of the Action Committee
for the Protection of German Labor: Central League of Christian
Trade Unions [Gesamtverband der Christlichen Gewerkschaften]; Trade
Union Circle of Associations of German Employees, Workers and Civil
Servants [Gewerkschaftsring deutscher Angestellten, Arbeiter und
Beamtenverbaende] [Hirsch-Duncker]; Trade Union League of Employees
[GDA], the RDA; and other associations. Tomorrow negotiations will
begin with the German National Clerks’ League [DHV] as the last
association. It is to be hoped that this organization, too, will
discern the spirit of the times and integrate itself into the great
undertaking.
For the first time in the German labor movement a concentration of all
workers’ and employees’ associations would thus be reached and one of
the greatest undertakings recorded in the history of the German working
class brought to fruition.
We have been further informed by the leader of the Action Committee
for the Protection of German Labor, Dr. Ley, that he intends now,
after these associations have unconditionally and without reservation
submitted to the NSDAP, to draft the positive and expert forces from
these organizations for cooperation. This intention will already find
expression at the great Workers’ Congress, which will take place in
Berlin next week.
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2226-PS
THE LABOR FRONT STANDS!
From Page 2, Issue 383, 4 May 1933 of “NSK”. National Socialist
Party Press Agency, [NSK, Pressedienst der NSDAP--the official news
agency of the NSDAP]. Edited by Wilhelm Weiss. Responsible for
communications of the Reich Press Office. Dr. Otto Dietrich, Reich
Press Chief. Published by Franz Eher Successor, Munich.
THE GERMAN NATIONALIST CLERKS’ LEAGUE [DHV], TOO HAS JOINED
NSK, Berlin, 4 May
_All German trade union associations of all shades having
recognized the leadership of the NSDAP in German trade union
affairs, the German Nationalist Clerks’ League_ [_Deutschnationaler
Handlungsgehilfenverband_] has now too joined Adolf Hitler; the last
big association to do so.
After a detailed conversation between the leader of the Action
Committee for the Protection of German Labor, Dr. Ley, and the
leadership of the German Nationalist Clerks’ League [DHV], integration
of the DHV into the German Labor Front was decided upon.
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2228-PS
ORDER ISSUED BY THE GERMAN LABOR FRONT
From Page 5, Issue 426, 26 June 1933, of “NSK”. National Socialist
Party Press Agency, [NSK, Pressedienst der NSDAP--the official news
agency of the NSDAP]. Edited by Wilhelm Weiss. Responsible for
communications of the Reich Press Office. Dr. Otto Dietrich, Reich
Press Chief. Published by Franz Eher Successor, Munich.
NSK. The leader of the Organizational Office of the German Labor Front,
Party Member Muchow, has issued the following proclamation:
All associations and societies of workers and employees, which have
not yet been concentrated [zusammengefasst] in the two big collective
associations of workers and employees within the German Labor Front
must report to the Organizational Office of the German Labor Front,
Berlin SW 19, 34, Maerkisches Ufer, within 8 days. The requisite
documents about membership figures and other pertinent data must be
enclosed. They will then be notified by the Organizational Office,
which Association they will have to join [eingliedern].
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2229-PS
THE REICH YOUTH LEADER AT WORK
Issue 423, 22 June 1933, of “NSK”. National Socialist Party Press
Agency, [NSK, Pressedienst der NSDAP--the official news agency of
the NSDAP]. Edited by Wilhelm Weiss. Responsible for communications
of the Reich Press Office. Dr. Otto Dietrich, Reich Press Chief.
Published by Franz Eher Successor, Munich.
IMPORTANT ORDER OF BALDUR VON SCHIRACH
NSK Berlin, 22 June
The Youth Leader of the German Reich, Baldur von Schirach, has
published the following order:
* * * * * * *
_ORDER 2_
1. The Greater German League [Grossdeutscher Bund], together with its
sub- and member organizations, is dissolved as of 17 June 1933. The
property of the Greater German League and of the affiliated sub- and
member organizations is to be secured. Thus, along with the Greater
German League the following have been dissolved:
1. Free Band of the Young Nation [Freischar Junger Nation].
2. German Free Band [Deutsche Freischar].
3. German Boy Scout League [Deutscher Pfadfinderbund].
4. The Geuses [Die Geusen].
5. Community Circle of German Boy Scouts [Ringgemeinschaft deutscher
Pfadfinder].
6. Circle of German Boy Scout Districts [Ring deutscher
Pfadfindergaue].
7. German Boy Scout Corps [Deutsches Pfadfinderkorps].
8. Free Band of Protestant Boy Scouts [Freischar evangelischer
Pfadfinder].
2. The Reich Committee of German Youth Associations [Reichsausschuss
der deutschen Jugendverbaende] is dissolved herewith. Previous tasks
of the Reich Committee will be taken over into the expanded sphere of
tasks of the Youth Leadership of the German Reich.
3. All Youth Organizations in Germany are to be reported to the
Youth Leader of the German Reich (Berlin NW 40, 10, Kronprinzenufer,
Department for Organizations). Youth Organizations which have not
reported, or reported only incompletely, by 15 July 1933, are to be
considered as dissolved. It is expressly emphasized that the term
“Youth Organizations” also comprises such organizations which are
groups within adult organizations. The reports are to be submitted by
the top leadership of individual youth organizations for the entire
organization. Insofar as the youth groups of adult organizations do
not have centralized youth leadership, the leadership of the adult
organization is obligated to submit the report.
It is mandatory that the report contain:
1. name of the society (with accurate information about the legal
status of the society);
2. board of directors of the society (accurate information about
name, residence, and telephone number (if applicable));
3. information relative to person authorized to represent the society;
4. office of the society (telephone);
5. banking and postal checking accounts of the society, with
indication who is authorized to sign for the society there;
6. accurate membership figures with indication when the figures were
ascertained;
7. statutes of the society;
8. information about the organizational structure of the society,
insofar as they are not contained in the statutes;
9. information about chairmen of districts, regions, states, or
similar subdivisions;
4. The tasks of the Youth Leader of the German Reich must be
accomplished partially with the help of contributions of affiliated
organizations. The amount of contributions will be fixed in the very
near future.
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2230-PS
AGREEMENT ENTERED INTO BETWEEN THE REICH LEADER OF THE GERMAN LABOR
FRONT, PARTY MEMBER DR. LEY, AND THE CHIEF OF STAFF OF THE STORM TROOPS
[SA], VIKTOR LUTZE, WITH REGARD TO THE FACTORY TROOPS [WERKSCHAREN].
THE ORGANIZATION BOOK OF THE NSDAP
[Organisations Buch der NSDAP] Edition of 1938, editor: The Reichs
Organization Leader of the NSDAP [Dr. Robert Ley]. Published by
the Central Publishing House of the NSDAP, Franz EHER, Successor,
Muenchen. [Pages 484, 485b, 486c].
1. The Factory Troop [Werkschar] is the National Socialist backbone
of the factory. Its task is to permeate the factory with the National
Socialist philosophy. The factory troop is the carrier of the factory
community and incarnates community life within the factory; it bears
witness to these facts by its factory celebrations and festivals. It
is in the forefront in carrying through the tasks of the German Labor
Front. It is the living incarnation of these tasks.
2. The Storm Troops [SA] will promote the building-up of the factory
troops with all means. Storm Troops [SA] units will maintain closest
comradeship and connection with the factory troops, frequently visiting
their meetings, and inviting the factory troops to their own meetings.
3. Factory troops are formed on a voluntary basis by Storm Troopers
[SA-Maenner] in a factory and by other workers in the factory. The
latter simultaneously become Storm Troop candidates (insofar as they
are not already members of another formation of the Party).
4. Officers and men of the Storm Troops, who are working in the factory
and are members of the German Labor Front, are to be made leaders
of the Factory Troops. On the basis of previous agreements, the
appointments take place in accordance with the ordinance of 10 January
1936--Ch. Nr. 11150, as follows:
_a._ in the case of the Reich Directorate of the German Labor Front,
upon recommendation of the Supreme Storm Troop Command [Oberste
SA-Fuehrung]
_b._ in the case of Districts, upon recommendation of the SA-Group
_c._ in the counties, [Kreisen] upon recommendation of the SA-Standards
[Standarten]
_d._ within the factory, the factory troop leader is appointed by
the County Factory Troop Leader, after consultation with the factory
representative of the German Labor Front.
5. Special sections [Referate] for factory troops will be established
at the headquarters of Storm Troop Groups, respectively Brigades, and
of Standards. They are to be merged with the previous Special Sections
for Social Work at Storm Troop Bureaus. The District respectively
County Factory Troop Leaders are in charge of this Special Section.
Simultaneously these Storm Troop leaders are to be charged by the
regional commissioners with the leadership of the Department factory
troops in the German Labor Front. For disciplinary and personnel
purposes they remain subordinate to their unit commanders.
The requisite financial means for the Special Sections are to be made
available by the German Labor Front in accordance with agreements still
to be reached.
6. Directives and regulations for commitment, and for the tasks to be
accomplished within the factory, will be issued by the Reich Leader of
the German Labor Front through factory troop channels (Reich factory
troop leader; District factory troop leader; County factory troop
leader; Factory factory troop leader).
7. 4 to 5 week days a month are available to the factory troop for
carrying through their tasks.
In the case of urgent tasks within the factory, and in the case of
protective measures against natural catastrophes and preparatory
service for large-scale political utilization of the German Labor
Front, factory troop service has priority over Storm Troop [SA] service.
8. Physical training will take place with Storm Troop [SA] cadre units.
9. The service Uniform for factory troops remains customary factory
troop uniform for meetings within the factory as well as in parades of
the German Labor Front.
Berlin, October 1936
The Chief of Staff of Storm Troops [SA]
(signed) Lutze
The Reich Leader of the
German Labor Front
(signed) Dr. Ley
PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2231-PS
“Die Reichskanzlei” by Hermann von Stutterheim
[Pages 19-34]
Nevertheless, there is still a “people’s legislation” even in the Third
Reich, but this does not restrict the legislative power of the Reich
Cabinet [Reichsregierung] in any way. According to the law on the
plebiscite of 14th July 1933, the Reich Cabinet, which is, de facto and
also, as we shall see later, de jure, nothing more nor less than the
Fuehrer, can apply to the people for its approval or disapproval of a
measure which is envisaged by the Reich Cabinet, whereby it is also a
matter of an approval or disapproval of a planned law. It is therefore
impossible for a people’s law to be passed without or even contrary to
the will of the Fuehrer. Neither can drafts of laws put up for approval
be passed if the content has been altered in any way. It must be either
accepted or rejected just as it stands. Even should it be rejected,
such a result of the vote does not oppose the will of the Fuehrer.
For, in as much as the Fuehrer puts a law to the people’s vote, an
action which he takes of his own free will, he shows that he is quite
prepared for the law to be rejected.
Within the Reich Cabinet, the Reich Chancellor was de jure at first
also the president of the Reich Cabinet which was a body of people
who made the decisions, in which the Reich Chancellor had only a
seat and a vote. He could therefore be overruled. In practice, since
the day of the assumption of power, this was no longer the case. The
dominating personality of the Fuehrer and the actual power possessed
by him made it obvious from the start that the Reich Cabinet could
not make any decisions which did not coincide with the will of the
Fuehrer. The Reich Cabinet accordingly was from the outset, nothing
more than an advisory body to the Fuehrer which was to advise the head
of the cabinet [Regierungschef]. Even if the result of this advice
was still called “the decision of the Reich Cabinet” the decision in
reality was that of the Fuehrer and Reich Chancellor, which, after a
previous conference, was passed by the Reich Cabinet. The same applied
to administrative measures, political resolutions and legal decisions.
Later, this situation also gained its legal semblance by the duty of
obedience of the Reich Ministerate to the Fuehrer and Reich Chancellor.
