it founded? Has the enemy given the slightest evidence of a desire for
it? Instead of suing for peace, they talk only of war; they prepare
only for war; and when they might have got rid of one enemy by a word,
they disdained it. Although Holland offered a separate peace, England
refused to accept it; nor have we heard that she has agreed even to
negotiate for, much less to conclude, a general peace. She enjoys full
credit, and therefore she can carry on the war; and the object of it
on her part is so great, that therefore she will carry on the war.
Hitherto she has carried it on alone and unsupported. Years have
elapsed since it was pretended, that she could not find resources for
another campaign, and yet campaigns have succeeded each other with
increasing expense, and are still likely to go on. With a credit like
hers, there can be no want of the means, and therefore we have no
reason to expect that she will be deprived of them while that credit
exists. How soon she may find associates, or how soon we may lose
them, no man can say. While the mutability of all human affairs
continues to be the theme of common and daily observation, no wise
man will rely on the frailty of human opinion, and yet opinion may in
a moment sway the politics of different powers, so as totally to
change all present appearances. While the war continues England has
hope. The times and chances which happen to all may favor her, and at
worst she can conclude a peace, which cannot be much more pernicious
than the loss of these States. We ought therefore to expect that Great
Britain will continue the war, and we ought even to expect that she
will find allies to assist her in it. We ought therefore to prepare
ourselves for increasing efforts of opposition.
But admitting that negotiations were opened, and in a train of effect,
what then would be our situation? Are we in capacity to insist on
useful and honorable terms? There is hardly a State in the Union but
has an interest in objects, which under our present circumstances are
unattainable. While the enemy continue in possession of New York and
Charleston, we cannot expect such a peace as every good American ought
to desire. Nor shall we obtain that security, without which peace is
no longer a blessing.
The successes of the last campaign will undoubtedly derange the plans
of the enemy for a time, but whether or not those successes will prove
decisive must depend upon ourselves. If we indolently lie still until
the enemy can obtain reinforcements, our prospects at the close of
next campaign may be as gloomy as at the opening of the last. If we
exert ourselves to strike the enemy before he can receive aid, we may
perhaps drive him entirely away, and then indeed we shall have reason
to expect peace. It has been the common trick of the enemy to pretend
at every success we have obtained, nay during every winter of the
war, that it would immediately cease, and they have had emissaries
among us to inculcate that idea. The consequences have been, that we
have never been in a state of preparation as soon as they have,
notwithstanding the Atlantic ocean lies between the two countries, and
places them at least three months asunder as to all military
operations.
No thinking man can hesitate a moment in the opinion, that we ought to
prepare for an early and vigorous campaign, in order to take New York
and Charleston. But some persons of sanguine temperament say, that the
enemy will evacuate one of these places. If it be so, surely they will
be so much stronger at the other, and of course it will be so much the
more difficult to expel them from it. Possibly they may incline to
evacuate one of these places, and if so they will be determined by the
knowledge of our force. If we are formidable it will be an additional
reason with them for evacuation. But other persons still more sanguine
suppose, that they will evacuate both places. This is surely absurd,
for even if they negotiate for peace, they will hold something as a
ground, on which to make demands, and if they prosecute war, they will
certainly not abandon the objects of it. Admitting, however, that the
enemy may have some thoughts of this sort, surely the determination
will be greatly influenced by the consideration of our relative force
or imbecility. And even if they should entirely quit the United
States, still there are objects well worth fighting for, objects too
which cannot be obtained without fighting.
Every reason, therefore, combines in showing the propriety of
commencing our operations very early, and, therefore, everything has
been done for the purpose, which the means in my power would admit of.
It remains only with the several States to provide men and money, and
to make that provision as early as possible; for the old adage, that
"he who gives early doubles thereby his gift," can never be more
applicable than on the present occasion. For whatever may be the
different opinions of different men, all must agree, that the only way
to secure peace is to be prepared for war. And depend upon it, that if
we neglect the present moment, we shall have bitter cause to lament
our negligence.
In the letter before mentioned, I did myself the honor to observe,
that I expected the future expenditures would be greatly curtailed.
This has happened, but I also observed, that the most rigid economy
had its bounds, and could not exist without the punctual performance
of those engagements, on which the first steps towards it must depend.
I have not yet reached those bounds, for reasons I have already
stated, and how long it will be before I arrive at them, must depend
on the ability to perform the engagements I have made; and surely it
is unnecessary to add, that this ability must depend on the exertions
of the States. I mentioned also, that I should shortly advertise for
contracts, as the most effectual means of husbanding our resources.
