[Page 13, lines 9-11]_Nazi conspiracy and aggression, Volume 04 (of 11)

Frank: I have not been hesitant in declaring that when a German is

shot, up to 100 Poles shall be shot too * * *

# # # # #

Conference with Ambassador Counselor Dr. Schumburg, 8 February 1944, at

the Castle, Cracow.

[Page 7, lines 19-28]

* * * Ambassador Counselor Dr. Schumburg then brought up the question

of a possible amnesty of Poles who, because of trivial offences or

trespass of the law, had been taken to the concentration camp Auschwitz

and kept there for months.

The Governor General will take under consideration an amnesty, probably

for 1 May of this year. Nevertheless, one must not lose sight of the

fact that the German leadership of the General Government must not show

any kind of weakness.

PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2233-CC-PS

FRANK DIARY, 1939, Page 99.

14 December 1939

The General Governor announces the following order of rank:

1. General Governor

2. Reich Minister Seyss-Inquart

3A. Ministerial Director Dr. Buehler

3B. The first SS and police leaders

4. The district chiefs

5. The department leaders of the Office of the General Governor

6. Office Chief and first police leaders of the District Chief

PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2237-PS

SECRET

File on actions against the Jews in November 1938

1120

Action against the Jews on 9 and 10 November 1938

Legal Regulations

Reich Commissioner for the Re-Union of Austria with the German Reich

Vienna I, 18 November 1938

Parliament

phone R, 50-5-60

To the Minister President,

Generalfieldmarshal Goering

_Berlin_

Sir!

The action in Vienna which took place during the night from 9 to 10

November was finished up completely by Tuesday.

The following is what happened substantially:

A decree of Dr. Goebbels, the Reichsminister for Propaganda, but

above all his speech which he delivered in Berlin on the evening of

9 Oct 1938 as well as the contents of the speech he made in Munich

were preludes for this so-called action. Though the hint was somehow

indefinite, no different conclusion could be drawn since it said:

“The fire-department has to be notified”. This order was not given

in the first place to the district leaders, but the lower echelons

[Gliederungen] were notified first so that the district-leader had no

chance to possibly take counter-measures. Besides there existed a few

orders which were farther reaching than the hint by Dr. Goebbels. Here

in Vienna in many cases even the schools were closed in the morning

so that the youth could participate--“according to the order” in

the demonstrations. As always happens in such cases, the disorderly

elements soon were leading and 40 different places were on fire. Around

noontime the Major reported that the fire-department was no more in the

position to control the situation. Simultaneously, the tumult against

the Jewish stores began. That, one may say was the signal for the

day and the night of the long fingers. How did the Party act in this

situation, and especially the political leaders?

Fieldmarshal, I assure you, that after thorough investigation I am able

to state today that the political leaders, and that is the district

leaders and their Kreis-leaders, are the ones who have prevented chaos

in Vienna. Enormous quantities of stolen merchandise, above all jewelry

and valuables were safeguarded immediately by the Kreis-leaders, and

at this moment an inventory is being made. Gold, silver and valuables

will be brought to a safe in a bank today. There is no question of

returning the goods which were taken away from the Jews because one

does not know their original owners and also because the Jews make the

most outrageous and untruthful statements. Therefore I am forced, my

Fieldmarshal, to safeguard an extremely high quantity of valuables. The

rest of the goods will be checked, and shall be sold to retail-shops

for the purchase-value, since we have to expect a scarcity of goods on

account of the protective measures for our territory which we had to

take [Gebietsschutzmassnahmen].

Especially the enclosed orders will be necessary, for the restoration

of normal conditions and of a legal status.

Fieldmarshal, please do examine the enclosures. In case you have no

objections, I would like to enforce them immediately.

I may refer again to my request for support as for the introduction

of the laws on organization and also for the execution of the

Fuehrer-order.

Heil Hitler!

sign.: [illegible]

# # # # #

Telephone-message of the Kripo D.D.

State Police Vienna, Reg. Rat Dr. Pifrader gives the following

information via phone at 07,30:

Since the Kripo-agencies [Kripostellen] of the “POl.-Aemter” are

constantly making inquiries at the state police (Stapo), they will have

to be informed by phone of the following:

Influential and rich male Jews of German nationality of not too high an

age and who are healthy have to be arrested.

The owners of the firearms are to be treated especially severely and a

special notation has to be made about them.

The police agencies [Po. Amtsdienststellen] have to be informed (as top

secret) that the property of all native Jews has to be razed entirely.

Therefore the police is not supposed to come to the aid of Jews in such

cases.

Fires may be started only where there is no danger that the fire may

spread. Therefore, as a rule, not in narrowly built parts of the city.

On a whole about 3,000 Jews are to be arrested.

Dr. Bayer D.D. of the Kripo

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2239-PS

Secret State Police / State Police Precinct WEIMAR.

Received March 12, 1945

[red stamp]

FS.-NR. 2470

[blue stamp]

PRAG NR. 8005 2.3.45 1730--KIL--

To State Police DARMSTADT

Subject: Protective prisoner ALEX MUUL, born Nov. 1, 1899 in KRIUSCH,

Russia Estonia.

Reference: Report of January 26, 1945--ROEM. 4-6 Kl.

B--2181/44--SCHM.--

Protective custody until further notice

Examination date May 19, 1945

Reason: Anti-German remarks

As prisoner of grade--11--to be left in concentration camp Buchenwald.

RSHA-ROEM. 4A 6 Kl. B--Nr. M 34 591--

DR. KALTENBRUNNER

# # # # #

File of Orders for Commitment to Concentration Camps

All issued by RSHA, Amt IV A 6, Prague to Stapo Darmstadt signed by Dr.

KALTENBRUNNER.

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2. 3.45 |Black market |Buchenwald | I |Cau |French

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2. 3.45 |{“Aktion Gitter” |Ravensbrueck | |Maurer |Jew

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2. 3.45 |{“Aktion Gitter” |Dachau | I |Maurer |German

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2. 3.45 |Working against |Buchenwald | II |Bougoen | ?

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2. 3.45 |Attempted looting |Buchenwald | II |Borge | ?

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2. 3.45 |Theft and escape |Buchenwald | I |Top |Dutch

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TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2241-PS

The employment of foreign labor forces in Germany.

Decree of the Plenipotentiary General for Manpower on the execution of

the transportation of workers, in this case: damage to and soiling of

passenger coaches of the German Railways and their fittings.

20 July 1942.

In his letter of 10 August 1940--21 Bauer 106--the Reich Minister

of Transport laid down that the management of the German Railway be

directed that the costs of the repair of damage caused to railway

coaches and their fittings by the careless or malicious behaviour of

foreign workers in special labour trains be charged to the guilty

persons, and where these are not determined, to the authorities

responsible for the transportation. After the German Railway claimed

again last winter considerable damage to and extraordinary soiling of

railway coaches, it proposed to the management of the German Railway

the demand of the costs of the repair of the damage and soiling

from the Manpower Authorities. In this respect I direct, that it

must definitely be left to the German Railway to pull up the guilty

transport users. The writing off of the costs on the budget of the

Reich stocks [Reichstocks] can only be considered exceptionally in

the event of special circumstances. All cases are particularly to be

refused in which the workers used normal trains or in which the damage

was caused by deficiencies in the special trains provided.

According to reports of transportation commanders [Transportleiters]

presented to me, the special trains provided by the German Railway have

frequently been in a really deficient condition. Numerous windowpanes

have been missing in the coaches. Old French coaches without lavatories

have been partly employed, so that the workers had to fit up an emptied

compartment as a lavatory. In other cases the coaches were not heated

in winter so that the lavatories quickly became unusable because the

water system was frozen and the flushing apparatus was therefore

without water.

In order to obtain reliable records of the condition of special trains

at the time of provision, in agreement with the Reich Minister of

Transport, I beg to direct the transportation commanders, together with

a representative of the station of departure, to determine in writing

before the departure of a special train the deficiencies existing in

the interior fittings of the railway coaches. The records are to be

given up after completion of the transport operation to the labour

reception office which has to present them to the competent state

labour office. The transportation commanders will have to contact

the office director of the station at least 1 to 2 hours before the

departure of the train.

Simultaneously, I beg to direct the transportation commanders to give

particular attention during the journey to the exclusion of damage and

soiling of the railway carriages.

In view of the further tasks, involved in the winding up of the

transport operation, incumbent on the transportation commander he

will have to be relieved of the further mutual determination of the

condition of railway carriages at the end of the journey.

I transfer the discharge of claims of the German Railway in respect of

repairs to the state labour offices in whose area the special train was

dispersed.

PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2243-PS

1937 REICHSGESETZBLATT, PART I, PAGE 325

Law relating to Finance Measures in connection with the Police

19 March 1937

The government of the Reich has resolved upon the following law, which

is hereby proclaimed:

(1) The following are to become direct officials of the Reich:

1. Officials in organizing posts of the establishment “Reichfuehrer

of SS and Chief of the German Police in the Reich Ministry of the

Interior.”

2. Officials of the Security Police [Gestapo and Criminal Police], but

not police officials serving in the State Police Administrations for

the Criminal Police.

3. Officials of the Civil Police, the Gendarmerie and the police

medical and veterinary officers serving therein, professional police

instructors and technical officials.

(2) The employees and workers who:

serve in the establishment mentioned in paragraph 1. No. 1,

serve in the Security Police, the Civil Police, the Gendarmerie and

the auxiliary establishments belonging to them, such as schools,

hospitals, convalescent homes, supply offices and equipment offices

and persons who

serve in the State Police Administrations

enter into the service of the Reich.

(3) The number of appointments of police administrative officials

henceforth remaining dependent on the finances of the districts can

be determined by the Reich Minister for Finance in agreement with the

Reich Minister of the Interior.

The Reich pays the personal allowances and bears the maintenance

expenses of the officials, employees and workers of the Reich mentioned

in (1) paragraphs 1 and 2 and the material expenditure of the whole of

the State Police but not the personal allowances, maintenance expenses

and costs of removal of the Police Administrative officials mentioned

in (1) paragraph 3.

(1) The revenues of the State Police are revenues of the Reich.

(2) The only revenues to remain in the districts are those which are

still to be booked for the Financial Year 1936, and all revenues from

taxes and fines.

(1) The Reich will assume all property dues and rights which are

connected with the State Police of the districts, in so far as they

are not left to the districts according to 2 and 3. When the law comes

into force, the liability of the Reich is also extended to taking

over maintenance allowances falling due to persons who were formerly

entitled to them.