This occurred at the time of the Reich Law of 16th October 1934, on the
oath taken by Reich Ministers and members of the provincial governments
[Landesregierungen], by which the Reich Ministers had to swear loyalty
and obedience to the leader of the German Reich and people, Adolf
Hitler. Thereby, the whole administrative power was concentrated in
the person of the Fuehrer. From then on, he was also de jure head of
the Reich, supreme legislator, Supreme Chief of all administration and
supreme commander of the armed forces, without being restricted by any
other factors or authorities when exercising the power with which he
was endowed by virtue of the legal position. The cooperation of the
members of the Cabinet [Regierungsmitglieder] in an advisory capacity
in particular, is therefore no essential condition of the legality
of the Cabinet Laws [Regierungsgesetze]. Even without the advisory
cooperation of the Cabinet, the Fuehrer and Reich Chancellor can issue
decrees which are of course always in the form of a “Fuehrer Edict”
or that of a Decree to differentiate between them and the designation
“Reich Law” used for those laws issued with the formal cooperation of
the Reich Cabinet.
It is neither an essential of the Fuehrer State, nor does it conform to
the personal characteristics of the Fuehrer, that all the difficulties
described above must be submitted to the supreme Fuehrer for his
decision. On the contrary: although the Reich Ministers are today
basically subject to the unlimited authoritative power of the Fuehrer
when making their decisions even in unimportant individual cases,
they actually have an independence in carrying out their official
functions such as was never enjoyed by Reich Ministers during the
republic [Systemzeit]. Responsibility, powers of decision, a driving
energy and real authority, these are the qualities required, first
and foremost by the Fuehrer of his ministers. Therefore he allows
them great freedom in carrying out their official functions. But,
if the evolutionary New Order is not to give way to revolutionary
conditions, it is essential that the legal order be respected by the
Reich Ministers, and by all their subordinate departments. And so it is
necessary, in the middle of the gigantic process of reorganization that
we are now experiencing, that the Fuehrer himself should continually be
taking steps to abolish obstacles of a legal or any other kind which
could not be eliminated in any other way by apportioning certain full
powers and issuing other orders which might not be legally binding or
might lack the required authority if they were not issued as laws or
Fuehrer Edicts. Anyone who has a certain amount of experience in the
sphere of administration knows how extraordinarily difficult it is to
gauge what retrospective effects interference with the traditional and
established administrative system will have. Should such interference
be unavoidable, if higher ends are to be gained, it is necessary to
direct and restrict them so that unwanted repercussions are eliminated.
Even with practical experience and a knowledgeable survey of the whole
sphere of administration and legislation, it is however also necessary
to give thorough consideration to the problem to be solved before it is
submitted to the Fuehrer. Of course, the final decision can be made, to
a certain extent, by the competent departmental Minister himself. Too
often, however, he is unable to come to an agreement with those other
ministers whose departments are affected by the measure intended, and
he sometimes lacks any definite knowledge of the Fuehrer’s possible
plans to which such measures must conform.
Considered theoretically, the Reich Cabinet would be a suitable special
committee to settle opposing points of view and make them fit in with
the Fuehrer’s aims. In practice, however, this would mean that the
cabinet would be in almost continuous session, a quite impossible
demand on the Fuehrer. He has not the time to take part in long cabinet
meetings [Kabinetsitzungen] to listen to detailed descriptions,
justifications and counter-arguments which it is the duty of all
ministers to make from the particular standpoint of their departments.
The Fuehrer must be free and have the necessary time for those great
decisions, which must be made in the field of state-leadership in
interior-policy and also especially in foreign policy and which
he alone must make. For he is not called to be the arbitrator in
differences both of opinion and of other things, but purely a leader,
an inspiration, a commander-in-chief--in short a creator. That causes
the necessity of reducing cabinet meetings to the minimum and therefore
only to those all-important questions, so that even drafts of laws,
before they are handed to the Fuehrer are to be dealt with, not during
cabinet deliberations, but by the so-called process of circulation,
i.e. by obtaining the written statement of agreement from the
individual members of the cabinet.
Under these conditions, it is the duty, first and foremost of the
Chief of the Reich Chancellery to submit the matters to the Fuehrer,
for his decisions and orders, in a concentrated manner and a suitable
chronological order. This saddles him with the necessity of keeping
conversant the whole time with the most important matters in the
sphere of administration, economy and politics and, at the same time,
of concerning himself in the preliminary work of legislation. It
falls to him in particular to see whether and in what form any direct
interference is to be recommended to the Fuehrer in as much as he must
in any case be informed of occurrences in public life.
As they are so numerous, it is almost impossible to give an accurate
individual picture of the extent and type of all the questions and
concerns which, in this way, make up the substance of the reports made
by the Chief of the Reich Chancellery to the Fuehrer. These questions
and concerns are extremely numerous and affect all spheres of public
life. Fundamentally, only those concerns can be separated which are the
responsibility of the President’s Chancellery and of the Office of the
head of the NSDAP and are laid before the Fuehrer by the heads of these
departments, as well, particularly, as all military matters, which
the Chief of the Supreme Command of the Armed Forces has to report.
Naturally even these matters could encroach on the sphere of activity
of the Reich Chancellery on account of their connection with political
and administrative questions and therefore require a special report by
the Chief of the Reich Chancellery alone or together with the proper
competent departmental heads.
Taken as a whole, it may be said that the severe limitation in
frequency of the cabinet deliberations has resulted in a corresponding
increase of the duties and heightening of the responsibility of the
Chief of the Reich Chancellery.
However, the fact that cabinet meetings, under the pressure of
circumstances, could take place only seldom, led to the necessity of
setting up a special advisory body to the Fuehrer in the form of a
Secret cabinet council [Kabinettsrat] to advise the Fuehrer on the
direction of Foreign Policy. However, this fact meant a small reduction
of the duties of the Reich Chancellery just as did the establishment of
a cabinet council [Ministerrat] for the defence of the Reich later on.
This subject will be dealt with anon. The “Secret Cabinet Council” was
established by the Fuehrer Edict of 4th February 1938. The following
persons are members: Reich Minister Baron von Neurath as president, as
members, Reich Foreign Minister von Ribbentrop, General Field Marshall
Goering, the deputy-Fuehrer, Reich Minister Hess, Reich Minister of
Enlightenment and Propaganda, Dr. Goebbels, Reich Minister and Chief
of the Reich Chancellery, Dr. Lammers, C-in-C of the Army, General von
Brauchitsch, C-in-C of the Navy, Dr. H. C. Raeder and Chief of the
Supreme Command of the Armed Forces, General Keitel. The Reich Minister
and Chief of the Reich Chancellery is in charge of any affairs with
which the Secret Cabinet Council has to deal.
This is purely a deliberating body which is not called on or empowered
to make orders or measures by itself. The special conditions of the
war, especially the need to change the legal position and to meet
the fast-arising wartime requirements however, made it vital to
disembarrass the Fuehrer even in the sphere of legislation. This was
accomplished by the Fuehrer Edict of 30th August 1939. Under this, a
“Cabinet Council for the defence of the Reich” was formed with the
power to issue decrees with a legal authority should the Fuehrer
decide that a certain law was not to be issued by the Reich Cabinet
or by the Reichstag. The following persons are members of the Cabinet
council for the defence of the Reich: General Field Marshall Goering as
president, the deputy-Fuehrer, the Plenipotentiary-General for Reich
Administration, the Plenipotentiary-General for Economy, also the
Reich Minister and Chief of the Reich Chancellery and the Chief of the
Supreme Command of the Armed Forces. The president can invite other
persons to attend the deliberations of the Cabinet Council. The Reich
Minister and Chief of the Reich Chancellery is in charge of the affairs
of the Cabinet Council. Another legislative body, therefore, came
into existence but here again, in accordance with the authoritarian
principle of leadership, it was an organization of leadership in the
hand of the Fuehrer and Reich Chancellor, a legislative organization,
whose authority to issue decrees is based on the supreme legislative
power of the Fuehrer and which can be used in specific cases only if
the Fuehrer has not decided on some other procedure. Actually, the
cabinet council’s authority to issue decrees has been made use of to a
great extent since the beginning of the war.
The most important decrees issued by the Cabinet Council for the
defence of the Reich are the following:
Decree on the appointment of Reich Defence Commissars dated
1st September 1939 (Reich Law Gazette I p 1565), Decree on the
compensation for personal damage (Personal damage decree) dated 1st
September 1939 (Reich Law Gazette I p 1623), Decree on measures
concerning civic disputes, compulsory execution, bankruptcy and civic
right dated 1st September 1939 (Reich Law Gazette I p 1656), Decree
on special radio measures dated 1st September 1939 (Reich Law Gazette
I p 1683), Decree on the restriction on changing the place of work
dated 1st September 1939 (Reich Law Gazette I p 1685), War-economy
decree dated 4th September 1939 (Reich Law Gazette I p 1609), Decree
against elements of the population, dated 5th September 1939 (Reich
Law Gazette I p 1679), Decree on the assessment of damage to property
(damage to property assessment decree) dated 8th September 1939
(Reich Law Gazette I p 1754), Decree on the concession of delayed
payment in legal disputes dated 7th October 1939 (Reich Law Gazette I
p 2004), Decree on the treatment of enemy capital dated 15th January
1940 (Reich Law Gazette I p 191).
This short list of the most important Cabinet Council Decrees should
suffice to make clear the extent and significance of the Cabinet
Council legislation. It is obvious that this has lifted a quite
exceptionally heavy burden from the Fuehrer’s shoulders. The Reich
Chancellery, however, participates fully in the work of the Cabinet
Council since the Chief of the Reich Chancellery is not only a member
but also directs its affairs. The Chief of the Reich Chancellery was
given the task of directing these affairs because it put him in a
position to keep the Fuehrer conversant all the time with the work
of the Cabinet Council. In this connection, the Chief of the Reich
Chancellery, in cases where there is any doubt on the point, has to
make sure that the Fuehrer has the opportunity in good time to make
clear whether he is in favour at all of a measure planned by the
Cabinet Council, or whether he would not prefer the form of a Cabinet
or Reichstag law instead of a cabinet Council decree. Basically the
right possessed by the Cabinet Council for the defence of the Reich to
issue decrees is limited to legal matters directly connected with the
defence of the Reich. However, in special cases and at times when the
Fuehrer is on a visit to the front, this rule cannot always be kept.
Should there be any doubt, whether and to what extent deviations from
this rule can be made, it usually falls to the Reich Minister and Chief
of Reich Chancellery to take steps to obtain the Fuehrer’s decision
should the occasion arise.
According to the assignment of duties in the Reich Cabinet the Chief
of the Reich Chancellery is in charge of the affairs of the Reich
Cabinet as well. In this capacity he has to arrange the meetings of
the Reich Cabinet on the direct instructions of the Fuehrer and to
issue summonses to these meetings together with the agenda and the
subjects up for discussion. He must also see that the Reich Ministries
concerned are in agreement beforehand on the subjects to be discussed,
or if they are not unanimous, that a clear position has been reached
about the incompatibility of the various opinions and about the
reasons for the opposed points of view. Ministerial conferences among
the Ministers concerned may be held prior to the cabinet meeting to
clear up these differences of opinion. These Ministerial Conferences
under the chairmanship of the Reich Chancellor, took place before the
assumption of power. Apart from exceptional occasions, this no longer
occurs. Summonses to Ministerial Conferences are sent out by the Chief
of the Reich Chancellery at the request of one or more of the ministers
concerned; he then as a rule presides at these conferences. Naturally,
this does not apply to the numerous ministerial conferences arranged
by the authoritative Reich Ministers of the day, in which the matters
dealt with are such that it is not, or not yet, necessary that the
Fuehrer be informed; therefore the Reich Minister and Chief of the
Reich Chancellery need not be present at the conferences.
