countries engaged in war, experience has sooner or later pointed out
contracts with private men of substance and talents equal to the
undertaking as the cheapest, most certain, and consequently the best
mode of obtaining those articles, which are necessary for the
subsistence, covering, clothing, and moving of an army. The experience
of other countries could not satisfy America. We must have it of our
own acquiring; we have at length bought it; but the purchase had
nearly been our ruin. I had been long since convinced, that nothing
could save us, but opening all the American ports to unrestrained
commerce, all the markets of America to the free sale and purchase of
every article of its production and import; and by taking away all
restraints on money, leave every individual to judge and act for
himself. I labored hard in consequence of this conviction, to
introduce such measures into the State, of which I am a member, and
finally was happy enough to succeed; the good consequences were
immediately seen and felt; the example, has been followed, and it is
to be attributed to the freedom, which we now enjoy, that persons can
be found willing to contract for furnishing supplies to the American
army.
I have succeeded in obtaining many contracts on very reasonable terms.
The saving to the United States thereby is immense, and I am
confident, that neither the patriot who fills the chair of government,
the honorable gentlemen who compose the council, nor those who
represent the country of Massachusetts, would wish me to make an
engagement, which in partiality to that State, would in its effects
destroy a system, that has been proved so truly economical. I cannot,
Sir, enter into the engagements proposed by Massachusetts, without
being exposed to similar claims in twelve others, and I feel the
absolute necessity and propriety of declining every application of the
kind. The persons who contract with me to supply the armies of the
United States, must make purchases of the articles necessary; their
interests will lead them to those markets, which will supply cheapest,
however remote from the scene of action, and this will give all the
States a fair chance of obtaining money, or bank notes, through that
channel to pay their taxes. Those who will give most labor or goods
for money and notes, will undoubtedly obtain the greatest share
thereof.
I cannot quit this subject, without observing, that taxing in
specifics is expensive to the people, cumbersome to the government,
and generally inadequate to the object. I think if every individual in
the country is left to dispose as he pleases of his property, and
compelled to pay his taxes in money or bank notes, he will satisfy the
tax by the sale of much less of that property, than in the case of a
specific tax taken from him to raise the sum. Nothing could gratify me
more than to have an opportunity of evincing to the State of
Massachusetts how much I am disposed to comply with her wishes in
every instance, that my general duty to the United States will permit.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ROBERT MORRIS.
* * * * *
CIRCULAR TO THE GOVERNORS OF THE STATES.
Office of Finance, April 15th, 1782.
Sir,
In a circular letter, which I had the honor to address to your
Excellency, on the 9th day of last month, you were informed, that the
United States in Congress had on the 20th and 27th of February, passed
Acts for settling and finally adjusting all the public accounts; and
that those Acts would have been transmitted immediately, but that I
was induced to wait the event of some additional propositions upon
that subject, which were then before Congress.
As I now discover that those propositions meet with much greater
delay, than at that time was expected, and as it is still uncertain
when they may be decided upon, I think it improper to detain longer
the Acts that were passed, although several considerations induced a
desire to have the whole system communicated to the several Assemblies
at one and the same time.
You will observe, Sir, that it is earnestly recommended to the several
Legislatures, duly to empower and authorise the United States, in
Congress assembled, to make a final settlement of the proportions to
be borne by each respective State, of the general expenses of the war,
from the commencement thereof, until the 1st day of January, 1782. An
immediate compliance with this recommendation is of infinite
importance to the Union, as it is also to each of the States. No
determination of quotas, which Congress can at this time possibly
make, will create a difference for or against any State equal to the
expense, which will arise either by disputing its quota, or by
delaying to have it fixed. If Congress are now empowered, they must
be determined by general principles, and if the decision is delayed
ever so long, general principles must at last be resorted to, and that
after large sums shall have been expended by each of the Governments,
in attempting to ascertain their respective numbers of inhabitants,
value of property, quantity of lands, annual income, &c. The returns
on these points severally, cannot be made with certainty and
exactitude _as to the time past_, and therefore they will only afford
more ample field for disputation; disputes, which if the cause be not
removed by a compliance with the present requisition, may probably
deprive us of the blessings of peace after the war with Great Britain
shall cease.
I do not think it necessary to detail the reasons, which induced
Congress to adopt this measure, but I cannot help observing, that it
is to the want of a decision on this point, that the languor and want
of exertion of the several States are to be attributed. That fatal
assertion that each has done most, which each has made and repeated,
until it has gained but too much credit, would never have obtained a
place in the minds of men, who really love their country and cause,
had the requisitions of Congress been made annually for money, and the
quotas fixed finally at the date of the demand. The compliances of
each would in that case have determined their respective merits or
demerits; we should then have seen a competition the very reverse of
that which has for some time past prevailed; and it is not yet too
late. Let us settle the accounts of the past expenditures, adjust the
shares which each State has to pay, but let the settlement be final,
or we do nothing. And if on the requisition of men and money for this,
and for future years, the quotas be finally fixed, and the compliances
be made publicly known, we shall banish that distrust, which I am
sorry to say now exists between the States, and in place thereof
excite the noble ardor, which animated our conduct in the commencement
of the contest. The strife will then be which shall be foremost in
contributing their share to the support of that war, on the success of
which depends the political existence of all.