(2) The Reich also assumes the responsibility, which, according to

the instructions regarding the liability of officials, rests with

the districts, for damage caused by police administrative officials,

who according to (1) remain under the districts. The districts owe

compensation to the Reich; their right to make claims against officials

is untouched.

The authorities who hitherto represented the districts (exchequer)

in matters relating to the police, will now represent the Reich

(exchequer) in these matters. The Reich Minister of the Interior can

arrange the representation otherwise.

(1) Premises and movable property belonging to the districts will

become the property of the Reich if at the time of the proclamation of

the law they are being used exclusively or mainly by the State Police

or the establishments mentioned in (1) paragraph 2 or are intended for

future use by these establishments.

(2) The premises of the Reich and Prussian Ministry of the Interior in

Berlin, Unter den Linden 70/72/74, and the premises of the Chief of

Police in Berlin which are to be specially indicated in the executive

orders, will remain exempt from transference to the Reich.

(3) Due to the transference of property to the Reich, taxes, duties and

other fees will not be levied. Cash payments remain out of account.

(4) When this law comes into force, if any premises transferred to the

Reich become dispensable or unfit to be employed for the purposes of

the Reich police, without replacement being necessary, they are to be

offered for use to the district without recompense, in their present

state, before further use is made of them.

(1) Where the Reich, the districts or the municipalities (municipal

unions) have placed officials, employees and workers or property at

the disposal of the State Police or of the establishments mentioned in

(1) paragraph 2, or have carried out service transactions, no change

will occur until a further ruling is made by the Reich Minister of

the Interior. The same applies in cases where the State Police or the

establishments mentioned in (1) paragraph 2 have placed their official

employees and workers or property at the disposal of other authorities

or have carried out service transactions, which have no connection with

police duties.

(2) No further compensations than hitherto may be claimed for the

services mentioned in paragraph 1.

The municipalities will pay their contributions to the Reich for the

State Police according to the regulations hitherto in existence. The

total contribution paid by the municipalities of a district during the

Financial Year 1936 may not be exceeded. A special ruling may occur

in cases of state control or regional change. The contributions of

the municipalities can be reckoned on the shares in the Reich revenue

remittances of the district.

The shares of a district in the Reich revenue remittances are for each

Financial Year, first of all for the Financial Year 1937, reduced by

the balance between the expenditure and the revenues (deficit) of

its police, who, by this law are taken over on the Reich budget. The

deficit is calculated on the basis of the budget of the district for

the Financial Year 1936. If a greater deficit should be evident in

the average of the Financial Years 1925 to 1934, this deficit is the

standard. The Reich Minister for Finance fixes the sum to be reduced.

The districts must place at the disposal of the Reich the remaining

expenses carried over into the Financial Year 1936 and not yet paid out

at the end of that year. The districts must also place at the disposal

of the Reich the additional sums not yet paid out at the end of the

Financial Year 1936, which are made over by the Reich, and which are

extra subsidies towards the material expenditure of the State Police.

The Reich Ministers for Finance and for the Interior will determine

whether and how financial compensation is to be carried out if, in

the municipalities (municipal unions) municipal, uniformed police

officials are replaced by State Police or if, in the state police

administrations, the relative authorities of the State Police and the

municipal (remaining) police are ruled otherwise.

For the officials, employees and workers of the State Police or of the

establishments mentioned in (1) paragraph 2, who are entering into the

direct service of the Reich, the legal and administrative orders of the

districts are to be applied temporarily. The Reich Minister for the

Interior can make a further ruling in agreement with the Prussian Prime

Minister.

In so far as State contracts or other agreements between districts for

matters concerning their police are not rendered inapplicable by this

law, they will remain in force as Reich legal orders.

The Reich Ministers of the Interior and for Finance will issue the

necessary legal and administrative orders for the execution and the

completion of this law and will decide upon all questions of doubt

arising from the application of this law. If the functions of other

ministers are thereby affected their approval is necessary.

This law comes into force on 1st April 1937.

Berlin, 19th March 1937.

The Fuehrer and Chancellor of the Reich

Adolf Hitler

The Reich Minister of the Interior

Frick

The Reich Minister for Finance

Graf Schwerin von Krosigk

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2245-PS

1936 MINISTERIAL GAZETTE OF THE REICH AND PRUSSIAN MINISTER OF THE

INTERIOR

[Reichsministerialblatt]

The Employment of Security Police Inspectors

[Pages 1343, 1344]

Circular Decree by the Reich and Prussian Minister of the Interior

dated 20.9.1936.

Police Special Order 1. 7/36 g

(already promulgated)

1. With effect from 1.10.1936 I am appointing Security Police

Inspectors to the Prussian Provinces and the States of Baden, Bavaria,

Wuerttemberg and Saxony. Detailed decrees to follow.

2. The duties to be undertaken by these Inspectors and entailed by

their appointment are laid down in the appended Service Directives for

Security Police Inspectors.

3. A special decree will be promulgated regarding the appointment of

Security Police Inspectors to the remaining States.

To the State Governments (for Prussia: to the Prussian

Ministerpraesident), the Ober- & Regierungs-Praesidente, to the Gestapo

Office in Berlin, to the State Political Head Offices, to the State

Political Offices.

# # # # #

Police Special Order 1.

Circular Decree of 20.9.1936

272/36

_Appendix_

Service Directive for Security Police Inspectors

1. The special duties of the Security Police necessitate the closest

and most sympathetic cooperation with the Central Offices of the

General and Interior Administrations of the Provinces and States

as well as with the Gauleiters of the NSDAP and the Armed Forces

Authorities.

2. The Security Police Inspectors are to foster this cooperation.

Especially are they to keep in the closest contact with the

Oberpraesident and/or the Ministry of the Interior of their area and to

keep them informed of all important occurrences, all essential reports

and observations of the Security Police and where necessary stimulate

the authorities of the Interior Administration and eliminate any

difficulties which may arise.

3. The Security Police Inspectors are personally and immediately

subordinate to the Oberpraesident and/or Staatsminister of the Interior

and are to follow his directives. Should these directives not be in

accordance with the general and special Orders and Directions of the

Chief of Security Police and should it be impossible to reach an

agreement, then the Chief of Security Police is to be referred to for a

decision.

4. The inspectors are furthermore charged with the task of supervising

the execution in their area of any Decrees issued by the Chief of

Security Police. They are to ensure that the Gestapo and the Civil

Police are organized on the same basis. Any difficulties arising are to

be reported to the Chief of Security Police together with suggestions

as to how they may be overcome.

PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2246-PS

The Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary Ambassador of the German Reich on

Special Mission

Vienna, 1 September 1936

To: The Fuehrer and Reich Chancellor, Berlin (by courier)

Subject: Report on Danube situation.

* * * * * * *

The progress of normalizing relations with Germany at the present time

is obstructed by the continued persistence of the Ministry of Security,

occupied by the old anti-National Socialist officials. Changes in

personnel are therefore of utmost importance. But they are definitely

not to be expected prior to the conference on the abolishing of the

Control of Finances [Finanzkontrolle] at Geneva. The Chancellor of the

League has informed Minister de Glaise-Horstenau, of his intention, to

offer him the portfolio of the Ministry of the Interior.

As a guiding principle [Marschroute], I recommend on the tactical side,

continued, patient psychological treatment, with slowly intensified

pressure directed at changing the regime. The proposed conference on

economic relations, taking place at the end of October, will be a very

useful tool for the realization of some of our projects. In discussion

with government officials as well as with leaders of the illegal party

(Leopold and Schattenfroh) who conform completely with the agreement

of July 11, I am trying to direct the next developments in such a

manner to aim at corporative representation of the movement in the

fatherland front [Vaterlaendischen Front] but nevertheless refraining

from putting National-socialists in important positions for the time

being. However such positions are to be occupied only by personalities,

having the support and the confidence of the movement. I have a willing

collaborator in this respect in Minister Glaise-Horstenau.

(Signature) Papen

PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2247-PS

The Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary on Special Mission

At present Berlin W.9, Lennestr. 9, 17 May 1935

Mein Fuehrer:

* * * * * * *

The news, which I communicated to you the day before yesterday, that

the Austrian Government would proclaim its intention to arm through

an autonomous act and simultaneously on 2 June would announce a

Starhemberg regency becomes more and more likely.

* * * * * * *

I suggest that we take an active part in this game. The fundamental

idea should be to pit Schuschnig and his Christian-social Forces,

who are opposed to a home front dictatorship, against Starhemberg.

The possibility of thwarting the measures arranged between Mussolini

and Starhemberg should be afforded to him, in such way that he would

submit the offer to the government of a definitive German-Austrian

compromise of interests. According to the convincing opinion of the

leader of the NSDAP in Austria, Capt. Leopold, the totalitarian

principle of the NSDAP in Austria must be replaced in the beginning by

a combination of that part of the Christian-elements which favors the

Greater Germany idea and the NSDAP. If Germany recognizes the national

independence of Austria and guarantees full freedom to the Austrian

national opposition, then as a result of such a compromise the Austrian

government would be formed in the beginning by a coalition of these

forces.

There should follow a gradual disintegration of the barriers erected

between the two countries. The rearmament of the army would have to be

effected in close cooperation with the German army even if material aid

from Germany would be limited.

A further consequence of this step would be the possibility of the

participation of Germany in the Danube pact, which would take the sting

out of its acuteness due to the settlement of relations between Germany

and Austria. Such a measure would have a most beneficial influence on

the European situation and especially on our relationship with England.

One may object, that Mr. Schuschnig will hardly be determined to follow

such a pattern, that he will rather in all probability immediately

communicate our offer to our opponents.

Of course, one should first of all explore the possibility of setting

Schuschnig against Starhemberg through the use of “Go-betweens”. The

possibility exists. If Mr. Schuschnig will finally say “no” and makes

our offer known in Rome, then the situation would not be any worse by

that; but, on the contrary, the efforts of the Reich government to

make peace with Austria would be revealed--without prejudice to other

interests. Therefore even in the case of refusal this last attempt

would be an asset. I consider it completely possible, that in view

of the far spread dislike of the Alpine countries of the pro-Italian

course and in view of the sharp tensions within the federal government

[Bundesregierung], Mr. Schuschnig will grasp this last straw--always

under the supposition that the offer could not be interpreted as a

trap by the opponents, but that it bears all the mark of an actually

honest compromise with Austria.

Assuming success of this step, we would again establish our active

intervention in Central European politics, which, as opposed to the

French-Czech and Russian political maneuvers, would be a tremendous

success, both morally and practically.

Since there are 2 weeks left to accomplish very much work in the way of

explorations and Conferences, an immediate decision is necessary.