The drafts of Cabinet laws [Regierungsgesetze] are first prepared by
the authoritative ministry, that is the ministry most concerned, in
agreement with any other ministry concerned, in the matter. There is
sometimes a preliminary discussion of these in conferences between
departmental heads [Chefbesprechungen] and then they are handed to the
Chief of the Reich Chancellery who determines whether they are to be
included in the agenda of a cabinet meeting or whether the agreement
of all the members of the cabinet is to be obtained in writing by the
so called process of circulation. Should there still be differences of
opinion remaining unsolved when the cabinet deliberates on the drafts
of the laws, the Fuehrer makes the final decision on the content of
the law and its passing. This procedure is also followed when any
opposition remains during the process of circulation and deliberation
on the draft in a cabinet meeting seems impracticable for some reason
or other.
Cabinet laws [Regierungsgesetze] decided on are drawn up and issued by
the Fuehrer and Reich Chancellor. The finished law, the actual legal
document, is signed first by the Fuehrer and then by the ministers
concerned, who are thereby responsible to the Fuehrer for the law.
Apart from the Reich Ministers concerned, the Reich Minister and
Chief of the Reich Chancellery also appends his signature and, by
this action, makes himself responsible that all Reich Ministers had
the opportunity of stating their opinions. Furthermore, the president
of the Cabinet Council for the defense of the Reich must append his
signature to all Reich Laws and that under the signature of the Fuehrer
and Reich Chancellor. Fuehrer Edicts with a legislative content are
always signed also by the Reich Minister and Chief of the Reich
Chancellery. This rule of signatures is based mainly on an internal
regulation of the Fuehrer or on usage. It applies also to the Cabinet
laws [Regierungsgesetze] which are issued as Reichstag laws or People’s
laws.
The Reich Minister and Chief of the Reich Chancellery who, as we know,
directs the affairs of the Cabinet Council plays a similar part in the
work of the Cabinet Council for the defence of the Reich in issuing
decrees which, as mentioned above, have the authority of laws, as he
does with the Cabinet laws. It must be noted, that the peculiarity
in this case is that the subjects dealt with by the Cabinet Council
are distributed not merely among the members of the Cabinet Council,
but also among all the members of the Cabinet who are thereby given
the opportunity of guarding the interests of their spheres of office
by adding their appropriate standpoints in the Cabinet Council
legislation, even if they do not participate in making the decree.
PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2232-PS
GERMAN ADMINISTRATIVE LAW [Deutsches Verwaltungsrecht]
by Dr. Hans Frank.
Published by: Central Publishing House of the NSDAP
Franz Eher Successor, Munich.
[Pages 420, 421, 424, 425, 430]
Task and Means of a Political Police.
A. The Task
The task of a political police in the sense of the National Socialist
conception of this institution has been formulated best so far in
Section 1 of the Prussian law concerning the Secret State Police of
10 February 1936 (Prussian law collection, 1936, p. 21): “The Secret
State Police has the task of investigating and fighting all attempts
dangerous to the State, of collecting and evaluating the result of
the inquiries, of informing the State Government and of keeping the
other authorities currently informed on important facts pertaining to
them and of supplying them with suggestions.” This formulation also
outlines the task of Political Police Systems in other German countries
for which this task assignment is to be concluded from the National
Socialist conception of a Political Police, since a legal formulation
is mostly missing.
* * * * * * *
_b._ All attempts dangerous to the State are subject to the activity of
the Political Police. “Dangerous to the State” is more than “hostile
to the State” and includes not only undertakings with programs hostile
to the State but also all attempts--no matter what their aim--which in
their effects endanger the State.
Not the State in its outward organic appearance but the tasks of the
leadership in the sense of the National-Socialist idea is the object
of protection. It is the task of the National Socialist leadership to
preserve and to develop all national values. These being endangered,
the Political Police is called upon for protection against the
endangering attempts, e.g. if there is any danger:
to the State leadership and structure of the State by intentions of
terror and revolutionary plans,
to the Armed Forces and the forces of defense by espionage and
(intellectual and technical) sabotage,
to the people’s community and the state principles by disintegration
and instigation,
to the people’s health and blood purity by moral corruption (e.g.
offenses according to Section 175 of the Reich penal code) and racial
disgrace,
to the ideological unity of the people by intellectual poisoning and
distortion (e.g. by “Jehovah’s Witnesses” and other sects).
A complete catalogue of “attempts dangerous to the State” can never be
drawn up because it can never be foreseen what may endanger leadership
and people sometime in the future. National Socialist recognition of
threatening danger and National Socialist knowledge of responsibility
will understand and fulfill the duties of the Political Police
according to the real necessities in any political situation.
* * * * * * *
_b._ The lawful means for _preventive police measures_ of the Political
Police have not been regulated legally. They cannot be regulated, for
the preventive police duties of the Political Police--and the means
necessary for their performance--cannot be described and standardized
for all time.
The duties of the Political Police and the necessary means for their
performance are not chosen freely but are prescribed by the foe. Just
as the operations of an army against the outward enemy and the means
to fight this enemy cannot be prescribed, so the Political Police also
must have free hand in the choice of the means necessary at times to
fight attempts dangerous to the State.
Since the National Socialist revolution, the powers of the Political
Police in a legally positive respect are derived immediately from
the new conception of the State and the resulting conception of the
duties of a police force. According to this conception the duty of
the Political Police, due to its nature, is to fight all attempts
dangerous to the State. And it thus has the right to take all necessary
measures for this fight as long as there are not any expressly contrary
regulations. This conception is confirmed by the decree of the
Reichspresident for the Protection of People and State of 28 February
1933 (RGBl I, p. 83) by which the so-called basic rights of the Weimar
Constitution have been abrogated. This means that ever since, every
State institution--particularly the Political Police--may take measures
in the performance of its duties which were barred before by those
basic rights.
“The decree for the Protection of People and State of 28 February
1933 has eliminated the negative law barriers of the State power. The
positive competence of the police to restrict liberty of any kind,
especially to order protective custody, results already from the
character of the function which the Police in the National-Socialist
State has to perform.” (Dr. Walter Hamel: “The Police in the
National-Socialist State,” German lawyers’ newspaper of 15 March 1935,
col. 326.)
According to kind and purpose the measures taken by the Political
Police can logically be subject to a check only by their own channels
of administrative supervision. This is recognized for instance in
Section 7 of the Prussian law concerning the Secret State Police of
10 February 1936 by the stipulation: “Orders in matters of the Secret
State Police are not subject to the check of the administrative
courts.” In its decision of 2 May 1935 (III C 43/35) the Prussian
High Court of Administration had already come to the same conclusion,
before the decree of 10 February 1936 was issued, by reason of the
legal situation in Prussia. Also for the other German countries--if not
expressly settled to the contrary--and for a future Reich regulation
the principle has to be maintained that measures of the Political
Police can be checked only by their own channels of administrative
supervision. In view of the tasks and means of the Political Police
which cannot be standardized individually, there can be no legal
backing for a court decision. Any agency outside of the Political
Police must lack the necessary expert knowledge for a decision by way
of administrative supervision.
* * * * * * *
_f._ The Secret State Police administers the State Concentration Camps
through the Inspector of the Concentration Camps who is affiliated with
the Office of the Secret State Police.
PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2233-A-PS
FRANK DIARY, Meetings of Departmental Chiefs in 1939/40
[Abteilungsleitersitzungen 1939/40]
Minutes of the 1st conference of the Departmental Chiefs on the 2nd
December 1939.
[Page 3, line 4-13]
The condemning to death of an archbishop and bishop gives cause to the
fundamental observation that a total war against any kind of resistance
is being waged in the Government General. The two bishops have been
condemned quite rightly, because arms were found in their possession.
If, despite that, they were pardoned to hard labor, then certain other
considerations were the cause for that. Reports by the press concerning
the shooting of Jews are not desirable because such reports would
intimidate the Jews.
Minutes of the 2nd conference of the Departmental Chiefs on the 8th
December 1939.
[Page 4, par. 1 and 2]
The question of forced labor for the Jews could not be solved
satisfactorily from one day to the other. Prerequisite for this would
be the card indexing of the male Jews from 14 to 50 years of age. In
this it had to be ascertained which trade the Jews had so far carried
on, because just in those territories the Jews had had various skilled
trades, and it would be a loss if this manpower would not be usefully
exploited. To do this, sweeping planning is necessary. For the time
being the Jews had to be gathered in columns and had to be employed
wherever there was a pressing need. It is the task of the chief of the
district to determine these needs.
The police was being reenforced by 4 police battalions. The commitment
would be such that each government section was to receive one
battalion. Moreover, it was ordered that the police battalions in the
Government General would be relieved and interchanged from time to
time with battalions from home. Already before Xmas the relief of 4
battalions would take place. No insecurity would result.
[Page 7, 2 last paragraphs]
_Governor Dr. Lasch_ called attention to the fact that the order of the
Governor General regarding the institution of compulsory work provided,
that Poles from their 18th year upward were to be conscripted for
compulsory labor. A regulation of the age groups from 14 to 18 would
also be desirable. One should not neglect the danger that particularly
the youth of this age group in high schools could become a source of
national resistance.
_Governor General Reich Minister Dr. Frank_ orders the preparation of a
supplementary decree, according to which the compulsory labor was to be
extended to the age groups from 14 to 18.
Meeting of Departmental Chiefs at the Bergakademie (Academy for mines).
Friday, 10th May 1940
[Page 23, par. 1]
Then the Governor General deals with the problem of the _Compulsory
Labor Service_ of the Poles. Upon the demands from the Reich it has now
been decreed that compulsion may be exercised in view of the fact that
sufficient manpower was not voluntarily available for service inside
the German Reich. This compulsion means the possibility of arrest of
male and female Poles. Because of these measures a certain disquietude
had developed which according to individual reports, was spreading
very much, and which might produce difficulties everywhere. General
Fieldmarshal Goering some time ago pointed out in his long speech the
necessity to deport into the Reich a million workers. The supply so far
was 160,000. However, great difficulties had to be overcome. Therefore
it would be advisable to consult the district and town chiefs in the
execution of the compulsion, so that one could be sure from the start
that this action would be reasonably successful. The arrest of young
Poles when leaving church service or the cinema would bring about
an ever-increasing nervousness of the Poles. Generally speaking, he
had no objections at all if the rubbish, capable of work yet often
loitering about, would be snatched from the streets. The best method
for this, however, would be the organization of a raid, and it would be
absolutely justifiable to stop a Pole in the street and to question him
what he was doing, where he was working, etc.
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2233-B-PS
FRANK DIARY, 1940 1st Vol., January-March.
[Page 18, 3rd paragraph]
Thursday, January 11th
1520 Section Chief Dr. Frauendorfer reports to the Governor General
on the possibilities and the extent of the transport of workers into
the Reich. The German State Railway sends daily 10 transports, each
carrying 1000 workers. Beginning with January 15, these transports,
which were stopped temporarily--will be taken up again.
In regard to the project of resettlement, it should be avoided, that
it be carried out further in the brutal manner which has prevailed up
till now, because otherwise it is to be feared that people will not
volunteer any more to go into the Reich, and also because of the way in
which the resettlement is carried out, the possibility of using these
people in the Reich will be impaired. As an extra allowance for the
unemployment pay the Reich Ministry for labor has held out the prospect
of an additional sum of 3 million Reichmarks a month.
* * * * * * *
[Pages 183-184]
March 7th, 1940
Citadel of Cracow
1645 Conference with SS Brigadier General Schreckenbach
1650 Attaché Dr. Albers is introduced by Councillor of Legation v.
Grolinan to the Governor General
1700 Conference with Brigadier General Buehrmann, Stabsleiter
Reichert, Reichhauptamtsleiter Dr. Frauendorfer, and 2 special
advisors.