A desire to name commissioners of approved abilities and character,
has induced me to delay such nominations, until I can obtain
information of suitable persons from each State. I shall very soon
proceed in this business, in such manner as to me shall seem most
likely to obtain honest, impartial, and equitable settlements of the
public accounts.
I have the honor to be, Sir, &c.
ROBERT MORRIS.
* * * * *
TO NATHANIEL APPLETON.
Office of Finance, April 16th, 1782.
Sir,
I am indebted for your letters of the 14th and 28th of last month.
Having personally a great regard for your Governor, it gives me pain
to disapprove of any of his measures, and probably he never could have
given cause for blame by any delay of the impost law, had he
considered how many widows and orphans, as well as other deserving
persons, friends to their country and its cause, are deprived of the
means of comfortable subsistence, by being kept out of that interest,
which is so justly their due, and which the revenue to be raised in
consequence of that law was intended to discharge.
I know he has a benevolent heart; I know that he is generous; and
principles of justice will always have their proper influence over
him. I beg you will remind him, that his generosity, humanity, and
justice, are all concerned in promoting the establishment of permanent
revenues, sufficient to discharge the interest of our public debt.
Nay, more, the political existence of America depends on the
accomplishment of this plan. We cannot be called a nation, nor do we
deserve to be ranked amongst the nations of the earth, until we do
justice to those, who have served and trusted us. A public debt,
supported by public revenue, will prove the strongest cement to keep
our confederacy together. Sound policy would also dictate, that we
should do justice to those who have trusted us, in order that we may
have pretensions to credit in future. We might then tax the present
race of citizens six pounds, instead of a hundred, and leave posterity
to pay the principal of a debt contracted in consequence of our
distresses and necessities, but from which they will derive ease and
emolument. I could say a great deal more on this subject, and probably
shall to the world at large, if the just measures of Congress continue
to meet with such ill judged opposition.
I am, Dear Sir, &c.
ROBERT MORRIS.
* * * * *
TO B. FRANKLIN.
Office of Finance, April 17th, 1782.
Sir,
In consequence of the communications made to me by his Excellency, the
Chevalier de la Luzerne, since his return from Virginia, I shall
proceed to draw bills upon Mr Grand to the extent of five hundred
thousand livres monthly; so that computing the months of January,
February, March, and April, I have now to draw for two millions of
livres; as I hope and expect that the five hundred thousand livres,
already drawn, may be provided for out of the balance due on the Dutch
loan. This supply comes most seasonably, and at a more leisure moment
you will be charged with the proper acknowledgements to the Court. I
must however repeat, that the sum requested for the service of this
year will be necessary to enable me to support the campaign, and
perfect my arrangements; it will be my constant study to draw forth
our own resources and lessen our demands on France; but these things
require time.
I find it will be advantageous to draw upon Holland and Cadiz as well
as on Paris; and, therefore, I request that you will desire Mr Grand
to give immediate orders to Messrs Fizeau, Grand & Co. in Amsterdam,
to honor any bills I may draw on them, with directions to take their
reimbursement on him, for account of the United States. He must also
give similar orders to Messrs Harrison & Co. of Cadiz, and I will
furnish Mr Grand with regular advice of every bill I draw, whether on
himself or either of those houses. My bills in the whole will not
exceed the sums to which I am limited, and the commission those houses
charge will be paid by Mr Grand. I expect it will not exceed a half
per cent; respecting which I shall write to them. I am induced to draw
on those places, because the sale bills will thereby be extended, and
the price better supported.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ROBERT MORRIS.
* * * * *
TO JOHN JAY.
Office of Finance, April 23d, 1782.
Dear Sir,
You have enclosed herewith, the copy of an official letter to the
Secretary of Foreign Affairs, which contains some information on
subjects that you ought to know. It has been my intention for some
time past to give you a detail of circumstances, which have happened
since the date of my former despatches; but the occurrences of every
day employ my whole time, and engross my whole attention, especially
for the last six weeks, as I have been deprived of assistance. The
first leisure moments shall be devoted to make you acquainted with the
situation of things here, and in the meantime you may indulge the
pleasing idea, that system and regularity are dispelling the clouds in
which our affairs have been enveloped.
I am, very sincerely, &c.
ROBERT MORRIS.
* * * * *
GEORGE WASHINGTON TO ROBERT MORRIS.
Head Quarters, April 23d, 1782.
Sir,
I am obliged to you for the copy of the contract you have been pleased
to send me, under cover of your favor of the 15th instant. It came
very opportunely, as I have already been applied to for a
determination upon the points submitted to my decision.