The Reich Army Minister shares the opinion presented above and the

Reich Foreign Minister wanted to discuss it with you, my Fuehrer.

(signed) Papen.

PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2248-PS

The Extraordinary Emissary and Minister Plenipotentiary of the German

Reich in Special Mission.

Vienna, July 27, 1935.

To the Fuehrer and Chancellor

_BERLIN_

by courier.

Contents:

One year after the death of the Bundeskanzler Dollfuss.

Review and Outlook.

* * * * * * *

It seems to me to be expedient to use this incident ourselves also to

draw the balance.

* * * * * * *

National Socialism must and will overpower the new Austrian ideology.

If today it is contended in Austria that the NSDAP is only a

centralized Reich German party and therefore unable to transfer the

spirit of thought of National Socialism to groups of people of a

different political make-up, the answer must rightly be that the

national revolution in Germany could not have been brought about in a

different way. But when the creation of the people’s community in the

Reich will be completed, National socialism could, in a much wider

sense than this is possible through the present party organization--at

least apparently--certainly become the rallying point for all racially

German units beyond the borders. Spiritual progress in regard to

Austria cannot be achieved today with any centralized tendency.

If this recognition would once and for all be stated clearly from

within the Reich, then it would easily become possible to effect a

break-through into the front of the New Austria. A Nurnberg Party Day

designated as “The German Day” as in old times and the proclamation of

a national socialistic people’s front, would be a stirring event for

all beyond the borders of the Reich. Such attacks would win us also the

particularistic Austrian circles, whose spokesman, the legitimistic

Count Dubsky wrote in his pamphlet about the “Anschluss”: The Third

Reich will be with Austria, or it will not be at all. National

Socialism must win it or it will perish, if it is unable to solve this

task; * * *

(signed) Papen.

PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2260-PS

SETTLEMENT OF RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN NSDAP AND STAHLHELM (STEEL HELMETS)

From Page 1, Issue 422, 21 June 1933, of “NSK” National Socialist

Party Press Agency [NSK, Pressedienst der NSDAP, the official news

agency of the NSDAP]. Edited by Wilhelm Weiss. Responsible for

communications of the Reich Press Office Dr. Otto Dietrich, Reich

Press Chief. Published by Franz Eher Successor, Munich.

NSK The Reich Press Office of the NSDAP informs us:

The following agreement was reached in a conference that took place

today between the Reich Chancellor, the Reich Labor Minister Seldte,

the Reich War Minister and the Vice-Chancellor:

To ensure the striking power of the National Socialist revolution the

Stahlhelm, League of front-line Soldiers [Bund der Frontsoldaten],

integrates itself into the National Socialist movement in the following

manner:

_a._ The Old-Guard Nucleus of the Stahlhelm [Kernstahlhelm] remains, as

heretofore, under the leadership of the League Leader.

_b._ The League Leader prohibits, as of now, any party membership

except that in the NSDAP to members of the Old-Guard Nucleus of the

Stahlhelm.

_c._ The leader of the NSDAP, Adolf Hitler, thus permits membership in

the Stahlhelm for the NSDAP.

_d._ The Stahlhelm Youth [Jungstahlhelm] takes its place side by

side with the SA and SS, and is subordinate to the Supreme SA Leader

[Obersten SA-Fuehrer]. The “Scharnhorst” will be integrated into the

Hitler Youth.

_e._ The leader of the Stahlhelm Youth [Jungstahlhelm] von Morozowicz,

joins the staff of the Supreme SA Leader.

Berlin, 21 June 1933.

Adolf Hitler

Franz Seldte

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2261-PS

TOP SECRET

Copy

The Reich Minister of War and Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces

No. 1820/35 Top Secret L. II a

Berlin, 24 June 1935

The Supreme Commander of the Army

The Supreme Commander of the Navy

The Supreme Commander of the Air Forces

In the appendix I transmit one copy each of the law for the defense of

the Reich of the 21 May 1935 and of a decision of the Reichs Cabinet

of 21 May 1935 concerning the Reich’s defense council. The publication

of the Reich’s defense law is temporarily suspended by order of the

Fuehrer and Reichschancellor.

The Fuehrer and Reichschancellor has nominated the President

of the directorate of the Reichsbank Dr. Schacht to be

“plenipotentiary-general for war economy”.

I request that the copies of the Reich defense law needed within the

units of the armed forces be ordered before 1 July 1935 at armed forces

office (L) where it is to be established with the request that the law

should only be distributed down to Corps Headquarters outside of the

Reichministry of war.

I point out the necessity of strictest secrecy once more.

(signed) von Blomberg.

# # # # #

No. 1820/35 L Top Secret II a Berlin, 3 Sept 1935

To _Defense--Economic Group G-3_

transmitted (copy)

(signed) Jodl

# # # # #

Copy

Reich Defense Law of 21 May 1935

The Reich Cabinet has enacted the following law that is hereby made

public:

Part I State of Defense

ARTICLE 1

The Fuehrer and Reichschancellor can declare a state of defense for the

area of the Reich in case danger of war threatens.

ARTICLE 2

(1) With the declaration of a state of defense the entire power

of execution devolves upon the Fuehrer and Reichschancellor. The

Reichsminister of war exercises it by his orders.

(2) The Reichsminister is empowered in the carrying out of the power of

execution to issue legal regulations which may deviate from existing

laws. He can, in order to enforce his regulation, threaten punishments

and set up special courts.

ARTICLE 3

(1) The Reichsministers are to observe the instructions of the

Reichsminister of war. They remain the highest Reich authorities within

their realm of activity.

(2) The Reichsministers will in case of a state of defense effect the

necessary measures and are empowered to issue legal regulations which

may deviate from existing laws.

Part II Mobilization

ARTICLE 4

(1) If conflict with an external enemy becomes unavoidable, the Fuehrer

and Reichschancellor can order mobilization.

(2) The ordering of mobilization includes in itself the declaration

of a state of defense according to Part I, in case the latter is not

already proclaimed, without prejudice to the directive of Article Six.

(3) With the ordering of mobilization a state of war in the definition

of this law begins.

ARTICLE 5

The Reichsministers will effect the necessary measures in case of

mobilization and are empowered to issue legal regulations which may

deviate from existing laws.

ARTICLE 6

(1) The Fuehrer and Reichschancellor will appoint a

plenipotentiary-general for war economy to direct the entire war

economy.

(2) It is the task of the plenipotentiary-general for war-economy to

put all economic forces in the service of carrying on the war and to

secure the life of the German people economically.

(3) Subordinate to him are:

The Reichsminister for economy

The Reichsminister for food and agriculture

The Reichs labor minister

The Reichs forest master and all Reichs’ agents immediately

subordinate to the Fuehrer and Reichschancellor.

Furthermore the financing of the war effort (in the province of the

Reichs finance ministry and of the Reichsbank) will be carried on under

his responsibility.

(4) The plenipotentiary-general for war economy is authorized, within

his realm of responsibility, to issue legal regulations, which may

deviate from the existing laws.

Part III Setting of penalties and Conclusion

ARTICLE 7

Whoever purposely or carelessly acts in violation of a decree issued by

authority of this law will be, insofar as a more severe punishment is

not stipulated according to other directives, punished with jail and

with fine or with one of these penalties.

ARTICLE 8

The Fuehrer and Reichschancellor will issue the necessary legal and

administrative directives for carrying out of this law.

Berlin, 21 May 1935

The Fuehrer and Reichschancellor

(signed) ADOLF HITLER

The Reichsminister of war

(signed) VON BLOMBERG

The Reichsminister of the Interior

(signed) FRICK

# # # # #

Note on the law for the defense of the Reich of 21 May 1935

The publication of the law for the defense of the Reich of 21 May 1935

will be suspended. The law became effective 21 May 1935.

The Fuehrer and Reichschancellor

(signed) ADOLF HITLER

# # # # #

Copy

Decision of the Reichscabinet of 21 May 1935 on the Council for the

defense of the Reich

Supplementing the decision of the Reichscabinet of 4 April 1933 and

13 Dec 34 on formation of a council for defense of the Reich, the

Reichscabinet has made the following decision:

1. The plenipotentiary-general for war economy appointed by the Fuehrer

and Reichschancellor will begin his work already in peacetime. At the

suggestion of the chairman of the Council for the defense of the Reich,

he will direct the economic preparations for war, insofar as they do

not, in reference to the armament industry fall into the province of

the Reichs’ Ministry of war. In case of mobilization the following are

subordinate to him:

Reichministry of economic affairs

Reichministry for food and agriculture

Reichministry of Labor

Reich’s forest-master and all Reichoffices immediately subordinate to

the Fuehrer.

In case of mobilization he will direct and be responsible for the

financing of the war effort (in the province of the finance-ministry

and the Reichsbank).

Those ministries and the Reich’s authorities are bound already in time

of peace to observe his recommendations for the preparation of a war

economy and the financing of the war-effort.

2. The Reichsminister of War and the plenipotentiary for war economy

will effect the preparations for mobilization in closest cooperation on

both sides.

3. The plenipotentiary-general for war-economy will be a permanent

working committee he represents through his leadership staff the

interests of war economy. The department heads [Referenten] for the

defense of the Reich of the Ministries mentioned in Point I are bound

by the recommendations of this leadership staff.

Foundation:

The State of War, an institution of the old law, as it was established

in the old Reichsconstitution of 1871, the Prussian law on the state

of siege of 4 June 1861 and the Bavarian law on the state of war of

5 Nov 1912, has been only incompletely replaced by Article 48 of the

Reichsconstitution of 11 August 1919. Moreover, the provisions of

Article 48 no longer correspond to the actual legal conditions.

The new law for the defense of the Reich should create clear legal

bases for the transfer of the whole machinery of state from a state of

peace to one of war. In this connection it was to be noted that a state

of war can begin unexpectedly or from a state of foreign political

tension. Since the time of such tension must be utilized as far as

foreign political relations will bear, in order to create a readiness

for war in time, the law for the defense of the Reich provides two

steps for the transfer from state of peace to state of war:

1. The state of defense

2. The mobilization

For both steps of war preparation, the law gives the legal basis, upon

which the individual measures of the Reichsdepartments can be built up

as the council for the defense of the Reich instructs.

It is to be mentioned in regard to the provisions of the law in detail:

_To Article 2_

The exercise of the power of execution by the Reichsminister of war

under the Fuehrer and Reichschancellor should emphasize the pressing

necessity of all demands of the immediate conduct of the war and should

guarantee their fulfillment.