Subject of the discussion is the question of the shipment of Polish
agricultural workers into the Reich.
Brigadier General Buehrmann started by saying that Stabsleiter Reichert
has been appointed by the Reich Food Ministry, to make sure, that
Polish workers would be sent into the Reich under all circumstances,
and--if necessary--a compulsory service should be enforced upon
them. Brigadier General Buehrmann would like to recommend, that the
Governor General--for the time being does not make any decision for the
introduction of a compulsory service or employment of force against the
Polish agricultural workers.
Stabsleiter Reichert emphasizes that Berlin insists that the one
million agricultural workers be sent into the Reich.
Reichshauptamtsleiter Dr. Frauendorfer replies to a question of the
Governor General, that so far 81,477 Polish agricultural workers were
sent into the Reich--of which 56,721 were men, and 24,756 women.
Since 12 February, 154 special trains have been sent off, that was
the utmost that could have been accomplished in this time. To these
figures--just mentioned--are to be added 42,000 workers, who had been
already in the Reich so that the amount is increased to 130,000.
The Governor General has the opinion, that the 480,000 prisoners of
war should also be included in the sum of one million. On account
of the railroad and the highway conditions, it is not at present
possible to do anything by force, also there were not sufficient police
forces there at disposal, to carry such measures out. If any force
were exercised, then it would affect workers who were employed as
specialized workers for the plants.
Stabsleiter Reichert asks--if the occasion arises--that superior
offices should make the decision in this question.
Cracow
Wednesday, March 6th 1940
10:00 Conference with Ministerial-Director Dr. Buehler.
10:50 Conference with bank-director Dr. Paerscl.
11:00 Conference with Reichshauptamtsleiter Dr. Frauendorfer.
Reichshauptamtsleiter Dr. Frauendorfer reports, that 73,000 Polish
workers have been sent now into the Reich. At present 4,000 men
are transferred daily. Further, Dr. Frauendorfer reports on the
organization in the plants. It is as simple as possible. On Monday,
he visited a few plants in Warsaw, and he could only say that they
all were running excellently, this applies also to the machinery.
Kitchens were also installed everywhere now and furthermore, the
necessary quantities of soap had been provided. 5,000 sets of underwear
and linen, 32,000 Kg. flour, 4,000 Kg. of beef and of pork and other
merchandise had been distributed. The Governor-General ordered that
the exact figures should be published in the press. Now, as before, he
thinks that the soup given out daily was one of the best solutions, for
the problem of the welfare for the working men.
Reichshauptamtsleiter Dr. Frauendorfer remarks that this soup is being
served daily now with one pound of bread.
The Governor-General will not out of basic considerations give his
consent to the proposal that an introductory note should be added to
the 2nd decree for the regulation of social insurance, but he thinks
it better to point out in a suitable way, that the chief of the labor
section has given an explanation about it to the press chief.
In this conference the question of the sending of Polish agricultural
workers into the Reich was then discussed. Here, Dr. Frauendorfer
points out that workmen from the Lublin area had never gone to the
Reich before, from which naturally certain difficulties arise. Besides
numerous letters from the agricultural workers to their families had
already come from the Reich, in which the Polish agricultural workers
expressed themselves very gratefully concerning their treatment in
Germany. The Governor-General orders that some of these letters should
be published in the press.
[Page 216]
15 March 1940
Conference with ambassador v. Wuehlisch.
18:30: Ambassador v. Wuehlisch reports that the preparations for the
transport of the _Vert Stoss Altar_ to Nurnberg have been completed.
The church really looked better, due to the space gained by the removal
of the altar. Ambassador v. Wuehlisch reported furthermore, that the
former ambassador Wysoski had asked again for an audience with the
Governor-General. The Ambassador v. Ruemelin had been asked to make a
request that he be taken into the service of the Government-General.
[Page 216, last 12 lines.]
The question of the Polish relief committee: the Security service wrote
to Mr. Arlt, and pointed out, that the head of this organization Count
Radziwill, participated in Silesian revolt, that he supported Korfanty
and that he also was supposed to have disloyal remarks about the Reich.
The ambassador v. Wuehlisch asked Arlt, to proceed very carefully in
this matter, before expelling Count Radziwill from the relief committee
because such a procedure might have disagreeable consequences.
Under any circumstances, the consent of the Governor-General would be
necessary for this.
The so-called Polish Government in anger has completed a “White Book”
which deals with the arch-diocese of Posen and Suesen. The Governor
General said that he discussed this question with the Papal Nuncio in
Berlin. He gathered from this conversation that a great deal was said
about the treatment of the churches and apparently it was attempted to
push many things off into the government general, for which it was not
at all responsible.
Ambassador v. Wuehlisch thinks it worth while that those and similar
questions be discussed in Berlin. Such negotiations would have to be
handled through the foreign office.
The Governor General said that he had long conferences with the
Ministry of Finance and with the representatives of the Reich Food
Ministry. It was requested there very urgently, that the Polish
agricultural workers be sent in greater quantities to the Reich. In
Berlin he explained that if he were asked to do so, he could naturally
exercise some compulsion in perhaps such a way, that he might have
the police surround a village and bring out the men and women in
question by force, and then send them to Germany. But besides these
police measures one also could proceed by withholding unemployment
relief for the workers in question. Ambassador v. Wuehlisch discussed
then certain violations of the border which occurred at the Soviet
frontier. By request of the Reich Minister of Finance and by request of
the Armed Forces High Command representation had been made in Moscow
evidently for the reason that the Soviet border guards always employed
their firearms immediately. It was suggested that such incidents be
straightened out right away on the spot.
The deputy foreign commissar Potemkin suggested that liaison officers
should be appointed by both sides for this purpose. The liaison staff
Russia should serve as central office.
The Governor General does not consider this method practicable and he
feels that here also the Government General should be unhindered, he
requested that the ambassador v. Wuehlisch confer on this question with
the Secretary of state Dr. v. Wuehlisch. This question did not only
concern the Wehrmacht but also for example the customs administration,
for this reason representatives of the Ministry of Finance must also
cooperate in this matter.
Ambassador v. Wuehlisch draws attention to the fact that the customs
officials are subordinated to the Wehrmacht.
The Governor General points out, that a superior office would not make
any decision. In this matter the decision would be up to him. For the
time being one must try to reach the goal by employing different means.
For instance letters might be published, that were sent from the Reich,
written by Polish workers to their families. If the occasion arises,
such compulsory decree should not be announced publicly.
Reichshauptamtsleiter Dr. Frauendorfer confirms, on the basis of his
experiences, that in many cases there was no possibility of employing
recruiters from the Reich. On account of the snowfall, the passenger
cars could not be used, and by using field sleighs, the recruiters
could have travelled not more than 60 km. daily. Also, the Warsaw
district was never really an emigration-area for Polish agricultural
workers.
It has to be observed, that unfortunately the agricultural workers have
medical certificates or statements made out by the words, which purport
to say that they are not fit for service. Other workers took refuge
into the woods. Often complaints were expressed, that the words did not
support the action sufficiently, and cases have been observed, where
official labor measures, had been intentionally violated. Besides, the
activity of the recruiter can not be without danger; just some time
ago, one of these German officers was fired upon. Also the fact should
be noted, that of 800 workers, which were already assigned, only 69
reported to the station.
All that could be traced back to the fact that the rural population is
affected by a psychosis of anxiety, without mentioning the fact that
the Poles might have organized themselves well in the meantime.
The Governor General is not at all disinclined to take the most extreme
measures. But then, the authority of the Reich would have to be fully
utilized, but as long as there is snow on the ground, any change in
this situation can not be contemplated. * * *
[Page 198, lines 15-22]
12 March 1940
Governor General Dr. Frank:
In view of the propaganda in the U.S.A. any use of force should if
possible be avoided, but a light pressure could be exerted by stopping
the payment of unemployment relief, for those categories which are
concerned at all, at any rate agriculture should not send back young,
strong workers, just because they were unskilled.
Reichsobmann Behrendt: The Agriculture needs skilled as well as
unskilled workers. One unskilled worker could be employed for each two
skilled workers.
PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2233-C-PS
FRANK DIARY, 1940.
Vol. IV, October-December
[Page 943, 4th-6th lines]
10/7/40
The Governor-General then addresses the assembly with the following
words:
My dear Comrades!
* * * * * * *
[Page 946, lines 1-3, 21-30]
10/7/40
* * * There are so few of us here that no one can actually really
conceal himself. Everybody has to fear that the spotlight will now and
then rest on him * * *
* * * It is clear that education will perhaps still be necessary here
and there; furthermore, it is clear that this open-minded comradeship,
this common spirit of close contact finds its counter-part in the
unstinted observation of authority in inner office relations. We cannot
permit the offices to become 5 o’clock tea rooms. But, of course, our
position as Germans here must be such that the lowest of us is still
far above the highest Pole in this room * * *
[Page 1158, 2nd par. to p. 1159 4th line]
* * * And another thing was told me by the Fuehrer in all seriousness,
a few days ago: that the old Japanese proverb:--after the war tighten
your helmet strap--should retain its validity. Comrades, never again
shall we be a weak Reich. The Armed Forces will represent the crown
of community education. Just as the NSDAP is the crown of social,
political and ideological leadership, so the Armed Forces will be the
essence of military training, of the proud and immaculate bearing of
our people. And you can say: you took part in it as soldiers. I am
very happy about this hour of the Armed Forces, for it joins us all
together. Some of you left your mothers, your parents at home, others
their wives, their brides, their brothers, their children. In all
these weeks, they will be thinking of you, saying to themselves: my
God, there he sits in Poland where there are so many lice and Jews,
perhaps he is hungry and cold, perhaps he is afraid to write. It would
not be a bad idea then to send our dear ones back home a picture, and
tell them: well now, there are not so many lice and Jews any more, and
conditions here in the Government General have changed and improved
somewhat already. Of course, I could not eliminate all lice and Jews in
only one year’s time (public amused). But in the course of time, and
above all, if you help me, this end will be attained. After all, it is
not necessary for us to accomplish everything within a year and right
away, for what would otherwise be left for those who follow us to do?
PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2233-D-PS
FRANK DIARY, 1941 Oct-Dec.
CABINET SESSION
Tuesday 16 December 1941 in the Government Building at Krakow
Speech of the Governor General Closing the Session
[Page 76, line 10 to page 77 line 33]
As far as the Jews are concerned, I want to tell you quite frankly,
that they must be done away with in one way or another. The Fuehrer
said once: should united Jewry again succeed in provoking a world-war,
the blood of not only the nations, which have been forced into the
war by them, will be shed, but the Jew will have found his end in
Europe. I know, that many of the measures carried out against the Jews
in the Reich, at present, are being criticized. It is being tried
intentionally, as is obvious from the reports on the morale, to talk
about cruelty, harshness, etc. Before I continue, I want to beg you
to agree with me on the following formula: We will principally have
pity on the German people only, and nobody else in the whole world.
The others, too had no pity on us. As an old National-Socialist, I
must say: This war would only be a partial success, if the whole lot
of Jewry would survive it, while we would have shed our best blood in
order to save Europe. My attitude towards the Jews will, therefore,
be based only on the expectation that they must disappear. They must
be done away with. I have entered negotiations to have them deported
to the East. A great discussion concerning that question will take
place in Berlin in January, to which I am going to delegate the
State-Secretary Dr. Buehler. That discussion is to take place in the
Reich-Security Main-Office with SS-Lt. General Heydrich. A great Jewish
migration will begin, in any case.
But what should be done with the Jews? Do you think they will be
settled down in the “Ostland”, in villages [Siedlungdoerfer]? This is
what we were told in Berlin: Why all this bother? We can do nothing
with them either in the “Ostland” nor in the “Reichkommissariat”. So,
liquidate them yourself.