With respect to this matter of contracts, I have some reason to
believe that it has been misunderstood, and, therefore, I shall take
the liberty, of giving some little information on the subject. When I
was called into office, I had a thorough conviction, that supplying by
contracts was the most effectual and most economical, but I had no
money, and credit was at so low an ebb, that most people doubted
whether any one would contract. At that time, the State of
Pennsylvania gave me assurances of hard money to procure the articles
of specific supplies due from that State on the requisition of
Congress. I immediately purchased a part of those supplies on my
private and personal credit and assurances, and I advertised for a
contract to supply rations at Philadelphia. By degrees I extended the
contracts throughout Pennsylvania; whereas, if I had advertised for
them at once, I might, probably, have failed in obtaining proposals;
or if not, those who inclined to risk it would have made the public
pay dear for the credit reposed in the Minister. The contracts of
Pennsylvania were paid out of moneys granted for furnishing the
supplies, and the articles are carried to account on the requisitions.
Having reason to expect support from the middle and eastern States, I
have extended the contracts for supplies through all the country
northward and eastward of Potomac river; and in order that you may
judge of the effect, I will mention, that, on application for pay to
the department of the issuing Commissary, I required a return of them,
and of their monthly pay; which being made, I found that within that
district it amounted to ten thousand five hundred and twentyfive
dollars; which is annually for the salary alone, exclusive of all
other expenses, one hundred and twenty six thousand dollars.
The rations delivered at West Point and its dependencies are supplied
at the rate of nine and a half ninetieths of a dollar for each ration;
consequently, that sum will yield one million one hundred and
ninetysix thousand five hundred and twentysix rations, which is
something more than three thousand two hundred and seventyeight per
day. But when it is considered, that salaries were not the only
expenses of a department, it is certainly estimating within bounds to
suppose, that five thousand soldiers are now fed every day on what it
formerly cost the public to support the issuers of provisions in a
part of the United States. I should have pursued the business of
contracting throughout America, had I received any assurances of
taxation, which would warrant the procedure. But I had none, and I did
not dare risk myself in making engagements, which I found no
probability of keeping. But whenever I can see any way clear, I shall
certainly do it, and, I trust, that the effects will be as beneficial
as they have been elsewhere.
Having already observed on the necessity of early and vigorous
exertions, and mentioned that I had done everything towards them which
was in my power, I have only to add, that unless we are properly
supported, everything so done has been thrown away. The views of the
Commander in Chief will be disappointed; the combinations intended
with our allies will be deranged, and the enemy will derive that
advantage from our negligence, which we might have derived from their
weakness.
It gives me great pain to learn that the public service is too often
interrupted, and the attention of men diverted from it by little
trivial disputes of a private, partial, or local nature, which are
comparatively of little consequence. This is a conduct unworthy of
wise men, and such as cannot be justified. Surely it is best first to
provide for the defence of our country before we squabble about minute
objects of controversy. If we should be told that the British were so
materially divided in their Parliament, that in contentions about
trivial disputes they delayed granting to the Crown effectual aid of
money, we should certainly form very splendid expectations from that
circumstance. Judge then, whether our enemy's hopes are not raised by
our dissensions. Or rather let me ask, if they have not loudly
asserted that they would prove ruinous to the cause of independence;
nay, have they not boasted that those dissensions originated in
British influence or British gold? What then must be the opinion of
foreigners and strangers? What will they not conclude from a conduct,
which according to their habits of reasoning, can only be accounted
for by disaffection, folly, or madness? Let us, for heaven's sake,
while engaged in a cause the most honorable, the most virtuous, and
which must endear the present generation to future ages; let us
preserve a conduct noble, dignified, and worthy of that glorious
cause; in pursuit of the greatest, the dearest object which man can
possess; in the fair road to peace, liberty, and safety, let us not
fall out by the way. But united to, and supporting each other, let our
efforts be equal to our claims, and let us show that we have the
perseverance to obtain what we had the spirit to demand. Let us at
once become independent; really and truly independent; independent of
our enemies, of our friends, of all but the Omnipotent.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ROBERT MORRIS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Office of Finance, February 18th, 1782.
Sir,
I do myself the honor to submit to the United States in Congress
assembled, through your Excellency, the propriety and necessity of
adopting immediate measures for adjusting the accounts of the four
following departments; namely, the Commissary's, the Quarter Master's,
the Hospital, and the Marine; up to the last day of December, 1781,
inclusive. Having long and attentively considered this subject, it
appears to me to be among those cases, which do not admit of the
common forms. There must be a degree of vigor and decision in the
conduct of the business, which few men possess a knowledge of;
business not commonly to be found, and such uncorrupted and
uncorruptible integrity as will give security to the United States.
What may be an adequate reward for the services of such men, I really
do not know, but I have such reason to believe that many fraudulent
practices have happened, and that, in some cases, considerable
balances are due to the United States, that I cannot in consistency
with my duty avoid proposing to Congress the following resolutions.