_To Article 4, Section 3_

In numerous laws special provisions for war are contained. It is

therefore necessary, to establish the beginning of a state of war,

in respect to times in order to create clear conditions for the

administration of justice etc. Since, however, in a future war official

declarations of war are not to be expected, as a result of which

Article 42 Section 2 of the Reichsconstitution also is obsolete, the

beginning of a state of war is to be considered as being at the same

time as the beginning of the mobilization.

_To Article 6_

The experiences of the great war have demonstrated the necessity

of including during a war the entire economy and the financing

of the conduct of the war under unified leadership. The

plenipotentiary-general for war-economy should according to the will of

the Fuehrer and Reichschancellor take over the responsible leadership

and stands thereby independently along side the Reichsminister of war,

the possessor of the power of execution, and responsible for his realm

of activity under the Fuehrer and Reichschancellor.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2270-PS

COORDINATION [GLEICHSCHALTUNG] OF COOPERATIVES

Issue 393, 16 May 1933, of “NSK” National Socialist Party Press

Agency, [NSK, Pressedienst der NSDAP, the official news agency of the

NSDAP]. Edited by Wilhelm Weiss. Responsible for communications of

the Reich Press Office Dr Otto Dietrich, Reich Press Chief. Published

by Franz Eher, Successor, Munich. [Pages 1-2].

NSK. The Executive Secretaries of the Reich League of German

Cooperatives [Reichsverband Deutscher Konsumvereine] have issued the

following statement:

The undersigned, legally competent executive secretaries of the Reich

League of German Cooperatives, Cologne, and of the Gepag hereby submit

themselves and all cooperatives affiliated to their League irrevocably

and unconditionally to the command and administrative authority of the

leader of the German Labor Front, Dr. Robert Ley, and of Party Member

Karl Mueller, the Commissioner for Cooperatives appointed by him.

Signed: Peter SCHLACK

Signed: Rob. SCHLOESSER

Signed: Fritz KLEIN

# # # # #

The Executive Secretaries of the Wholesale Purchasing League of German

Cooperatives have issued the following statement:

The undersigned, legally competent executive secretaries of the

Wholesale Purchasing League of German Cooperatives, Inc., Hamburg,

hereby submit themselves and all cooperatives affiliated to

their League irrevocably and unconditionally to the command and

administrative authority of the leader of the German Labor Front, Dr.

Robert Ley, and of Party Member Karl Mueller, the Commissioner for

Cooperatives appointed by him.

Signed: H. EVERLING

Signed: A. GRAHL

# # # # #

Pursuant to these statements the leader of the German Labor Front has

issued the following order:

_As previously announced by Party Member Bank Director Mueller on my

behalf, the German Labor Front has today taken over the leadership of

the cooperatives. The legally competent executive secretaries of the

Wholesale Purchasing League of German Cooperatives, Inc., Hamburg, and

of the Reich League of German Cooperatives, Cologne, have submitted

unconditionally and unreservedly._

The Chief of the economic enterprises of the German Labor Front, Party

Member Bank Director Mueller, also assumes the management of the

cooperatives. This action is being taken for the benefit of the German

worker, in order to safeguard the savings of the masses here also, and

in order not to permit the decay of the assets which the cooperatives

hold for the benefit of the people.

The action in itself is a winding-up action, which means that their

further extension will not be tolerated, that everything that is rotten

and burdensome must be gotten rid of now in the shortest possible

time, that in agreement with the representative organizations of the

middle class an equitable settlement is being initiated now already.

Offices of the NSDAP are requested to shed their hostile attitude

towards cooperatives, because they can rest assured that everything is

being done by the leadership which profits the benefit of the people

and the benefit of Germany.

Future organization of the cooperatives is as follows:

_The two great Reich Leagues of cooperatives will become members

of, and be merged into one Reich League. Great savings will thus be

effected in administration._

_As a matter of principle there will be no more voting in any

organization, but the leader, Party Member Mueller, is appointed by me

and he is authorized to appoint additional leaders of the individual

regions and localities._

_The Administrative Council, which is to help Party Member Mueller,

will constitute the Executive Chamber_ [_Kleine Kammer_], _in addition

a Plenary Chamber will be formed, so as to definitely clarify the

relationship between the new corporate structure and the cooperatives,

and to shape the winding-up more decisively and organically._

The leader of the German Labor Front

Dr. R. Ley

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2271-PS

ORGANIZATION BOOK OF THE NSDAP

[Organisationsbuch der NSDAP]

Editions of 1936, 1938, 1940, & 1943

Editor the Reich Organization Leader of the NSDAP (Dr. Robert Ley).

Published by the Central Publishing House of the NSDAP, Franz Eher

Successor, Munich. [Pages 185-187].

The NSBO

The National Socialistic Factory Cells Organization.

[Die Nationalsozialistische Betriebszellen-Organisation]

The NSBO is a union of the political leaders of the NSDAP in the DAF

[German Labor Front].

The NSBO is the carrier of the organization [Organisationstraeger] of

the DAF.

The duties and responsibilities of the NSBO have passed over to the DAF.

The political leaders who have been transferred from the NSBO to the

DAF guarantee the ideological education of the DAF in the spirit of the

National Socialistic idea.

The German Labor Front

Including

the NS Community Strength through Joy [Kraft Durch Freude]

Decree of the Fuehrer on the Nature and Goal of the German

Labor Front, dated 24 October 1934

Nature and Goal

Article 1

The German Labor Front is the organization of creative Germans of brain

and fist.

In the main, the members of the former unions, the former employee

unions and the former employer unions are united in it as members with

equal rights.

Membership in the German Labor Front _cannot_ be substituted by

memberships in professional, social, political, industrial or

ideological organizations.

The Chancellor of the Reich can decree that class-organizations which

have been recognized by the law should belong corporatively to the

German Labor Front.

Article 2

The aim of the German Labor Front is to create a true social and

productive community of all Germans [Volks- und Leistungsgemeinschaft].

Its task is to see that every single individual should be able to take

his place in the industrial life of the nation in that intellectual or

physical capacity which enables him to perform maximum work and thus

guarantees a maximum of benefit for the community of the nation.

Article 3

The German Labor Front is a branch of the NSDAP according to the Law

for Securing the Unity of Party and State, issued on 1 December 1933.

(According to the law, issued 29 March 1935, the DAF will be designated

as an affiliated organization [Verband] of the NSDAP. The editor.)

Leadership and Organization

Article 4

The NSDAP has the leadership of the German Labor Front.

The Staff leader of the Political Organization [PO] is the leader

of the German Labor Front. He is assigned by the Fuehrer and Reich

Chancellor.

He assigns and dismisses the other leaders of the German Labor Front.

These posts should be given in the first place to members of the

existing branches of the NSBO and of the NS-Hago [NS Handelsund

Gewerkbetreibenden Organization, or the National Socialist Organization

of Tradesmen and Commercial Men] who are in the NSDAP, and further to

members of the SA and SS.

Article 5

The regional organization of the German Labor Front corresponds to that

of the NSDAP.

The aim toward an organic order as laid down in the program of the

NSDAP determines the professional organization of the German Labor

Front.

The staff leader of the Political Organization determines the regional

and professional organization of the German Labor Front; they will be

published in the service book of the German Labor Front. [In the 1943

edition the following is added: “Organization Book of the NSDAP”].

Article 6

The accounts [Kassenfuehrung] of the German Labor Front are under

the control of the treasurer of the NSDAP on the basis of the first

executive decree to the law securing the unity of Party and State,

issued 23 March 1934.

Tasks

Article 7

The German Labor Front has to secure the peace of labor by creating

understanding among the enterprise leaders for the justified claims of

their following [Gefolgschaft] understanding among the following for

the situation and possibilities of their enterprise.

The German Labor Front has the task of finding the common basis between

the justified interests of all participants which is in accordance with

the national socialistic basic principles and which reduces the number

of the cases which are to be referred to the State agencies alone in

charge on the basis of the law of 20 January 1934.

It is the exclusive task of the German Labor Front to represent all the

parties which are required for the conciliation. It is prohibited to

create other organizations in this domain or to permit their activities

in this field.

Article 8

The German Labor Front is the carrier of the National Socialist

Organization “Strength Through Joy.”

The German Labor Front has to provide for professional training.

Furthermore, it has to fulfill the tasks which have been assigned to it

by the law of 20 January 1934.

Article 9

The property of the former organizations as mentioned in Article 1

of this decree, including their help and compensation organizations,

property managements and industrial enterprises, constitutes the

property of the German Labor Front. This property is the original

capital for the self-help organization of the German Labor Front.

The German Labor Front, through its self-help organization, should

guarantee the existence of each of its members in emergency cases

in order to facilitate the progress of the most qualified Germans

[Volksgenossen] or to help them to secure an independent life, if

possible, on their own ground and soil.

Article 10

This order becomes valid on the day of its publication.

Berlin, 24 October 1934.

Fuehrer and Reich Chancellor

Adolf Hitler

My decree, issued 24 October 1934 about the German Labor Front will be

changed so that Article 4 will read as follows:

Leadership and Organization

Article 4

The NSDAP has the leadership of the German Labor Front. The Reich

Organization Leader of the NSDAP is the leader of the German Labor

Front. He is designated by the Fuehrer and Reich Chancellor.

He designates and dismisses the other leaders of the German Labor Front.

These posts should be given in the first place to members of the

branches NSBO and NS Hago who are in the NSDAP and further to members

of the SA and SS.

_Furthermore_: In Article 5, Par. 3, the word “Staff Leader of the PO”

will be substituted by _“Reich Organization Leader” of the NSDAP_.

Berlin, November 12, 1934.

Fuehrer and Reich Chancellor

Adolf Hitler

PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2273-PS

Draft

TOP SECRET

[Geheime Reichssache]

SPECIAL PURPOSE GROUP “A”

[Einsatzgruppe A]

* * * * * * *

III

Jews

The systematic mopping up of the Eastern Territories embraced, in

accordance with the basic orders, the complete removal if possible, of

Jewry. This goal has been substantially attained--with the exception

of White Russia--as a result of the execution up to the present time

of 229,052 Jews (see Appendix). The remainder still left in the Baltic

Provinces is urgently required as labour and housed in Ghettos.

To attain this object various kinds of measures were necessary in the

different areas of the [Ostland].

In the three Baltic States of Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania, Jewry did

not make itself decisively felt until the Bolsheviks had come into

power there. But even before that the Jewish influence on the one hand

and the anti-Jewish feeling of the population on the other hand, were

very strong.