Gentlemen, I must ask you to rid yourself of all feeling of pity. We
must annihilate the Jews, wherever we find them and wherever it is
possible, in order to maintain there the structure of the Reich as a
whole. This will, naturally, be achieved by other methods, than those
pointed out by Bureau Chief Dr. Hummel. Nor can the judges of the
Special Courts be made responsible for it, because of the limitations
of the frame work of the legal procedure. Such outdated views cannot be
applied to such gigantic and unique events. We must find at any rate,
a way which leads to the goal, and my thoughts are working in that
direction.
The Jews represent for us also extraordinarily malignant gluttons. We
have now approximately 2,500,000 of them in the general government,
perhaps with the Jewish mixtures and everything that goes with it,
3,500,000 Jews. We cannot shoot or poison those 3,500,000 Jews, but we
shall nevertheless be able to take measures, which will lead, somehow,
to their annihilation, and this in connection with the gigantic
measures to be determined in discussions from the Reich. The general
government must become free of Jews, the same as the Reich. Where and
how this is to be achieved is a matter for the offices which we must
appoint and create here. Their activities will be brought to your
attention in due course.
PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2233-E-PS
FRANK DIARY, Conference Volume,
Cabinet session in Cracow on 24 August 1942
Cabinet session in the Great Conference Room of the
Government Building in Cracow
Monday, 24 August 1942
Subject: A new Plan for seizure and for food [Ernaehrung] of the
General Gouvernement
written in 3 Copies:
1. Office of the Governor General
2. State Secretary Dr. Boepple
3. District Court Judge [Oberlandesgerichtsrat] Dr. Weh
_List of those present at the session of 24 August 1942_
The Governor General
State Secretary Krueger
State Secretary Dr. Boepple
General Becker
Schoengarth
Kobusch
Dr. Wendler
Dr. Siebert
Dr. Radtke
Plodeck
Tetzner
Naumann
Dr. Eissfeldt
Dr. Gschliesser
Ohlenbusch
Watzke
Bauder
Gerteis
Dr. Breithaupt
Dr. Paersch
Dr. Weh
Dr. Schulte-Wissermann
Dr. Wohlrab
Neumann
Dr. Behr
Bette
Rauber
Eden
Neumann
Dr. Zeisner
Winkler
Grafmann
Gareis
Dr. Odenthal
Pietschmann
Krahmer
Schubert
Colonel Fischer
Reitz
Major Dr. Herrmann
Capt. Behringer
Verwaltungsrat Korff
Von Dazur
Vogel
Dr. Ness
Topf
Blauer
Beginning of the Session at 4 p.m.
The _Governor General_ opens the meeting with the following words:
Gentlemen,
I have called you together today with special speed and emphasis in
order to acquaint you with a measure which is unusually important and
decisive for all the work in the General Government in the year to
come. What I tell you, I tell you in strictest confidence. I call your
attention to the fact that every word which leaks out of this meeting,
unofficially, might mean a tremendous damage to our country.
A few days ago a meeting with the Reich Marshal took place in Berlin.
The Reich Marshal had the reports concerning the almost catastrophic
developments in the _food situation in Germany_. According to all
confidential reports of the police, as well as of the Gauleiter, which,
as he expressed himself, also confirmed by his own experiences, the
situation is as follows: unless a considerable improvement in the
food situation in Germany can be achieved in a short time, serious
consequences as to the health of the people, especially the German
working people, would result. In hundreds of thousands of sick cases,
one can already see the tragic consequences not only of this food
shortage but also a deterioration of foodstuffs which endangers
health. That is especially true of the quality of bread which has been
distributed to the German people within the last few weeks: this leads
to the most serious health disorders.
A serious situation, therefore, has arisen since Germany not only has
to feed herself but also a large proportion of other European people.
We must also take care that in the months to come and during the coming
winter sufficient food will be distributed to the German people that
they will be able to withstand the great nervous strain of the coming
months in every case.
Under these circumstances you probably will not be surprised that the
saying now has become true: Before the German people are to experience
starvation, the occupied territories and their people shall be exposed
to starvation. In this movement, therefore, we here in the General
Government must also have the iron determination to help the Great
German people, our fatherland.
Germany had almost sufficient rye to tide them over until the new
harvest, but not sufficient wheat. In large parts of Germany,
therefore, no more wheat can be distributed in the near future. We
therefore must aid the fatherland until the beginning of the new wheat
harvest.
The General Government therefore must do the following: The General
Government has taken on the obligation to send 500,000 tons bread
grains to the fatherland in addition to the foodstuffs already being
delivered for the relief of Germany or consumed here by troops of the
armed forces, Police or SS. If you compare this with our contributions
of last year you can see that this means a six-fold increase over that
of last year’s contribution of the General Government.
The new demand will be fulfilled exclusively at _the expense of the
foreign population_. It must be done cold-bloodedly and without
pity; for this contribution of the General Government is still more
important this year since the occupied Eastern territories--Ukraine and
Ostland--will not yet be able to make an important contribution toward
the relief of Germany’s food problem. Even if a million tons of bread
grains could be delivered from Ostland and Ukraine, it would in the
face of Germany’s food situation be only a “drop in the bucket”.
For this reason I wanted to acquaint you, Gentlemen, here in this
governmental session with the decisions which I have made known today
to Party member Naumann. You will essentially find an additional
_increase_ of the _quota_ of foodstuffs to be shipped to Germany
and _new regulations for the feeding of the population_; especially
of the Jews and of the Polish population, whereby, if possible, the
provisioning of the working people, especially of those working for
German interests, shall be maintained.
The step which we are taking together today, is one of the most
decisive ones, because it will surely have certain consequences as
to the internal order of this country in January or February of next
year. These consequences have to be accepted, because before the German
people be starved, others, as a matter of course, must undergo the same.
I first of all give the word to Party member Naumann, who will give you
a general report about this problem.
_Naumann_, President of the Main Department for Food and Agriculture:
Governor General, Gentlemen!
At the beginning of July during the last session of the government,
I acquainted you with the _food budget_ of the year 42/43. I
hoped that this budget would be adequate. The Governor General,
in order to increase the high goal that was originally set in the
General Government, had decreed martial law for the harvest time
[Ernteausnahmezustand] in order to drain even the last possibilities
for the execution of the seizure (of the harvest).
Previously we concluded conferences with the Reich Food Ministry. We
had included the shipments which, according to the then prevailing
interpretation, were to be delivered by the General Government, in
the food budget, and could hope to reach the harvest of 1943 without
friction. Meanwhile a message from State Secretary Backe as well as
a message from Reich Marshal Goering has arrived, and the Governor
General has ordered that all requirements of the Reich are from now on
to be fulfilled under all circumstances.
Out of this situation the following needs arise:
_1. Grain_
After exact considerations the grain quota is raised 25%, that is,
from 960,000 tons to 1.2 million tons. The dry measure [Metze] of
_self-feeders_, which was 30 kg per head per year, will be raised to 50
kg per head per year. This means: Self-feeder--there total 8.8 million
persons in the General Government who heretofore could eat two bushels
and 20 kg of bread grain per year--will in the future eat two bushels
per year. By this means it will be possible to cause an increase in
the dry measure from 160,000 tons to 264,000 tons. This is the burden
which we shall place upon and must place upon Polish and Ukrainian
agriculture.
On the other hand, I gave an estimated total requirement of 670,000
tons of _bread grain_ for the General Government in the food budget
of early July. The requirements of the Reich make it necessary that
exceptional savings be carried out in the interest of absolute
fulfillment of Reich deliveries.
The feeding of a _Jewish population_, estimated heretofore at 1.5
million, drops off to an estimated total of 300,000 Jews, who still
work for German interests as craftsmen or otherwise. For these the
Jewish rations, including certain special allotments which have proved
necessary for the maintenance of working capacity, will be retained.
The other Jews, a total of 1.2 million, will no longer be provided with
foodstuffs.
_Non-German normal consumers_ will receive, from 1 January 1943 to 1
March 1943, instead of 4.2 kg bread per month, 2.8 kg; from 1 March
1943 to 30 July 1943 the total bread ration for these non-German normal
consumers will be cancelled.
Those _entitled to be supplied_ [Versorgungsberechtigten] are composed
as follows. We estimate that 3 million persons come into consideration
as war workers, the A- and B-card holders and their kin, and that
somewhat more than 3 million persons are non-German normal consumers,
who do not work directly or indirectly in the interests of Germany. The
war workers, A- and B-card holders and their families, about 3 million
persons, will however continue to be supplied, up to the harvest of
1943, at the prevailing rates.
Furthermore, savings will be brought about in the sphere of _seed
grain_ in such a way that seed grain will be issued for general seed
grain needs only when the farm [Betrieb] delivers for it, in excess of
its quota, an equal amount of food grain.
_Rations of oats for feed_ to those who own horses in their professions
must be reduced to a great extent. Unfortunately a certain portion of
oats will also fall away which heretofore was placed at the disposal
of the main forestry department for the horses with which the urgent
transport of wood was carried out. Extensive restrictions will be
carried out in _Manufacturing and finishing plants_, which will take
effect in the food sphere. Also special allotments, as we carried them
out last year during the winter months in Warsaw, Radom, Cracow, etc.
cannot be carried out this winter. By this measure a saving of 115,000
tons of bread grain will be attained.
When the above mentioned increased quota will be brought in 100%, it
will be possible to maintain a new food balance in the grain sector.
Every amount which is missing from a 100% achievement of the total
quota takes the form of a further reduction, first of all for the 3
million non-German normal consumers who do not work in the interest of
Germany. In case the seizure and collection of the dry measure should
even then create certain difficulties, this will have an effect on the
family members of war workers working in the interests of Germany and
on A- and B-card holders. The Main Department for Food and Agriculture
will try, however, not to take these last measures if the acquisition
to some extent brings about the result we all hope from it.
_2. Potatoes_
Also here the changed _potato quota_ must be raised 25 percent, that
is, from 1.2 million to 1.5 million tons. It is planned that war
workers and A- and B-card holders will again receive, as during last
year, 3.5 double-bushels of potatoes which they can use for themselves
and the members of their families. For Germans 2 double-bushels per
head per year are planned, for the 7 main cities of the General
Government, 1 double-bushel per person. Before supplying the main
cities with potatoes, the requirements and quotas of factory potatoes
must be primarily secured. Only then, when this securing has been made,
will potatoes be issued to the main city population at the rate of a
double-bushel per head. This precautionary measure has the purpose
above all of seeing to it that enough alcohol can be produced, first of
all to maintain equal quality amounts [Praemienmengen] and secondly to
have enough alcohol available for other important purposes.
_3. Meat_
Also in the domain of meat a 25% _quota increase_ takes place, so that
the new Reich contributions can be fulfilled. The now almost completely
accomplished registry of cattle aids the seizure. We hope to be able to
achieve, with what are considerable encroachments in themselves, that
the 400 grams per month for non-German normal consumers can be issued.
Nevertheless the situation can arise that at certain times here and
there the 400 grams per month may for once not be issued, but less must
be given, since here also the deliveries to the armed forces and the
Reich contributions have priority.
These drastic measures can only succeed when the following
prerequisites can be created and/or maintained. Every _ration increase_
for war workers, A- and B-card holders or members of their families
must be refused. Just a short time ago the armament inspection
requested from me an increase of rations. Furthermore requests have
come in to raise the insufficient rations of the Drohobycz oil region.
In the face of the serious food situation in which the General
Government finds itself, ration quota increases for these groups of
workers, and the members of their families as well, cannot be carried
out.