"That four Commissioners be appointed for the settlement of accounts,
namely; one for the Commissary's department, one for the Quarter
Master's department, one for the Hospital department, and one for the
Marine department; and that each of the said Commissioners have full
power and authority to liquidate the said respective accounts up to
the last day of December, 1781, inclusive.
"That the Superintendent of Finance be authorised and directed to
appoint the said Commissioners, and to agree with them for a reward
for their services respectively, and also with respect to the
allowances to be made to their clerks; and that he report the names of
the said Commissioners to Congress.
"That it be recommended to the several States, immediately to pass
laws authorising such Commissioners to send for persons and papers,
and to examine witnesses upon oath."
These I propose only as a sketch, which the wisdom of the United
States in Congress will mould into such form as shall be most proper.
I will only observe one thing, which is, that the proposition that I
should appoint such Commissioners comes from me. I have no particular
persons in view, but shall be happy to find those who are proper. I am
far from being desirous of appointment to office, but this is an
occasion so important, that I cannot sacrifice my duty to false
notions of delicacy. Characters fit for such an intricate and
difficult business cannot easily be found, still less can they be
known to the several members of Congress, and the debates which
sometimes take place when appointments are made, deter the most proper
persons from putting themselves in the way of nomination. Besides
this, as it is not possible that the several members can be
sufficiently acquainted with the talents of the particular persons, it
is better that the appointment should be in one, who can be made
accountable for an improper choice. I take the liberty to observe,
that nothing will give more satisfaction to the people at large than
to find that these things are put in a proper train; for the
complaints are general, and I am convinced, that in some cases at
least they are well founded.
My reason for urging this matter at the present moment is, that I am
not only pressed on the subject by several dismissed officers of those
departments and by their creditors, but I have also had recent
information of very considerable frauds and practices; and on
conferring with the Controller of the treasury this morning, the plan
above proposed appeared not only the most eligible, but indeed the
only effectual one. It is submitted, with all due deference, by your
Excellency's most obedient, &c.
ROBERT MORRIS.
* * * * *
CIRCULAR TO THE GOVERNORS OF THE STATES.
Office of Finance, March 9th, 1782.
Sir,
On the 20th and 27th of last month, the United States in Congress
passed Acts for settling and finally adjusting all the public
accounts, up to the first day of the present year. These important
Acts would immediately have been transmitted, but I wait the event of
some additional propositions upon that subject, which are now under
the deliberation of Congress, and then I shall have the honor of
laying before you the whole of this very important business, so that
it may be maturely considered in a general and comprehensive point of
view.
At present I shall confine myself to congratulating your Excellency,
which I do with the most unfeigned pleasure, on the prospect which
begins to open, of adjusting these intricate and almost obsolete
transactions of relieving the various public creditors, and
consequently of rescuing and restoring the public credit. Let me add,
Sir, that I consider these things essential to the consolidation of
our federal Union, to the promotion of general harmony and generous
confidence throughout the United States, and to the establishment of
our glorious independence on the solid basis of justice. I am to
request, Sir, that your public accounts be put in a state of
preparation, so that the person appointed for that purpose may be able
speedily to investigate them; as much time and consequently much
expense will be thereby spared.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ROBERT MORRIS.
* * * * *
TO MR GRAND, AT PARIS.
Office of Finance, March 9th, 1782.
Sir,
In a letter, of this day to Benjamin Franklin, Minister
Plenipotentiary of the United States of America to the Court of
Versailles, I inform him, (which information I am now to convey to
you,) that I shall draw bills on you, as a market for them may offer,
to the amount of five hundred thousand livres tournois, on account of
the United States of North America. I have detailed to him everything
necessary on the subject, which he will communicate. I am to request
of you, that you will duly honor and pay those bills, giving me notice
of every transaction, from time to time as occasion may offer and
require. The necessary funds are, I presume, in your hands already, or
will be before this reaches you; but at any rate Dr Franklin will
provide them in season.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ROBERT MORRIS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Office of Finance, March 9th, 1782.
Sir,
The Secretary of Foreign Affairs yesterday transmitted to this office,
the letters and invoice brought by Captain Jackson from Messrs
Neufville of Amsterdam. Upon perusing them I am very sorry to observe,
not only that there has been very great mismanagement, but also that
the letters do not contain that clear and satisfactory account of the
business which ought to have been transmitted. There is reason to
believe, that a considerable part of these goods are of British
manufacture, and consequently such as cannot be brought within the
United States. As these matters are not clearly stated, it would be
useless to go at present into an inquiry who has been or is to blame,
and therefore any particular observations from me would be both
unnecessary and improper.