In the following the various areas of the Eastern Territories will be

dealt with separately:

1. _Estonia_

As Estonia, until the middle of the last century, was part of a

closed zone of the Russian Empire, into which it was forbidden for

Jews to immigrate, the number of Jews in the country has always been

insignificant.

At the beginning of 1940 there were living in Estonia about 4,500

Jews out of a total population of 1.2 millions. Their influence on

the economic life of the country was considerably stronger than the

proportion of Jews to the whole population. For instance 11% of

Estonian industry was in Jewish hands. During the Bolshevik time it

is true Jewish private property was nationalized, but nevertheless

the Jews themselves were almost everywhere left as Directors of their

former enterprises. By means of connections with the NKWD the Jews got

themselves into a very strong position. They controlled the Press,

cultural institutions, forced their way into the open professions,

and were the only minority besides the Germans to have the right to

cultural autonomy.

With the advance of the German troops the majority of the Jews,

together with the Soviet-Russian authorities, left the country. Approx.

2,000 Jews remained behind in the country. Out of these almost 1,000

lived in Reval alone.

The Estonian Self Protection Movement [Selbstschutz], formed as

the Germans advanced, did begin to arrest Jews, but there were no

spontaneous pogroms. Only by the Security Police and the SD were the

Jews gradually executed as they became no longer required for work.

Today there are no longer any Jews in Estonia.

2. _Latvia_

The total number of Jews in Latvia amounted in June 1935 to 93,479 or

4.79% of the total population.

When the Bolsheviks came into power in Latvia in June 1940, their

Soviet-Russian racial comrades succeeded in obtaining authoritative

influence for the Latvian Jews, who previously had been predominantly

Zionist. Whereas before 1940 there were no Jews as State officials in

Latvia, in fact were no Jews in the State Administration at all, in

the Soviet Russian Republic all the influential State positions were

quickly in the hands of the Jews. Half of the total number of Judges

were Jewish. The number was up to 80% in the Higher Courts and in

particular on the Tribunal. Equally strong was the influence of the

Jews on the economy and cultural life.

When the German troops marched in there were still 70,000 Jews in

Latvia. The remainder had fled with the Bolsheviks. The Jews left

behind were actively engaged in sabotage and setting fire to places. In

Duenaburg so many fires of this kind were started by the Jews that a

large part of the Town was destroyed.

After the terror of the Jewish-Bolshevik rule--altogether 33,038 Letts

were transported, imprisoned or murdered--an extensive pogrom carried

out by the population might have been expected. In fact, however,

only a few thousand Jews were eliminated by local forces on their

own initiative. In Latvia it was necessary to carry out extensive

mopping-up operations by means of Sonderkommandos with the help of

forces picked from the Latvian Auxiliary Police (mostly relations of

the Letts who had been carried off or murdered).

Up to October 1941 approximately 30,000 Jews had been executed by

these Sonderkommandos. The remaining Jews who were still indispensable

from the economic point of view were collected in Ghettos, which were

established in Riga, Duenaburg and Libau.

As a result of punishments instituted for not wearing the Jewish

star, black market, thieving, fraud, but also to prevent the danger

of epidemics in the Ghettos, further executions were subsequently

carried out. In this way 11,034 Jews were executed in Duenaburg on

9.11.41, and, as the result of an action ordered and carried out by

high authorities and Police chiefs, 27,800 were executed in Riga at the

beginning of December 1941, and, in the middle of December 1941, 2,350

were executed in Libau. At the moment there are in the Ghettos (other

than Jews from the Reich) Latvian Jews in

Riga approximately 2,500

Duenaburg approximately 950

Libau approximately 300.

These are indispensable at the moment as they are specialized workers

necessary for maintaining the country’s economy.

3. _Lithuania_

Until the Bolsheviks marched in, according to a census taken in 1923

there were 153,743 Jews living in Lithuania, forming 7.58% of the total

population. Whereas their influence had previously for the greater

part been restricted to the business world, the Lithuanian Jews, who

had already been working illegally for Bolshevism, now quickly became

a dominating influence in public life. In particular Jews of both

sexes supported the activities of the NKWD. The transporting of 40,000

Lithuanians to Siberia is traceable to the preliminary work done by the

Jews.

When the German troops marched in the Lithuanians expressed their

hatred of the Jews in active pogroms, at the same time Jewish communist

youths set fire to many towns, through which the German armoured units

had passed leaving them little damaged, by means of tins of petrol

which they had previously put ready.

As a result of the pogroms carried out by the Lithuanians, who were

nevertheless substantially assisted by Sipo and SD, 3,800 Jews in Kauen

and 1,200 in the smaller towns were eliminated.

Where Jews were able to escape they were not infrequently handed over

to the authorities by the farmers.

These spontaneous mopping-up actions were, however, insufficient to

stabilize this rear section of the Front, and at the same time the

enthusiasm of the local inhabitants waned.

Therefore by means of selected units--mostly in the proportion of

1:8--first of all the prisons, and then systematically district by

district the Lithuanian sector was cleansed of Jews of both sexes.

Altogether 136,421 people were liquidated in a great number of single

actions. It is worthy of note that many of the Jews used force against

the officials and Lithuanian auxiliaries who were carrying this out,

and before their execution still expressed their Bolshevik convictions

by cheering Stalin and abusing Germany.

As the complete liquidation of the Jews was not feasible as they were

needed for labour, Ghettos were formed which at the moment are occupied

as follows:

Kauen approximately 15,000 Jews.

Wilna approximately 15,000 Jews.

Schaulen approximately 4,500 Jews.

These Jews are used primarily for work of military importance. For

example up to 5,000 Jews are employed in 3 shifts on the aerodrome near

Kauen on earth-works and work of that sort.

4. _White Russia_

The White Russian Sector is more thickly populated by Jews than all the

other States in the Ostland. In the year 1926, far more than 400,000

Jews were counted in the then BSSR. The last Polish census showed more

than 500,000 Jews in the provinces [Wojwodschaften] of Bialystock, Nowo

Grodlek, Polesien and Wilna. These figures are however approximate and

most certainly too low, which is further apparent from the fact that

far more people have given “Yiddish” as their mother tongue than there

were supposed to be Jews counted in the same area. Quite half of the

Jews in the White Russian Settlement Area lived at the beginning of

the war in the larger towns. Minsk was occupied to a very particular

extent by Jews, in 1939 there were approximately 100,000 out of a total

population of 238,000.

The social structure of the Jews shows a broad lower stratum of very

poor Jews, both in the area formerly Polish, and in the White Russian

Sector which was Bolshevik before the Russo-Polish war.

The proportionately thin upper stratum dominated simply every sphere

of life in the former Polish sector, mainly as a result of its strong

economic position, and in the former Soviet-Russian sector as a result

of their influence in the leading party positions. The Jew in the area

formerly Polish is a particularly dangerous element, because of his

intelligence and activity. But even the Soviet-Russian Jew has during

the 25 years of Bolshevik domination assumed a very self-sufficient and

arrogant air, which he has even retained after the entry of the German

troops.

The final and fundamental elimination of the Jews remaining in the

White Russian sector after the entry of the Germans is fraught with

certain difficulties. Just in this place the Jews form an extremely

high percentage of the specialized workers, who are indispensable

because of the shortage in other reserves in this area.

Furthermore Einsatzgruppe A did not take over this area until after the

heavy frost had set in, which made mass executions much more difficult.

A further difficulty is that the Jews live widely scattered over the

whole country. In view of the enormous distances, the bad conditions

of the roads, the shortage of vehicles and petrol and the small forces

of Security Police and SD, it needs the utmost effort in order to be

able to carry out shootings in the country. Nevertheless 41,000 Jews

have been shot up to now. This number does not include those shot in

operations by the former Einsatzkommandos. From estimated figures

about 19,000 partisans and criminals, that is in the majority Jews,

were shot by the Armed Forces [Wehrmacht] up to December 1941. At the

moment approximately 128,000 Jews must still be reckoned with in the

area of the Commissariat-General. In Minsk itself--exclusive of Reich

Germans--there are about 1,800 Jews living, whose shooting must be

postponed in consideration of their being used as labour.

The Commander in White Russia is instructed to liquidate the Jewish

question as soon as possible, despite the difficult situation. However

a period of about 2 months is still required--according to the weather.

The shutting up of all the remaining Jews in special Ghettos is also

almost completed in the towns in White Russia too. They will be used

for work to the fullest extent by the authorities of the Armed Forces,

the Civil Administration and German Authorities.

The feeding of the Jews in the Ghettos causes considerable difficulty,

especially in White Russia but also in Lithuania. Together with the

general decrease in working capacity, there is increased susceptibility

to all contagious diseases.

5. _Jews from the Reich._

Since December 1940 transports containing Jews have arrived at short

intervals from the Reich. Of these 20,000 Jews were directed to Riga

and 7,000 Jews to Minsk. The first 10,000 Jews evacuated to Riga were

housed partly in a provisionally erected reception camp and partly in

a newly established hut encampment near Riga. The remaining transports

have for the time being been directed into a separate part of the Riga

Ghetto.

The building of the hut encampment, as a result of the employment of

all Jews fit for work, is so advanced that all evacuated Jews who

survive the winter can be put into this camp in the spring.

Only a small section of the Jews from the Reich is capable of

working. About 70-80% are women and children or old people unfit for

work. The death rate is rising continually, also as a result of the

extraordinarily hard winter.

The amount done by those few Jews from the Reich who are fit for work

is satisfactory. They are preferred as labour to the Russian Jews,

because they are German speaking and because of their _comparatively_

greater cleanliness. Worthy of note is the adaptability of the Jews,

with which they attempt to form their life in accordance with the

circumstances.

The crowding together of the Jews into the smallest space, which occurs

in all the Ghettos, naturally causes greater danger of epidemics, which

is being combatted as much as possible by the employment of Jewish

doctors. In isolated instances sick Jews with contagious diseases were

selected under the pretext of putting them into a home for the aged or

a hospital and executed.

# # # # #

CHART [See Chart _Number 4_ in the last volume of this publication.]

Judenfrei--free of Jews

Jewish Executions carried out by Special Purpose Group A.

Estimated number of Jews still remaining--128,000.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2275-PS

THE GERMAN LABOR FRONT. NATURE--AIM--MEANS

[Die deutsche Arbeitsfront. Wesen--Ziel--Wege] Issued by the Scientific

Labor Institute of the German Labor Front. Published by the Publishing

House of the German Labor Front, 1943

[Footnote, page 11].