New _ration applicants_ can under no circumstances be accepted any
more. This means: New industries, new construction projects or major
enterprises cannot be satisfied with supplementary, insofar as a
need is created by new masses of workers, unless the Reich makes
available and allows an amount to be deflected which corresponds to the
requirements of the additional masses of workers, from those supplies
which we have to deliver to the Reich.
The _Bonus amounts_ approved by the Main Department of Economies
and Monopoly must be delivered without fail. Beyond that new bonus
goods must be made available due to the raising of quotas of the main
Department of Food and Agriculture. If it is not possible to secure
cigarettes, liquor, textiles, and earlier bonus goods, I request that
_salt_ be also fully counted into the bonus drive now, this means that,
starting immediately, the total salt ration is to be provided in the
cities through food cards and on farms through bonus certificates.
Proposed _resettlement projects_, such as are planned, according to
reports from the Department Leaders of Lemberg and Lublin, must in my
opinion be postponed, for the sake of a frictionless procurement and
effecting of the harvest for the coming year.
The _securing of all depots and food processing plants_ as well as
their transport facilities must be assured, as otherwise irreplaceable
losses result which mean a further burdening of the food budget. I
have had maps made of all districts [Kreise] on which the depots have
all been drawn in. I request that the necessary measures be taken on
the part of the police that these depots, which are in the eyes of the
hungering masses above all at times when the restrictions are carried
out, should be strictly guarded, so that the meager supplies which we
have until the new harvest should not be destroyed by sabotage or arson.
The still outstanding _price adjustment_ of various products in the
district of Galicia to the price level of the old General Government
must be carried out at once. Furthermore the strong inroads upon the
substance of farm establishments caused by the raising of quotas
undoubtedly involves damage which will have unfavorable results on the
procurement of the 1943 harvest.
Finally it must be determined at the beginning of November whether the
_martial law for the harvest period_, which has been proclaimed up
to 30 November, must be extended to 30 December. Martial law for the
harvest period has been extended to all products which are to be reaped.
The planned quota increase and reduction of ration quantities must
be kept secret under all circumstances and may be published only at
that time which the Main Department for Food and Agriculture considers
proper. Should the reduction of ration quantities and the increase
of quotas become known earlier, extremely noticeable disturbances in
the seizure would take place. The mass of the Polish population would
then go to the land and would become a supplementary competitor of
our requisitioning agencies. Should the quota increase become known
prematurely, the winter sowing and work of procurement would suffer
noticeable damage. We have therefore decided first to have the winter
planting in the ground and then to announce the quota increase.
In the realm of food the General Government has lived through serious
and difficult times during the last 3 years. However, I believe that
the coming year 1942-43 will be the hardest in the food sector. My
co-workers and I will do everything to master the situation under the
given circumstances.
The _Governor General_.
Gentlemen! You have heard the very serious presentation of President
Neumann. You will also derive therefrom that every debate about the
figures or measures announced by him would be completely superfluous
and actually entirely harmful to the matter. For every debate would
give rise to the illusion that perhaps some other method would be
possible.
I must point out that some sectors of the administration will feel
this very keenly. In the first place the _police_ will feel this, for
it will have to deal, if I may say so, with an increased activity
of the black market and a neglect of food customs. I will gladly
give the police extraordinary powers so that they can overcome these
difficulties.
The _economy_ will feel it. The decrease of work rendered will become
felt in all sectors, branches and regions. I also assume that our
_transport system_ will feel it too. In view of the worsening living
conditions an extraordinary hardship will set in for railroad workers
and other categories; as the previous quantities of food were already
not enough. The monopolies will feel it through a decrease of their
incomes, as the amounts of potatoes available for the production of
vodka will be less.
The _Germans_ in this area shall not feel it. We wish in spite of this
new plan to see to it that the supplies for Germans will be maintained.
Also the Wehrmacht and other encamped units in this area shall not feel
it. We hope that it will be possible for us to keep up the whole quotas
here.
To help in this necessity there is a corresponding measure, namely
that the supervision of persons travelling from the General Government
to the Reich, above all of military personnel, in order to see
whether they are _taking food out_ of the General Government, should
be suspended. This means that in addition to all that which we must
now extract from the land economically, there must take place a
complete removal of control over that which is dragged out of the
land by thousands upon thousands--doubtless illegally and against our
government measures.
From this you realize how seriously the situation will develop. In this
connection do not forget, however, that the food situation in the Reich
is less favorable. In whatever difficulties you observe some place
here, in the form of the sicknesses of your workers, the breakdown of
your associations, etc., you must always think of the fact that it is
still much better when a Pole breaks down than that a German succumb.
That we sentence 1.2 million Jews to die of hunger should be noted only
marginally. It is a matter, of course, that should the Jews not starve
to death it would, we hope, result in a speeding up of anti-Jewish
measures. [Page 15.]
However, that on the other hand it is expected of all that they will
show an understanding of these government measures is also to be noted
only marginally. The original demand of the Reich from the General
Government amounted to 1 million tons. However it was fortunately
possible to reduce this demand by half.
When you consider that a land like the Protectorate with a size of
barely 50,000 square kilometers and a large industrial population was
required to deliver over 200,000 tons of bread grain, that countries
like France and Holland are forced to deliver up to the last remnant to
the Reich, then you can estimate how the food situation of the Reich is
regarded.
I did not wish to fail to inform you of this decree, which I now put
into effect.
To a question by president _Gerteis_, the _Governor General_ explained
that according to the coming new regulation the maintenance of members
of the Eastern Railway [Ostbahn] will come under the categories of war
workers, A- and B-card holders.
The _Governor General_ then requested the representatives of the
Wehrmacht, in view of the food situation in the General Government,
to help the government more intensively to prevent a _buying up of
foodstuffs_ for the other eastern territories. He directed the same
request to State Secretary Krueger for the SS and police. It would be
out of the question entirely that purchasers from some other regions
should be active in the General Government. Army and police should take
care, in their own representing a supply--or purchasing territory for
other regions or troop units, unless it were within the compass of the
quota obligations of the General Government of the Reich.
Ministerialrat _Reis_ indicated that the Oberquartiermeister would
introduce a command to that effect with the Generalquartiermeister.
The _Governor General_ then declared that it was left to a coming
conference of the authoritative factors of the government of the
General Government to take measures against the results of the present
decision. The results would, to be sure, first take effect at the
beginning of next year, since the old rations were valid until the end
of this year.
In this connection the _Governor General_ declares the new
decree in force and empowers Main Departmental President
[Hauptabteilungspraesident] Naumann, in line with his proposal, to lead
the nutritional policy of the General Government.
State Secretary _Dr. Boepple_ points out that by reason of the
attendance list the names of all who took part in the meeting were
known. Should rumors about the measures decided on today eventually
seep through to the public, he would, as representative of the
government, have them traced to their source, and bring the responsible
parties to account.
End of the meeting: 1640 hrs
* * * * * * *
Not unimportant manpower has been taken from us in form of our old
proven Jewish communities. It is clear that the working program
is made difficult when in the middle of this program, during the
war, the order for complete annihilation of the Jews is given. The
responsibility for this cannot be placed upon the government of the
General Government. The directive for the annihilation of the Jews
comes from higher quarters. We have to be content with the consequences
and can only report that the Jew has caused tremendous difficulties
with regard to the work-program. I was able to prove, the other day, to
Staatssekretaer Ganzenmueller, who was complaining that a big building
project in the General Government came to a halt, that this would not
have happened if the many thousands of Jews working at it had not been
deported. Now the order is given that the Jews will have to be removed
from the armament projects. I hope that this order, if not already
cancelled, will soon be cancelled, for then the situation will be still
worse.
PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2233-F-PS
FRANK DIARY, 1944.
Loose Leaf Volume covering period from 1 January 1944 to 28 February
1944--speech delivered by Hans Frank in Berlin 25 January 1944 before
the Representatives of the German Press
[Page 5]
At the present time we still have in the General Government perhaps
100,000 Jews.
* * * * * * *
PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2233-G-PS
FRANK DIARY, 1939, from 25 October to 15 December
[Pages 6-7]
1230 hours. The governor general received Captain Benninghoff. The
latter reported about the extensive _reconstruction works_ on the
_bridges blown up_ by the Poles and pointed out that _special engineer
troops_ are occupied on rebuilding these bridges (at the present time
still 25 units).
The governor general received the president of the police of Lodsch,
SS-Lieut. General Beckerle.
Questions pertaining to the commitment of _Police_ and _civil service
employees_ were discussed. Lieutenant General Beckerle pointed out that
the former _fear psychology_ present among the people _had passed_ and
that there were more _Jews_ in Lodsch than before. This is one of the
reasons for the continued deterioration of the food situation.
The Governor General received the district chief in Warsaw
[Reichshauptamtsleiter] Dr. Fischer.
He discussed with him current questions, especially on the subject
of _finance_ and _monopoly_. Dr. Fischer was instructed to clear up
the question of mayoralty in Warsaw, and to determine what amounts
of _copper_ and _scrap metal_ are available. Dr. Fischer promises
to secure 300 _fur coats_ for the main office. The Governor General
requested information concerning the _diplomatic representation_, who
were still _in Warsaw_, and concerning the shooting of Jews and other
matters. Dr. Fischer reported also that there is a _cable connection_
from Warsaw to _Krakau_ and moreover there is a large cable supply at
hand. Dr. Fischer was requested to set up _border signs_ at the border
of the general government * * *
[Page 44].
* * * By spring 1,000,000 Poles and Jews from East and West Posen,
Danzig, Poland and Upper Silesia must be received by the general
government. The resettlement of the ethnic Germans and the taking on of
Poles and Jews (10,000 daily) must be accomplished according to plan.
Especially urgent is the instituting of _forced labor for the Jews_.
The Jewish population if possible must be extracted from the Jewish
cities and be put to _work on roads_. The critical questions of housing
and feeding are still to be cleared up * * *
[Page 19]. 11:00 o’clock.
* * * The Governor General received SS Lieutenant General Krueger,
General Becker, SS Brigadier General Streckenbach, and Lieutenant
Colonel Gudewill.
Brigadier General Streckenbach reported:
The Reichsfuehrer SS wishes that all _Jews_ be evacuated from the
newly gained Reich territories. Up to February approximately 1,000,000
people are to be brought in this way in to the general government.
The families of good racial extraction present in the occupied Polish
territory (approximately 4,000,000 people) should be transferred
into the Reich and individually housed and thereby be uprooted as a
people. The deadline provided for the migration transport is the 15th
of November. The Governor General points out that better and greater
transport ways be made ready for both the West-East as well as the
East-West movements. SS Lieutenant General Krueger explained that,
starting 15 November, the entire railroad net of the general government
will be at the disposal of the resettlement transports. The general
governor gave SS Lieutenant General Krueger the assignments to organize
these refugee transports * * *
PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2233-H-PS
FRANK DIARY, 1941, Vol. II, 19 April.
[Page 313]
8 PM Demonstration of the department of operations (Arbeitsbereich)
“Generalgouvernement” of the NSDAP in the _Uraniol_ in Cracow.
After a short welcome speech by the Chief Department leader
(Oberbereichsleiter) _Schalk_, the _Governor General_
(_Generalgouverneur_), Reichsleiter _Dr. Frank_ begins to deliver the
following address:
* * * * * * *
[Pages 316-317]
We are absolutely optimistic (Lively applause). I have the impression
that the German Reich will always become greater and will keep growing
ever more in the final fight against England. The Greater German Reich
is by far not the greatest German Reich. The task we have here must
move us to think always in terms of the greatest connections. Let us
be on guard not to let enter here the petty currents and tendencies
which are not yet completely overcome at times here and there in the
Reich, in spite of all consciousness of unity. It would be senseless,
if one would start to feel superior and arrogantly assume to be higher
than the other one, in our Government General. There the value of the
German as such is the yardstick. And here the NSDAP, the department of
operations [Arbeitsbereich] in the Government General can set up a
model. The revolution of National Socialism can gain the original power
of its fighting energy again and again only from territories like the
one which we organize here. I have to watch myself like a hawk that the
finger of egoism do not get hold of me in a more or less hidden form. I
have to watch like a hunter that those individual cases of departmental
competence craze and self-styled glory do not develop here which we
often felt were the most vicious evil in the Reich. (lively applause)
It is therefore clear that I sit in my castle like an old rapacious
knight and sometimes step out, in order to strike with my hammer all
around the country. After all, it would be a nice state of affairs if I
would not do that.