I have written to Dr Franklin to take this business under his
inspection, and to cause all the goods of British growth and
manufacture to be sold. As to the remainder of the goods, the
propriety of selling or shipping them must depend on many
circumstances, a knowledge of which cannot be acquired here, so as to
give consistent orders what shall be done there. I have, therefore,
desired Dr Franklin to cause the goods to be so disposed of, as shall
to him appear most for the interest of the United States. My reasons
for referring the whole matter to him were, because he has already had
so much to do with it as at least to have paid the money, and is, I,
presume, privy to the original agreements made by Colonel Laurens;
because he will know what goods are coming out from France, and
consequently how far any or all of those in Amsterdam, which are not
of British manufacture may be necessary for us; because he will have
an opportunity of explaining such parts of the business as may be
proper to explain to the Court of France, who has had some reason to
complain, or at least thinks that she has; and, finally, because I
shall draw bills, the payment of which will be at Paris under his
direction, and if the other resources fail, the proceeds of these
goods will enable him to honor them.
With great respect, I am, &c.
ROBERT MORRIS.
* * * * *
TO THE BARON D'ARNOT.
Office of Finance, March 18th, 1782.
Sir,
I have received your note of the 9th instant, and in answer am to
inform you, that if his Prussian Majesty should incline to procure for
his subjects a part of the emoluments attending the commerce with this
country, the importance whereof can be easily estimated, from the
riches it poured into Britain while she enjoyed the benefit of
monopoly, all that is needful to be done is, to set open his ports to
our vessels, and protect them whilst there. The merchants of this
country are unrestricted in their enterprises and commercial pursuits;
they will naturally trade where they shall find their profits most
certain and permanent; and I have not a doubt but Prussia would have
her share of their trade, were the government to give the proper
encouragement to it.
As to the supplies of the army of the United States, I have determined
in future to contract for all such articles with individuals, on whose
abilities for procuring goods on the best terms, I can depend. They
will import them at their own risk; consequently you see I can by no
means engage to purchase any of the commodities you mention at St
Thomas's; but as that island seems to be the general mart in the West
Indies, where the people of America resort to exchange their produce
for the manufactures of Europe, I have not a doubt but any of his
Prussian Majesty's subjects, who may be inclined to this business,
will readily find an occasion of disposing of their goods there, and
receiving in exchange for the same, the staple articles of this
country.
As to what relates to your personal affairs, you will find that I have
conformed to your views, and I expect what is done in that respect
will be much to your satisfaction.
I am, Sir, &c.
ROBERT MORRIS.
* * * * *
TO B. FRANKLIN.
Office of Finance, March 23d, 1782.
Sir,
Applications being frequently made by the several Loan Offices, for
orders to renew sets of exchange, in consequence of proof made to them
by the proprietors of interest bills, that the first, second, third,
and fourth bills, have been lost and destroyed, or by accident
prevented from reaching the persons to whom they were remitted, and as
it is but just in such instances to renew the same, I have caused a
number of bills to be struck, of the same denominations, and in the
same style, manner, and tenor, except that they are fifth, sixth,
seventh, and eighth bills, and when made use of will be filled up in
the same manner as the first four were, and issued from the same
office. I give you this notice, that you may direct the banker to pay
due honor to any one of those bills in all instances, where no one of
the set, consisting of eight, has before been paid; and of course he
will before such payment always satisfy himself, that none of the
others have been honored. This general advice will I think answer the
purpose, and render unnecessary particular advice with each renewed
set of exchange.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ROBERT MORRIS[4]
[4] _March 27th._ Having determined to draw bills on Mr Grand at
Paris, for five hundred thousand livres, under such limitations
and conditions as must secure the payment, the Minister of France
being absent, I consulted M. de Marbois, _Chargé d'Affaires_, read
to him my letter to Dr Franklin, explained my plan, and finally
had his approbation, so far as he is authorised. This gentleman
also communicated to me the Minister's letters to the Court, so
far as they related to our finances, and I found them to breathe
the true spirit of attachment and friendship to America.
_Diary._
* * * * *
TO OLIVER PHELPS.
Office of Finance, March 30th, 1782.
Sir,
As I promised during the conference, with which you honored me
yesterday, to give an answer in writing to the proposition you made in
consequence of a resolution passed by the Legislature of
Massachusetts, on the 5th day of this month, I shall now perform that
promise, but in doing it I shall think it unnecessary to go into that
full detail of reasoning on the subject, which took place in
conversation between us; and I am the more readily induced to decline
this, because you, Sir, seemed satisfied of the force and propriety of
the reasons urged; wherefore when you come to make the communication
to the State, your candor will induce, and your abilities enable you,
to do me ample justice.