More than nine-tenths of all working Germans are members of the German

Labor Front. Shortly before the outbreak of war the German Labor Front

had 23 million individual members in the then Reich territory. In

addition there were corporate members [Korporative Mitglieder], the

number of which can be estimated at 10 millions after eliminating all

multiple memberships.

The members of such organizations are “corporatively” affiliated to

the German Labor Front which have collectively joined the German Labor

Front on the basis of special agreements. But the members of such

organizations can nevertheless become individual members of the German

Labor Front.

Among others the members of the following organizations are

“corporative” members of the German Labor Front: Reich Chamber

of Culture; Reich Food Estate; Reich League of Graduate Farmers;

Organization of Trade Economy; Experts’ Council on Public Health;

Attorneys’ League; Reich League of German Civil Servants; National

Socialist Teachers’ League; Reich Labor Service; Armed Forces; Nurses’

Association. In other words, practically all important professional or

economic organizations have led their members into the German Labor

Front.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2276-PS

THE GERMAN LABOR FRONT. NATURE--AIM--MEANS

[Die deutsche Arbeitsfront. Wesen--Ziel--Wege] Issued by the Scientific

Labor Institute of the German Labor Front. Published by the Publishing

House of the German Labor Front, 1943

[Page 55].

During the years from 1933 to 1939 everything necessary had been done

in secrecy [in aller Stille] that seemed necessary to the conservation

of the nation in the anticipated clash with an envious surrounding

world. As always, when taking precautionary defense measures in a

newly-won field, it was not possible here either to plan in a way that

would be satisfactory. It was necessary to check what was on hand, and

build with that the most essential and the momentarily most useful. It

could not be obviated that the result, measured with the yardstick of

what had been planned for the future, would appear modest and perhaps

even inadequate.

It has not always been simple for those charged with practical social

work to master satisfactorily the juxtaposition of old, scantily mended

institutions and new ones. But certainly it was even more difficult

for the biggest part of the people to see how the effort supported by

it was, year after year, applied to tasks which initially necessitated

renunciation after renunciation. After all, it seemed like a small

matter to apply the energies released by the National Socialist

revolution to the improvement of social conditions desired for so long.

Instead the leadership chosen by the people and over again confirmed

by it, channeled all its strength into armaments [Wehrhaftigkeit].

And--won the consent especially of those sections of the people who had

had to suffer most from social conditions prevailing up to then.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2277-PS

STATEMENT

of Gustav Schiefer, born 17 July 1876, residence: Munich 9, No. 3

Armanspergstrasse, about what happened to him when the Nazis came on 9

March 1933.

I was employed as part time worker [Hilfsarbeiter] by the former Trade

Union Society, Munich, beginning 11 November 1911. During the years

1914-1918, I was in the World War.

After the revolution in November 1918 I was elected Executive Chairman

of the General German Trade Union Association [Allgemeiner Deutcher

Gewerkschaftsbund], Local Committee, Munich. I held this position

without interruption until 9 March 1933.

On that day the Nazis stormed the Munich Trade Union Headquarters

Building, 40/42 Pestalozzistrasse. The offices remained closed until

15 March. On 13 March my late colleague Erhard Kupfer, former District

Secretary of the General German Trade Union Association [ADGB] and I

had to report to the, then, State Commissar Wagner, and were ordered

to reopen the Munich Trade Union Headquarters Building, and with it

the offices, by 15 March, and to resume normal activity within the

framework of the trade unions.

Since I was at the same time chairman of the Munich Trade Union

Headquarters Building, Inc., it became my task to take over the house

in its entirety, and with it the individual offices of the trade unions.

Because safes and strong-boxes, in fact everything that was locked,

had been smashed open, and because safes and tills, in the main, were

empty, I refused to take over the house and offices in their present

condition. I stated that I would take over the house only in the

condition in which it was when it was taken away from us on 9 March.

The house had been taken over on 9 March 1933 by Herr Kurt Frey, and

returned to us on 15 March by the former executive secretary of the

Hotel, Restaurant, etc. Employees’ Association, Herr Reichart. This

Nazi, with whom I did not get along too well because of his equivocal

attitude, believed that the opportunity had arrived to wreak his

vengeance on me.

I was dragged to the great hall, paper and pencil put before me with

the challenge to designate these Nazis who had committed thefts during

the period of 9 to 15 March 1933. I could not do that, since I did

not know the individuals. As I refused my signature about 10 Nazis

beat me promiscuously and indiscriminately until I collapsed. Upon

that they seized me and threw me into the bottom of the light shaft

of the Trade Union Headquarters Building. After lying there for

some time I summoned up my strength and tried to rouse myself. When

the Nazis noted that, they again dragged me into the hall and beat

me until I collapsed and fainted. My colleagues Josef Gessl, former

executive secretary of the Cobblers’ Association, and Richard Moses,

employee of the General Mutual Benefit Local Pay Office [Allgemeine

Ortskrankenkasse], Munich, grabbed me and brought me in this condition

to the Munich-Schwabing hospital. In addition to many other injuries,

Professor Dr. Kerschensteiner, director of this institution, diagnosed

serious concussion of the brain with hemorrhage into the brain. I

remained from 15 March to 5 May 1933. On 5 May the Precinct Physician,

at that time already a Nazi, certified that I was sufficiently fit for

arrest. On 5 May I was transported to the Ettstrasse Police Prison, and

from there to Stadelheim. I remained in Stadelheim until 25 August 1933.

It is due to an extraordinarily fortunate circumstance that I was

saved from Dachau in 1933. Medical Privy Councillor Dr. Geisendoerfer,

who was chief physician in Stadelheim, knew me from the Cooperative

Sickness Benefit movement (I had been on the Committee of the General

Mutual Insurance Local Pay Office [Allgemeine Ortskrankenkasse],

Munich, for 25 years). Through the many negotiations with the physician

I had been in close touch with the above-named gentleman. During my

stay in Stadelheim the Gestapo had me examined five times by the chief

physician, who always held a protective hand over me, and to whom

I am also indebted for my early release, due to a serious illness

(intestinal gap of 15 cm depth and 7-8 cm length).

I was then sick and unable to work until 24 December 1933. On that day

I was sent away by the Trustee Physician of the General Mutual Benefit

Local Pay Office, Munich (city), in spite of my request to allow me

to draw sickness benefits until the eve of the New Year. He said that

there was no reason to grant the request. As far as I know this Trustee

Physician was Medical Councillor Dr. Plate.

I was then unemployed until May/June 1934 and then accepted various

jobs as representative. After my release from Stadelheim I had to

report to the police every third day for almost 2 years. Constant

police supervision was one of the simplest cases of chicanery.

Upon the initiative of my colleague Wilhelm Leuschner, Berlin, I

joined the movement against the Nazi system in good time; and it was

exclusively due to the steadfastness of my colleague Leuschner that I,

like many other friends, am still alive.

After the assassination attempt on Hitler on 20 July 1944, I was again

arrested and shipped to Dachau Concentration Camp. As is well known,

that project was called “Gitter.”

On 6 October 1944 I was released without any interrogation. I was

extraordinarily fortunate. Since 2 May 1945 I am again active, in the

trade union as well as the political movement and also in social work

and life.

As witnesses for the correctness of my statements I name the persons

already mentioned above, who brought me to the Schwabing hospital

(Josef Gessl and Richard Moses).

And how decent were we once more in the year 1945. Not a hair on the

head of any of these swine was harmed on behalf of the trade unions.

We bore witness, and still bear witness today, for human dignity and

justice.

Other liberated colleagues of the Free Trade Unions got away with

beatings in the cellar of the Trade Union Headquarters Building in the

beginning. Among others my colleague, Anton Friebl, now living at 4

Gabrielenstrasse, 2nd floor. Many deceased colleagues, such as Georg

Kandlbinder, Josef Ertl, Heinrich Gassner and many others.

Munich, 17 October 1945

[signed] G. SCHIEFER

Today on the 19th of November 1945, I have reread and signed every

single page of the statement given by me on 17 October 1945. I declare

hereby under oath that this statement is true.

[signed] _Gustav Schiefer_

Gustav Schiefer

SWORN TO BEFORE ME this 19th day of November 1945, Munich, Germany.

[signed] Kurt A. Baer, 0-1041959

Captain, CAC

3rd Military Government Regiment

APO 403, U. S. Army

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2278-PS

Official tour of Reich Minister Dr. Seyss-Inquart to the districts of

Warsaw, Lublin, and Radom from 17th November to 22nd November 1939

Those taking part were:

1. Reich Minister Dr. Seyss-Inquart.

2. Dr. Sild.

3. Dr. Rahn, department of food and agriculture in the office of the

General Governor.

4. Legation Councillor [LGR] Dr. Goetze, economic department. 17.11.

Departure at 7.0 a.m. from Burg Cracow in a car. To Warsaw via

Mislowitz, Sosnowitz, Czestochau, Radomsko, Petrikau, Lodz, Tomaszow

and Rawa. Arrival 1.0 p.m. Received by the governor, Dr. Fischer and

the gentlemen of his staff, followed by a small luncheon party.

At 3.0 p.m., Reich Minister Dr. Seyss-Inquart addressed the department

heads of the District Chief and stated, among other things, that the

chief guiding rule for carrying out the German administration in the

General Government must be solely the interests of the German Reich. A

stern and inflexible administration must make the area of use to German

economy and so that excessive clemency may be guarded against, the

results of the intrusion of the Polish race into German territory must

be brought to mind.

Following that the Reich Minister held conferences with the governor,

Dr. Fischer, and Section Head, Dr. Barth, on administrative and

economic questions; later on, experts and heads of departments were

called into the conferences to make reports.

Among other specifications, Dr. Fischer submitted to the Reich Minister

the specification attached to the plan for the preliminary arrangement

of the departments in the office of the District Chief and of the

authorities in Warsaw.

Dr. Fischer reported that, in particular, the number of personnel was

still considerably too small. Three out of 14 Sub-Prefects [Landraete]

were also missing. Of the departments in the District Office, only

a few had their full complement; that was also the case with the

department of Public Enlightenment and Propaganda and the Labour

department. Of important experts, there were still none for taxes and

monopolies. In the Health Service, one medical advisor was, at the

same time, head of the Health Department and district physician. The

accommodation of the authorities also left much still to be desired.

Reich Minister Seyss-Inquart then stated that a large sum for the

productive support of unemployed would be made available. This sum

could be used for erecting or repairing any buildings required by the

administration.