(public amused)
And, therefore, I believe it is always in order for us that we find the
great line of direction remembering the personality of the Fuehrer,
his own philosophy, and his conduct of life. We have all possibilities
in the Government General, we have received full powers from the
Fuehrer and can accomplish, by planning on a large scale, that has been
assigned to us. Thanks to the heroic courage of our soldiers, this
territory has become German, and the time will come when the valley of
the Vistula, from its source to its mouth at the sea, will be as German
as the valley of the Rhine.
PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2233-K-PS
FRANK DIARY, Department Heads Meetings, 1939-1940
_Protocol re the Conference of Department Heads_, 2 December 1939.
[Page 1, lines 14-25]
Dr. Frank: * * * That which is stated in the Reichsgesetzblatt is not
applicable in the General Government, except when applied on the basis
of the Fuehrer Decree of 12.10.1939. This means that the authority
rests with the Chairman of the Ministerial Council for the Defense of
the Reich and he will only use this authority with the consent of the
Governor General. The final structure of the General Government is not
yet known, even less does one know whether it will remain permanently
as the General Government. Decisive in the administrative activities of
the General Government is the will of the Fuehrer that this area shall
be the first colonial territory of the German nation.
[Page 2, last 4 lines and page 3, lines 1-3]
Dr. Frank: * * * Principally it can be said regarding the
administration of the General Government: This territory in its
entirety is booty of the German Reich, and it thus cannot be permitted
that this territory shall be exploited in its individual parts, but
that the territory in its entirety shall be economically used, and its
entire economic worth redound to the benefit of the German people.
PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2233-L-PS
FRANK DIARY, Department Heads Meetings 1939-1940 Conference of
Department Heads, 19 January 1940
[Page 11, last line; page 12, lines 1-6 and 16-19]
Dr. Frank: * * * My relationship with the Poles is like the
relationship between ant and plant louse. When I treat the Poles in a
helpful way, so to speak tickle them in a friendly manner, then I do it
in the expectation that their work performance redounds to my benefit.
This is not a political but a purely tactical-technical problem * * *
In cases where in spite of all these measures the performance does not
increase, or where the slightest act gives me occasion to step in, I
would not even hesitate to take the most draconic action.
PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2233-M-PS
FRANK DIARY, Department Head Meetings 1939-1940
Meeting of Department Heads in the Bergakademie, Friday 8 March 1940.
[Page 5, lines 25-26; page 6, lines 1-8]
Frank: One thing is certain. The authority of General Government as
the representative of the Fuehrer and the will of the Reich in this
territory is certainly strong, and I have always emphasized that I
would not tolerate the misuse of this authority. I have allowed this
to be known anew at every office in Berlin, especially after Herr
Field Marshal Goering on 12.2.1940 from Karin Hall had forbidden all
Administrative Offices of the Reich, including the Police and even
the Wehrmacht, to interfere in administrative matters of the General
Government * * *
[Page 7, lines 22-28; page 8, lines 1-5].
There is no authority here in General Government which is higher as
to rank, influence, and authority than that of the Governor General.
Even the Wehrmacht has no governmental or official functions of any
kind in this connection; it has only security functions and general
military duties--it has no political power whatsoever. The same applies
here to the Police and SS. There is here no state within a state,
but we are the representatives of the Fuehrer and of the Reich. In
final conclusion, this applies also to the Party, which has here no
far-reaching influence, except for the fact that very old members of
the National Socialist Party and loyal veterans of the Fuehrer take
care of the general matters * * *
[Page 13, lines 28-30; page 14, lines 1-8].
Wherever there is the least attempt by the Poles to start anything,
an enormous campaign of destruction directed against the Poles will
follow. Then I would not hesitate to set up a regime of terror with all
its consequences. I have issued the order to place under arrest for
three months several hundred members of such secret organizations, so
that nothing can happen in the immediate future. The last word of the
Fuehrer at my departure was: See to it that there is absolute peace
over there, I cannot allow anything to disturb peace in the East. I
will see to it.
PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2233-N-PS
FRANK DIARY, 1940, Second Volume, April to June
* * * * * * *
1245 Discussion with State Secretary _Dr. Buehler_, SS Lieutenant
general _Krueger_ and Reichshauptamtsleiter _Dr. Frauendorfer_ in
presence of Reich Minister _Dr. Seyss-Inquart_.
Subject of the discussion is _the sending of workers, particularly
agricultural workers into the Reich_.
Reichshauptamtsleiter _Dr. Frauendorfer_ reports, that so far about
160,000 agricultural workers and about 50,000 industrial workers have
been sent to the Reich, however, in total there should be 500,000. It
is to be hoped that there would yet be enough voluntary enlistments.
The governor-general stated that the fact that all means in form of
proclamations etc. did not bring success, leads to the conclusion that
the Poles out of malevolence, and guided by the intention of harming
Germany by not putting themselves at its disposal, refuse to enlist
for working-duty. Therefore, he asks Dr. Frauendorfer if there are any
other measures, not as yet employed, to win the Poles on a voluntary
basis.
Reichshauptamtsleiter _Dr. Frauendorfer_ answered this question
negatively.
The General Governor emphasized the fact that he now will be asked to
take a definite attitude toward this question. Therefore the question
will arise whether any form of _coercive measures_ should now be
employed.
The question put by the general governor to SS lieutenant general
Krueger: does he see possibilities of calling Polish workers by
coercive means, is answered in the affirmative by SS lieutenant general
_Krueger_.
So far as he knows another 300,000 Polish workers should be sent into
the Reich, and it will be possible to fill this request once the
working-duty decree has gone into effect.
Reichshauptamtsleiter _Dr. Frauendorfer_ suggests to begin by issuing
_orders to report for certain age_ groups and to wait for the result
of this measure. However, some difficulties will be encountered as it
is not known where to send these orders to report. There might be the
possibility of getting the cooperation of the Woids. It is important,
however, that the workers of large cities be recruited and there the
difficulties will naturally be particularly great.
The general governor is willing to agree to any practical measure,
however, he wishes to be informed personally about the measures to be
taken. One measure, which no doubt would be successful, would be the
_discontinuance of unemployment compensation_ for unemployed workers
and their _transfer to public welfare_. Therefore, he decrees that,
beginning _1 May_, claim for unemployment compensation will cease to
exist and only public welfare may be granted. For the time being only
men are to report and above those men living in cities. There might be
a possibility of combining the moving of the 120,000 Poles from the
Warthe district with this measure.
Reich Minister _Dr. Seyss-Inquart_ mentions that not many of the Polish
workers are left in the Warthe district who would be qualified to be
sent to the Reich. All those who are fit for work are already being
sent to the Reich. Those capable of assimilation are going to the Reich
with their families anyway. Of those not capable of assimilation only
useful men are being chosen.
The general governor closes the discussion by saying that guiding
directions are now given. The officials involved must work out the
details by themselves. Wherever the labor section does not succeed, the
police must act.
PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2233-O-PS
FRANK DIARY, Department Heads Meetings 1939-1940
Warsaw, 19 December 1940
Present: Dr. Hans FRANK and others
[Page 12, last 7 lines, and page 13, first 2 lines].
Dr. Frank: * * * In this country the force of a determined leadership
must rule. The Pole must feel here that we are not building him a legal
state, but that for him there is only one duty, namely, to work and to
behave himself. It is clear that this leads sometimes to difficulties,
but you must in your own interest see, that all measures are ruthlessly
carried out in order to become master of the situation. You can rely on
me absolutely in this.
PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2233-P-PS
FRANK DIARY 1941--Part III
9th September 1941
[Page 830, par. 1]
Obermedizinalrat Dr. _Walbaum_ expresses his opinion of the _health
condition_ of the Polish population. Investigations which were carried
out by his department proved that the majority of Poles eat only about
600 calories, whereas the normal requirement for a human being is 2,200
calories. The Polish population was enfeebled to such an extent that
it would fall an easy prey to _spotted fever_. The number of diseased
Poles amounted today already to 40%. During the last week alone 1,000
new spotted fever cases have been officially recorded. That represented
so far the maximum number. This health situation represented a serious
danger for the Reich and for the soldiers who were coming into the
Government General. A spreading of the pestilence into the Reich is
absolutely feasible. The increase in tuberculosis, too, was causing
anxiety. If the food rations were to be diminished again, an enormous
increase of the number of illnesses could be predicted.
PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2233-Q-PS
FRANK DIARY, Government Meetings, Oct.-Dec., 1941
Meeting of the Government of General Government
Cracow, in the Government Building, 16 December 1941
[Page 35, lines 22-29]
Dr. Frank: Severe measures must and will be adopted against Jews
leaving the ghettos. Death sentences pending against Jews for this
reason must be executed as quickly as possible. This order according
to which every Jew found outside the ghetto is to be executed, must be
carried out without fail. * * *
[Page 66, lines 13-22].
Chief of Office in Warsaw, Dr. Hummel: * * * In Warsaw, in spite of the
setting up of a third court chamber, we have been able to decree only
45 death sentences, only 8 of which have been carried out since in each
individual case, the Pardon Commission [Gnadenkommission] in Cracow has
to make the final decision. A further 600 sentences were demanded and
are under consideration. An effective isolation of the ghetto is not
possible by way of the Special Court Procedure. The procedure to be
followed up to liquidation takes too much time. It is burdened with too
many formalities and must be simplified.
PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2233-R-PS
FRANK DIARY, 1942, Part I
Conference of the District Standartenfuehrer of the NSDAP in Cracow,
18 March 1942.
[Pages 185-186]
Dr. Frank: As you know, I am a fanatic as to unity in administration
* * * It is therefore clear that the Higher SS and Police Leader is
subordinated to me, that the Police is a component of the Government,
that the SS and Police Leader in the district is subordinated to the
Governor, and that the Kreis chief has the authority of command over
the gendarmerie in his Kreis. This the Reichsfuehrer SS has recognized;
in the written agreement all these points are mentioned word for word
and signed. It is also self-evident that we cannot set up a closed shop
here which can be treated in the traditional manner of small states. It
would, for instance, be ridiculous if we would build up here a security
policy of our own against our Poles in the country, while knowing that
the Polacks in West Prussia, in Posen, in Wartheland and in Silesia
have one and the same movement of resistance. The Reichsfuehrer SS and
Chief of the German Police thus must be able to carry out with the aid
of his agencies his police measures concerning the interests of the
Reich as a whole. This, however, will be done in such a way that the
measures to be adopted will first be submitted to me and carried out
only when I give my consent. In the General Government, the Police is
the armed forces. As a result of this, the Leader of this Police system
will be called by me into the Government of the General Government;
he is subordinate to me, or to my deputy, as a State Secretary for the
Security System.
[Pages 195-196]
Incidentally, the struggle for the achievement of our aims will be
pursued cold bloodedly. You see how the state agencies work. You see
that we do not hesitate before anything, and stand whole dozens of
people up against the wall. This is necessary because here simple
consideration says that it cannot be our task at this period when the
best German blood is being sacrificed to show regard for the blood
of another race. For out of this one of the greatest dangers may
arise. One already hears today in Germany that prisoners-of-war for
instance with us in Bavaria or in Thuringia are administering large
estates entirely independently, while all the men in a village fit for
service are at the front. If this state of affairs continues then a
gradual retrogression of Germanism will show itself. One should not
underestimate this danger. Therefore, everything revealing itself as
a Polish power of leadership must be destroyed again and again with
ruthless energy. This does not have to be shouted abroad, it will
happen silently.
PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2233-S-PS
FRANK DIARY, 1942, Part III
[Page 798, lines 26-28]
Mass Meeting of the NSDAP District Standartsfuehrung Galicia in
Lemberg. 1 August 1942.
Dr. Frank: We have to understand that the purpose of this whole war is
to expand the living space for our people in a natural manner.
PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2233-T-PS
FRANK DIARY, 1942, Part III
Meeting to discuss Special Problems of the District Lublin Cracow, 4
August 1942.
[Page 830, lines 23-32 and page 831, line 1]
State Secretary Krueger then continues, saying that the Reichsfuehrer’s
next immediate plan until the end of the following year would be to
settle the following German racial groups in the two districts (Zamosc
and Lublin): 1000 peasant settlements (1 settlement per family of
about 6) for Bosnian Germans; 1200 other kinds of settlements; 1000
settlements for Bessarabian Germans; 200 for Serbian Germans; 2000 for
Leningrad Germans; 4000 for Baltic Germans; 500 for Wolhynia Germans
and 200 settlements for Flemish, Danish and Dutch Germans, in all
10,000 settlements for 50,000 to 60,000 persons.
[Page 832, lines 15-23]
The Governor General directs that the resettlement plan is to be
discussed cooperatively by the competent authorities and declares his
willingness to approve the final plan by the end of September after
satisfactory arrangements had been made concerning all the questions
appertaining thereto (in particular the guaranteeing of peace and
order), so that by the middle of November, as the most favorable time,
the resettlement can begin.
PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2233-V-PS
FRANK DIARY, 1942, Part III
Official Meeting of Political Leaders of the NSDAP, Cracow, 5 August
1942
[Page 866, lines 14-23]
Dr. Frank: The situation in regard to Poland is unique insofar as on
the one hand--I speak quite openly--we must expand Germanism in such
a manner that the area of the General Government becomes pure German
colonized land at some decades to come; and, on the other hand, under
the present war conditions we have to allow foreign racial groups to
perform here the work which must be carried out in the service of
greater Germany * * *.
[Page 896, lines 24-28]
What a dirty people made up of Jews swaggered around here before 1939!
And where are the Jews today? You scarcely see them. If you see them
then they are working.
PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2233-W-PS
FRANK DIARY, 1942, Part III
Discussion with Gauleiter Sauckel, Cracow, 18 August 1942
[Page 918, lines 18-21]
Dr. Frank: I am pleased to report to you officially, Party Comrade
Sauckel, that we have up to now supplied 800,000 workers for the Reich.
[Page 918, lines 28-34]
Dr. Frank: Recently, they have requested us to supply them with a
further 140,000. I have pleasure in informing you officially that in
accordance with our agreement of yesterday 60% of the newly requested
workers will be supplied to the Reich by the end of October, and the
balance of 40% by the end of the year.
[Page 920, lines 6-10]
Dr. Frank: Beyond the present figure of 140,000 you can, however,
next year reckon upon a higher number of workers from the General
Government. For we shall employ the Police to conscript them.
PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2233-X-PS
FRANK DIARY, 1942, Part III
Kressendorf, 28 August 1942
Present: Dr. Hans FRANK and others
[Page 968, 969, 983]
Dr. Frank: I have since 1920 continually dedicated my work to the
NSDAP. * * * As National Socialist I was a participant in the
events of November 1923 for which I received the Bluorden. After
the resurrection of the movement in the year 1925, my real greater
activity in the movement began, which made me, first gradually, later
almost exclusively, the legal adviser of the Fuehrer and of the Reich
leadership of the NSDAP. I thus was the representative of legal
interests of the growing Third Reich in a legal ideological as well as
practical legal way * * * The culmination of this work I see in the big
Leipzig Army Trial in which I succeeded in having the Fuehrer admitted
to the famous oath of legality, a circumstance which gave the Movement
the legal grounds to expand generously. The Fuehrer indeed recognized
this achievement and in 1926 made me leader of the National Socialist
Lawyer’s League; in 1929 Reich Leader of the Reich Legal office of the
NSDAP; in 1933 Bavarian Minister of Justice; in the same year Reich
Commissioner of Justice; in 1934 President of the Academy of German Law
founded by me; in December 1934 Reich Minister without portfolio; and
in 1939 I was finally appointed to Governor General for the occupied
Polish territories.
So I was, am and will remain the representative jurist of the struggle
period of National Socialism * * *
I profess myself now, and always, as a National Socialist and a
faithful follower of the Fuehrer Adolf Hitler, whom I have now served
since 1919.
PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2233-Y-PS
FRANK DIARY, 1942 Vol. IV [Pages 1212-1213]
_Friday, 20 November 1942_:
Of the total 180,000 head of cattle to be delivered, 159,000 have been
delivered to the Reich up to now.
360,000,000 eggs have been collected. 92,000,000 of those eggs were
delivered for the Reich, and 85,000,000 are already in possession of
the Reich; the remaining 7,000,000 eggs would be delivered within the
next few days.
The other deliveries were also being executed without friction on the
whole, and it was hoped that the necessary achievements, for example in
honey, poultry and sugar, would be completely fulfilled.
The _Governor General_ expresses his satisfaction over those results
and points out in that connection, that two thirds of the increase
in the rations, carried out in the Reich were to be credited to the
General Government, according to a statement of Ministerialdirektor
Riche.
President _Naumann_ then takes a position to the question concerning
the distribution of the remaining stocks of food in the General
Government. It was stated in the decree of 25 August 1942 that a
decrease in the rations should occur, respectively that rations should
be denied completely to the Polish population not working for the
German interest.
The following plan has now been taken into consideration:
Starting 1 February 1942 the food ration cards should not be
issued to the individual Pole or Ukrainian by the Nutrition Office
[Ernaehrungsamt], but to the establishments working for the German
interest. 2,000,000 people would thus be eliminated from the
non-German, normal ration-consuming contingent. Now, if those ration
cards are only distributed by the factories, part of those people will
naturally rush into the factories. Labor could then be either procured
for Germany from them or they could be used for the most important
work in the factories of the General Government. This would also
constitute a help for the main department of labor to a certain extent,
enabling it to get a better control over the available labor potential
within the Polish population. In the case of the eventual exclusion of
2,000,000 Poles from the rationing system, the family members of the
non-German, working population could be granted higher rations under
circumstances, as for instance in the form of an increase of the bread
ration to 1400 gr., the allotment of flour and larger meat rations.
The Plant-manager [Betriebsfuehrer] must, of course, realize the
responsibility conferred upon him by the distribution of those food
ration cards, and statements about the number of workers employed by
the establishment must be absolutely correct.
Very harsh directives must, therefore, be issued in order to avoid
eventual frauds; the plant-manager is personally responsible for the
correctness of the number, which he must report every month.
It is planned furthermore to put a certain amount of foodstuff at the
disposal of the _Polish Central Committee_, for the purpose of taking
adequate care of old and infirm people, who cannot work any longer.
After having reached into the existing stocks, the main attention will
have to be directed towards the greatest effort to _secure the harvest
1943_.
He has, therefore, already in September instructed his Department II to
draft the necessary plans for it.
PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2233-Z-PS
FRANK DIARY, 1942, Part IV.
Official Meeting of Political Leaders of the NSDAP Area of Operation in
the General Government.
Cracow. 14 Dec. 1942
[Page 1329, lines 11-15]
Dr. Frank: You know that we have delivered over 940,000 Polish workers
to the Reich. Thereby the General Government absolutely and relatively
stands at the head of all the European countries. This achievement is
enormous: it has also been recognized as such by Gauleiter Sauckel.
[Page 1331, lines 5-7, 18-34]
Dr. Frank: I will endeavor to get out of the reservoir of this
territory everything that is yet to be got out of it.
When you consider that it was possible for me to deliver to the Reich
600,000 tons of bread grain, and in addition 180,000 tons to the Armed
Forces stationed here; further an abundance amounting to many thousands
of tons of other commodities such as seed, fats, vegetables, besides
the delivery to the Reich of 300 million eggs, etc--you can estimate
the significance this territory possesses for the Reich. In order to
make clear to you the significance of the consignment from the General
Government of 600,000 tons of bread grain, you are referred to the
fact that the General Government by this achievement alone covers the
raising of the bread ration in the Greater German Reich by two-thirds
during the present rationing period. This enormous achievement can
rightfully be claimed by us.
PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2233-AA-PS
FRANK DIARY, Official Meetings, 1943
Warsaw, 25 January 1943
Present: Dr. Hans FRANK and others
[Page 16]
State Secretary Krueger: When we settled about the first 4,000 in Kreis
Zamosc shortly before Christmas I had an opportunity to speak to these
people.
* * * * * * *
(State Secretary Krueger) It is understandable that in resettling this
area * * * we did not make friends of the Poles.
* * * * * * *
[Page 17]
(State Secretary Krueger) In colonizing this territory with racial
Germans, we are forced to chase out the Poles.
* * * * * * *
(State Secretary Krueger) We are removing those who constitute a burden
in this new colonization territory. Actually, they are the asocial
and inferior elements. They are being deported, first brought to a
concentration camp, and then sent as labor to the Reich. From a Polish
propaganda standpoint this entire first action has had an unfavorable
effect. For the Poles say: After the Jews have been destroyed then they
will employ the same methods to get the Poles out of this territory and
liquidate them just like the Jews.
* * * * * * *
[Page 19]
(State Secretary Krueger) As I have mentioned a great deal of unrest in
Polish territory has resulted because of this resettlement.
* * * * * * *
Dr. Frank: We will discuss each individual case of resettlement in the
future exactly in the same manner as in the case of Zamosc, so that you
will, Mr. State Secretary, appear before me and render a report.
* * * * * * *
[Page 53]
Dr. Frank: Gentlemen, be assured that this composite structure of
General Government, on which all who are gathered around this table
have worked so splendidly, really has the power to endure over this
period. The great task which is given us will grow more difficult. No
one will help us; we are fully and entirely dependent on ourselves.
The Fuehrer can only help us as a kind of administrative island or
administrative pill-box. We must defend ourselves from all sides.
To all criticism of methods which we have heard--you know my basic
principle, I don’t need to say it in this circle--I would like to
stress one thing: we must not be squeamish when we learn that a total
of 17,000 people have been shot. These persons who were shot were
nothing more than war victims. If we compare this number against the
irreplaceable blood sacrifices which the German people uninterruptedly
day by day and every hour are making, then it weighs as nothing in the
balance. We are now duty bound to hold together. Each must bring with
him understanding for the other, he must be convinced that he is doing
his best. The main thing is that we do not allow any personal slackness
to arise. We must remember that we, who are gathered together here,
figure on Mr. Roosevelt’s list of war criminals. I have the honour of
being Number One. We have, so to speak, become accomplices in the world
historic sense. Just because of this we must hold together, and be in
agreement with one another, and it would be ridiculous if we were to
let ourselves get involved in any squabbles over methods.
PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2233-BB-PS
FRANK DIARY
Loose Leaf Bound File, 1 Jan. 1944--28 Feb. 1944.
Speech to Members of District Standortfuehrung to Political Leaders,
Conference Room of District Standortfuehrung Cracow.
14 January 1944.
[Page 24, lines 10-14]
Frank: Once we have won the war, then, for all I care, mincemeat can be
made of the Poles and the Ukrainians and all the others who run around
here--it doesn’t matter what happens. * * *
# # # # #
Meeting of the Political Leaders of the NSDAP in General Government
Area, on 15 January 1944 in NSDAP House Cracow.