The governor, Dr. F., reported that further German administrative

and municipal officials were also required for the administration of

the city of Warsaw. Then a discussion took place on the organization

of the district authorities, the occupation of the rural districts

[Landkreise] and on the question of transferring the remaining 5

communities of the Gtojec district from the district of Radom, and a

further 5 communities of the Garwolin district from the district of

Lublin, to the district of Warsaw. Reich Minister S. I. promised to

look into this affair. After that, general questions on the division

and personnel to occupy the districts were discussed. Reich Minister

S. I. agreed that should the District captain [Kreishauptmann]

not be a lawyer the best arrangement for a district captaincy

[Kreishauptmannschaft] was to assign to him a representative who was

trained in legal matters. Dr. Fischer reported that, up to now, the

German administration had been set up as essentially a supervising

authority over a Polish administration. Questions arose from this as

to what range of subjects should be included in the functions of the

District chief. It was superfluous to draw up any building regulations,

for should accommodation be had, it concerned only the Poles

themselves. Then the question of using Polish employees at the German

administrative courts was touched upon. There were some 300 Polish

employees working at the office of the District Chief of Warsaw. The

administration by the German authorities would have especially to serve

for the utilization of the Government’s sphere for German economy, so

the administration of agriculture, Labour, and Roads especially would

have to be well-ordered, on the other hand, trade, settlements, or even

the accountancy of the Polish communities are of less importance.

Dr. Fischer then raised the question of prices. Price commissars were

to be sent from the Reich and they would equalize the standard of

prices with that in the Reich. Wages would then, however, have to be

adapted to his standard and this might have unforeseen consequences.

Reich Minister S. I., on the other hand, stated that Generaloberst v.

Brauchitsch wished to place army orders for textiles cheaply in Lodz

and suitable industrial centres. Dr. F. thought that higher prices had

their good points as at Warsaw, for instance which had only been fed

because of higher prices which gave the farmers an incentive to bring

their goods into the city. Thereupon, Reich Minister S. I. put the

question of how a definite influence could be obtained on the price

system and on the system of distributing goods by setting up monopolies

for essential goods such as salt, sugar, coal, petrol, and tobacco.

If these goods are in one’s hands and if it be possible to make them

available to the farmer for a definite price, he would also be prepared

to sell his products for a corresponding price in order to obtain

the goods he requires. Moreover for the time being it could not be

a question of furnishing better living conditions for the Poles, but

merely of securing the minimum of existence for them. However, it could

not be regarded in that light when a forced laborer was paid nine Zloty

per week.

Hereupon Reichsminister Dr. S.I. received the report of the City

President [Stadtpraesidenten] of Warsaw, Dr. Dengel. He declared the

problem of the unemployed to be the most urgent one. Until now taxes

to the amount of 150,000 RM had been received, but this would not be

nearly sufficient, not even for the reconstruction of the most urgently

needed public buildings. The city budget was now in preparation, but

already it became apparent, that a loan to the amount of 50,000,000

Zloty from the Reich Credit Bank [Reichskreditkasse], was needed.

Sufficient city property was available as security, of which an

inventory was being prepared. Later on the tax revenue would probably

be sufficient for regular interest on the loan. Regarding the tax

system, the City President reported that the cities received shares and

additional payments over and above the remittances [Ueberweisungen] of

State taxes, about the same as in the old Austria. The administration

of property taxes would be partially difficult, since during this

mix-up no status of persons or assets could be established.

On the question being put by Reichsminister Dr. S.I. the City President

reported that in Warsaw about 40% of the buildings would be again

habitable, after part of them had been repaired. Dr. F. thought,

one would leave one quarter of the destroyed city for inspection,

but otherwise lay out grass plots in place of the debris. The City

President then mentioned the question of the Polish City officials.

For their necessities they have been receiving so far up to 250 Zlotys

a month and those with higher salaries half of the surplus up to 1200

Zloty. Dr. F. pointed to the decree of the Governor General, whereby

100% of the basic salaries and not over 1,000 Zloty could be paid. The

activity of the banks was then mentioned. Stocks in gold, precious

metals, and foreign currencies had been delivered by them to the

Reichsbank. The inhabitants were obliged to deposit all their money at

the bank, withdrawals depending on the approval of the City President.

Dr. F. explained that the banking system was now attached to the

Department of Economic Affairs at the office of the District Chief.

The City President now reported on welfare questions. Specific

difficulties had arisen from the sudden departure, on higher authority,

of the relief train Bavaria. Workers who could buy no food for

themselves, were frequently unable to continue working. The welfare

service of the NSV confined itself to the racial Germans, whereby

certain difficulties were caused by the question of determining who

were racial Germans, of which about nine to ten thousand were now

living in Warsaw. Jews were not aided, even out of municipal funds.

For the care of the Poles, the Polish social Self-Help was to be

called into activity again, and was to be continued by the men who

had formerly directed it. The supervisor was to be supplied, against

payment, with motor cars and trucks with fuel, and permission was to be

granted to the organization to accept voluntary contributions in the

country. The confiscated bank accounts of about 9,000,000 Zloty are to

be at the disposal of the organization.

The City President then pointed to the absolute necessity of the

speediest establishment of criminal justice officials as well as a

civil court. An orderly continuation of economic life depended on the

latter. He then also reported on the Court of Corporal Punishment

[Pruegelstrafengericht], which had been established for the punishment

of crimes amongst the Poles.

Dr. F. pointed out that possibly greater treasures might be hidden in

the Jewish quarter.

Reichsminister S.I. commented then that the building up of the

administration to be effected in Poland, was a good school for those

participating in it.

The ideal arrangement would be that a Party man with strong initiative

should stand at the head of the administration, at whose side would be

experts and an experienced administrator, in order to include the work

in the general system.

The head of the department, Labour Oberregierungsrat Dr. Espe then

spoke. He expressed the hope that it would later on be possible to

exchange forced labor by normal labor. There was a definite lack of

tools; he had therefore started a small factory for the manufacture of

tools, and now construction of the most primitive sort was going on at

the airport and on the highways. The question of transport was the most

important and would have to be tackled ahead of the clearing-up work.

At present a survey was being made of all undertakings which were at

all capable of production, and, after the Reich had decided what was to

be manufactured, they were to begin operations. Possibly three shifts

were to work in these factories to equalize the destruction.

A difficult problem was the multitude of the new unemployed Polish

intellectuals. The students could still be trained in handicraft, but

for the 80,000 to 90,000 Polish officials, one must, if occasion

arises, revert to reconstruction of the Polish Administration

Departments.

Reichminister S.I. then stated clearly that a second Polish

subadministration would be considered by the German authorities solely

in the form of a welfare organization.

Oberregierungsrat Dr. Espe remarked that the activity of the sick fund

and of social welfare would largely be dependent on the functionaries

of the railroad and postal systems. Both welfare branches were

controlled by a head institution for social security which was already

again showing a certain profit. The administrative office could also be

rebuilt with available materials. The property of the head institution

is said to have been largely transferred to Russia in the form of

securities. Fortunately, it was largely a question of mortgages, which

could be declared invalid.

As an added difficulty, Oberregierungsrat Dr. Espe then also mentioned

that wages had been brought down below the former level, due to surplus

labour.

Reichsminister Dr. S.I. asked if the proclaimed tariffs were really

to be enforced. In any case no official Polish State should be set

up. Oberregierungsrat Dr. Espe thought that, on the basis of tax

collection, this decree was advantageous, and one could naturally not

suffer the obvious ignoring of regulations which we had promulgated.

Reichsminister Dr. S.I. thought that this was no further problem east

of the Reich border. One could, at an opportune moment, seize upon a

case of border violation for corresponding exemplary and also otherwise

useful action.

Then the representative of the Reich Railways at the office of

the District Chief, Oberreichs Bahnrat Prasch, appeared to give a

report. He said now that military transport had come to an end,

traffic from the west was going on well. Also trains to Cracow went

through Kattowitz. The number of locomotives taken over was fairly

satisfactory, the major part, however, had gone to Russia where they

possibly would not even be needed because of the change in the railway

gauge, which had already been started to great extent. Trains were

already going to Lublin, also. Today, two railroad bridges were in

operation. Reichsminister S.I. pointed out that, above all, the tracks

to Cracow which do not go through Kattowitz, had to be restored in

order that the necessary gasoline and petroleum could be brought

from the oil field region to Warsaw. Admittedly, an increased amount

of suitable freight cars was still necessary, but that could be

accomplished by repairing the existing damaged tank cars.

The director of the “Trade Economy” Department, Regierungsrat Dr.

von Coelln now came forward to give a report. He stated that, in the

district of Warsaw, almost all branches of industry were represented.

French and Dutch capital was invested in the oil field enterprises. Dr.

von Coelln then said that in the district of Warsaw still considerable

supplies of raw materials were stored in soap factories. These soap

factories should again be put into operation. The produced soap was

made of a higher solution of fat acid than was at present stipulated

in the Reich. Reichminister Dr. S. I. said the Order of the Governor

General according to which the factories were permitted to produce

one-third of their pre-war production, must be amended and the soap

should be confiscated. Furthermore, it was agreed that war economic

works, car factories, the chemical and optical industries, etc.,

should be put quickly into operation. Dr. von Coelln then also raised

the question of how the import and export between the Reich and the

“Government” should be arranged, if the coal region with Sosnowic,

Dabrowa, and Trzebinia also becomes German territory and, after the

20th the control of foreign currencies and customs will be carried out.

He then reported that the electrical plants in Warsaw were in working

order. In spite of an order to the contrary, there were about 30 night

clubs in Warsaw.

Of primary importance was the question of safeguarding the still

existing supplies of soap, tea, etc. The control of such goods as

petroleum, light, salt, fertilizers, etc., by some method of monopoly,

could best be accomplished through consumer cooperatives.

Now appeared State Farmer Leader Koerner. He reported that the

supplying of Warsaw with food from Lublin and Radom must be made to

operate better. Up to now, Warsaw had been supplied in that respect by

Posen. Five thousand tons of grain were now going to be supplied to

Warsaw, 15,000 of which were already on the way. 20% of the grain in

the “Government” was destroyed through military action. There was also

a shortage of meat and similar commodities. In this case, however, as

a matter of principle, nothing should be sent in from the Reich. Until

the next harvest, the Polish population should be principally provided

with sufficient amounts of grain and potatoes only. It would take about

from 3 to 4 years to build up the stock of cattle again. The prices

of grain should be kept on a level of from 25 to 30% above those of 1

September 1939. Such prices were sufficient for the farmers.

At 8.00 P. M. supper with the commanding officer of the city garrison.

18. 11. 8 o’clock departure from Hotel Europejski in Warsaw for a drive

of inspection within the Warsaw district accompanied by the Governor

Dr. Fischer. Survey of the destroyed bridges over the Bug at Wyszkow,

and then on via Lochow to Ostrow.

At Ostrow visit to the Sub-Prefect [Landrat] von Boehnau, who reports

on his work to Reichsminister Dr. Seyss-Inquart. Boehnau sees a

special difficulty in the fact that the administrative services of the

Wehrmacht will be recalled in the very near future. The Sub-Prefects

[Landraete] have relied mainly on these units. After they have gone

away they will be very short of labor.

In the Ostrow district there are also special food difficulties to be

noted, since the district on whose agricultural authorities Ostrow’s

supplies depended was said to have come under the Russians. There was

some talk that the Russians here would withdraw 5 kilometers.

A particular nuisance also was the badly guarded frontier, due to the

shortage of police, which made possible a continuous uncontrolled

running backwards and forwards, and a considerable removal of property,

particularly by the Jews.

After Ostrow the refugee camp at Malkinia was visited in which there

were no refugees at the time. It was reported that up to now about

10,000 German nationals had crossed over the frontier there. Frequently

displaced Germans from Posen and West Prussia were concerned. Near

the frontier we saw the countless Jews and similar rabble that were

on the 200 meters or so of no man’s land between the German and the

Russian frontier posts waiting to cross over into Russian Territory

in the darkness. Frequently it is said the Russians themselves bring

such refugees back again after a few days. Recently 150 Tax collectors

have arrived who will be installed in this section. Above all it is

essential that when the administrative services of the Wehrmacht leave,

replacements should be put in in good time.

The police officer reported that when settling the frontier zone of

interests the Russian officers made an excellent impression and were

distinctly better informed than the Germans were.

After lunch at the Landrat von Boehnau’s in Ostrow we set out at 1400

hours on the drive via Siedlce, Sokolow to Biala-Podlaska, where we

spent the night at the operations command of the Security Service there.

On 19.11. At 7.30 A. M. departure in the direction of Brest-Litovsk to

the Bug frontier. We drove past the airdrome of Terespol where we could

see numbers of airplanes destroyed by German bombers. The land there is

partly marshy, the villages produce a distinctly Russian impression. In

the afternoon we drove on from Biala via Radzyn, Lubartow to Lublin. On

the way, lunch at Major General von Courbiere’s the commander of the

213th Division.

1900 hours, arrival in Lublin, received by the Governor, SS.

Brigadefuehrer Schmidt, at the town council building where the

Sub-Prefects, the divisional leaders and the police leaders attached to

the District chief were gathered together.

SS. Brigadefuehrer Schmidt welcomed the Reich Minister “in the

easternmost corner of the territory of German interests.” Dr.

Seyss-Inquart, after having had the collaborators of the Governor’s

introduced, conveyed the good wishes of the Governor General whose

forthcoming visit to Lublin he announced. He then expounded the

Principles in accordance with which the administration in the

“Government” must be conducted. This administration would require above

all the ability to pull through on its own strength without being a

burden to the Reich. This could be attained especially by the firm

comradeship of the men stationed there. The resources and inhabitants

of this country would have to be made of service to the Reich, and only

within these Limits could they prosper. Independent political thought

should no longer be allowed to develop. The Vistula area might perhaps

be still more important to German destiny than the Rhine. The Minister

then gave us a guiding theme to the District Leaders: We will further

everything which is of service to the Reich and will put an end to

everything which may harm the Reich. Dr. Seyss-Inquart then added, that

the General Governor wished that those men who were fulfilling a task

for the Reich here should receive a material post in keeping with their

responsibility and achievements.

Reichsminister Seyss-Inquart then touched on the question of

Ukrainians, who could be allowed a certain cultural life of their own,

which must never, however, be allowed to lead to a national movement.

In conclusion Dr. Seyss-Inquart invited the District Leaders to bring

their troubles and questions at any time to the Governor, so that he

can find the best solution in cooperation with them.

District Chef Schmidt replied that these political directives

should also be worked out in the course of the present conference.

Personality was more necessary for the tasks before them than the

knowledge required for a usual administration. The area embracing the

district of Lublin required special consideration, for on account of

the resettlement it was a collecting point for Germans, who were no

longer allowed to live in Germany, and for other destructive elements.

Here iron firmness must be brought to bear. It would be a good idea

if the General Governor were personally to gain an insight into the

particular conditions existing in this region. Here also, a guard of

collaborators was being trained, who would carry out the most valuable

work in German Eastern Politics.

We had dinner with SS. Sturmbannfuehrer Hasselberger where we also

spent the night (until the arrival of Brigadefuehrer Globocznik, police

Assistant to the District Chief).

Hasselberger is of the opinion, in answering to questions by Minister

Dr. Seyss-Inquart, that the (racial German) individual protection is an

encumbrance. He did not dream it possible to organize the Ukrainians as

an auxiliary Police Force.

Nov. 20, 1939. 08.30 Sight-seeing tour of Lublin, University, Cracow

Gate and the part of the city, built by the Germans--Old Lublin--as

well as the prison. Then a conference with the District Chief. At first

questions were discussed concerning the division into districts and

the supplying with personnel of the offices of the District Leaders.

Here also the lack of staff again stood first. Especially after the

withdrawal of the construction battalion the Sub-Prefects be left

without police and without any office help. Here also Dr. Seyss-Inquart

raised the question, as to what tasks should belong to the sphere

of the German administration. On the question of the setting up of

the councils of the District leaders, many District Leaders thought

it necessary, to have a legal representative. Furthermore clerical

staff and interpreters would be required. In the administrative

services of the Wehrmacht were some people who, in case of need, were

willing to remain on there as employees. Also the Wehrmacht might

be willing to transfer certain people, for instance as trustees for

agricultural estates, and so on. Also individual teachers badly needed

for schools could be obtained in this way. After the departure of the

administrative troops, there might also be a lack of motor vehicles, as

they had very often brought their own vehicles with them.

Governor Schmidt had learned that the petrol of the Government was

to be included in the Reich Syndicate. Petrol here costs 8 Pfg. more

than in the Reich. Therefore 8 Pfg. more will have to be paid to

the German Petrol accounts for which the Government will be charged.

Then questions were discussed concerning the general construction of

the office of the District Chief in Lublin. As to taxes, it was to be

confirmed, that the revenue offices had re-employed 80% of the Polish

revenue officials, many of whom were to be in sole charge of the tax

administration out in the country. Now inspectors are to be appointed

for the supervision of these posts. The District Chief should handle

the supervision of the revenue offices.

The office work of the District Chief is much delayed by the lack of

expert workers. Partly also there was no control over the work of the

people who had already arrived. Thus Mr. Ziere, the veterinary surgeon,

had gone to Cracow, and said he had to look after the wolhynian cattle

there.

Reich Minister Seyss-Inquart suggested that Junkers from Ordensburgen

should be asked for as assistants for the administration of the General

Government. This would be excellent training for them. Besides higher

officials, the District Chief is still in need of a magistrate, four

inspectors, and a larger number of clerical staff and typewriters.

Of petrol the office of the District Chief would need 10,000 litres per

month, and each Sub-Prefect’s Office would need 2,000 litres. But one

of the greatest nuisances was the poor communications. One hardly could

get any connection with Cracow by telephone, also the mail service was

very poor. Till now no replies have been received to letters or orders

sent to Cracow. The installation of a teleprinter was urgently needed.

But above all, the telephone or police communication from Lublin to the

frontier district should function.

With regard to the necessary force of the police, that should be at the

disposal of the Sub-Prefects. Governor Schmidt said, that 25 for each

District Chief did not seem sufficient.

In the afternoon, a sight-seeing tour was made to Wlodawa, Cycow. Cycow

is a German village. About 300,000 German nationals, who made a very

poor impression were gathered in the streets, and they sang national

songs conducted by the German Travelling Teacher [Wanderlehrer] Lindner

who is leader of the German nationals there. Reich Minister Dr.

Seyss-Inquart made a speech, on which he pointed out that the fidelity

of these Germans to their nationality now found its justification

and reward through strength of Adolf Hitler. This district with its

very marshy character could, according to District Governor Schmidt’s

deliberations, serve as a reservation for the Jews, a measure which

might possibly lead to heavy mortality among the Jews.

35,000 German nationals are said to be living in the Lublin government

district. As to the problem which concerns schools, the Landrat Kalmus

in Oyew said he held the view that no salaries should be paid to the

Polish teachers at all, as the Poles in his district represented a

minority in comparison with the Jews.

In the evening dinner with the Commissar of the city, Mr. Hagerer, in

Cholm, where we spent the night.

21.11.1939. 8 A.M. Sight-seeing tour of the city and visit to the

camp for German refugees. For this purpose a big, newly-built house

belonging to the Polish railways was reserved, which however is not

ready yet to be occupied, as the heating especially cannot be brought

into working order on account of the lack of parts, which cannot be

procured in Lublin.

Then followed a drive to the famous cathedral of Cholm that used to

have a golden dome. After that, we drove off to Hrubieszow, where we

found Ukrainian settlements, which are fine compared to the poor Polish

huts. The soil also is better. Here also we visited the frontier of

the Bug at Uszilug. The Jews are said to have removed much property

here, also owing to the poor guarding of the frontier. In this vicinity

too is the best soil for wheat in Poland. From this section, some

time ago 4,000 refugees were taken over from the Russian side. But

still thousands are beyond on the border, and many of them are dying,

as they cannot be housed or fed. Dr. Seyss-Inquart pointed out the

refugees could be allowed to enter if they, themselves, took measures

to guarantee that only German nationals entered the district of the

Government.

According to the report of the District Chief the Ukrainians

attempted to form a self-administration against or without the

German administration. Further the District Chief criticized the

Reich-Credit-Bank for not granting a credit, which is necessary for the

starting of a sugar refinery, to make use of the harvested sugar beets.

Then we continued our journey via Zamost, Tomaszow to the border near

Belzek. Then there is a refugee camp with Jews. The staff-Surgeon there

fears that an epidemic may break out in the camp, which then would

endanger the whole neighborhood.

These Jewish refugees who have crossed the frontier secretly, are often

sent back again by the Russians days after.

Also there is much concern in this district at the mustering of horses

by the Wehrmacht. This mustering would affect the cultivation of the

fields.

Governor Schmidt also reported that, in his district, collaboration

with the Wehrmacht was poor. Lieutenant General Buechs, Lublin, was

giving the “Government”--administration and police all possible trouble.

In the evening, supper, and night spent at Sturmbannfuehrer

Hasselberger’s house.

22.11.1939.

Departure for Radom