I am very glad to find that an Intendent, appointed by you, is to
attend the army, and to hear and decide causes of complaint or
uneasiness, which may arise between the army and the contractors. As
we are still to gain knowledge by experience, other complaints than
those which have already occurred may yet arise; and I shall be very
happy to be relieved from those troubles as much as possible. I wish
you may be fortunate in the appointment of this person, and that he
may be with the army at an early period.
You may be assured, that I am fully persuaded of the importance and
utility of the present mode of feeding the army, and that I shall take
every occasion to impress the same ideas upon the minds of the
officers. I am pleased to find, that saving the complaints, which have
arisen in their execution, they are generally inclined to acquiesce
and promote the contracts; and you may depend, that I shall take
pleasure in giving the gentlemen concerned in our supply, every
assistance and protection in my power, consistent with that justice,
which I think is due to the army.
I have the honor to be, &c.
GEORGE WASHINGTON.
* * * * *
TO MAJOR GENERAL GREENE.
Office of Finance, April 24th, 1782.
Sir,
The several bills you found it necessary to draw upon me have been
punctually honored, and I am pleased at having been able by this means
to strengthen your credit and provide you with money, which I dare say
will, agreeably to your declaration, be expended only on occasions of
pressing necessity. Would it were in my power to make you perfectly
easy on the score of money; you would then experience the alacrity
with which my compliances would be made.
I have observed by the tenor of several of your letters on the subject
of the confederation, that your sentiments coincide entirely with my
own. The inefficacy of that instrument is daily felt, and the want of
obligatory and coercive clauses on the States will probably be
productive of the most fatal consequences. At present they content
themselves with the assertion, that each has done most, and that the
people are not able to pay taxes. Languor and inexertion are the
offspring of this doctrine, and finally the people, who are said to be
incapable of bearing taxation, actually pay double the sum, that would
be necessary in the first instance. Nothing on my part has been
omitted that I could think of, to stimulate them to exertions; and I
have given them every encouragement to support my arrangements, that
could be derived from regularity, system and economy; but all this
does not produce the effect it ought; there are in every Legislature,
characters too full of local attachments and views, to permit
sufficient attention to the general interest. I am perfectly sensible,
and was the day I became Superintendent of Finance, of the
difficulties that are to be encountered. I know full well that it
requires much time, more patience, and greater abilities than I claim,
to bring the finances to the order in which they ought to be in every
well governed country. But I apprehend this knowledge ought not to
deter either you or me from continuing the struggle with those
difficulties. If I had been deterred by their appearance from the
acceptance of my appointment, our affairs would probably have been
worse than they now are, or if you had declined to oppose the British
arms in the Southern States, Virginia might now have formed the
boundary line.
You, therefore, my Dear Sir, must continue your exertions, with or
without men, provisions, clothing, or pay, in hopes that all things
will come right at last; and I will continue mine until somebody more
competent shall be found to relieve me. The Secretary at War will say
everything that is necessary with respect to men, clothing, short
enlistments, and future operations.
With respect to the pay of the army, we have abolished the practice of
partial payments. The officers with you will be furnished monthly with
their subsistence money, and let their distance be what it may, they
shall have the same payments with those that are nearer; for I never
will consent to partial payments so long as it depends on me. How much
pay I shall be able to make, depends absolutely on the collection of
taxes in the several States. If they comply tolerably well with the
requisition of Congress for the year 1782, I will make tolerably good
pay to the army for that year, but if the States will not furnish the
means, it is impossible. The discontents of the army should in justice
be directed to the Legislatures of those States, which neglect or
delay to pay their quotas of the continental tax, and it shall be
clearly known in future which they are.
I am, Sir, &c.
ROBERT MORRIS.
* * * * *
TO THE GOVERNOR OF VIRGINIA.
Office of Finance, April 27th, 1782.
Sir,
In a letter from the Minister Plenipotentiary of France, of the 22d
instant, is the following paragraph.
"His Majesty having consented to furnish the State of Virginia with
arms, clothing, and munitions, for a sum, with the amount of which I
am unacquainted, the Minister desires that Virginia would render an
account of the same to the United States, and that you would close the
business, and the amount which has been advanced by France to
Virginia, shall be deducted from the sums loaned to the United
States."
My answer of this date is as follows.
"With respect to the supplies for the State of Virginia, I have
already had the honor of mentioning to your Excellency, that I could
by no means consider purchases made for any particular State in the
Union, as properly chargeable to the United States. This was in a
letter of the 26th of November last, in consequence of your
application relating both to Maryland and Virginia. If Dr Franklin has
asked the supplies on the credit of the United States, they will, of
course be brought to their account. But I cannot conceive, that this
has been done by him, as I do not know of any orders to do so from the
Congress. Your Excellency will, I am confident, see with me the
impropriety of listening to the applications made by separate States,
and be convinced how much it is the duty of those to whom the
administration is committed, to oppose these appearances of disunion
in our councils; appearances, which, however unfounded, are not the
less injurious. The State of Virginia, is, as you well know, far from
being singular in her applications abroad for separate aid, and your
Excellency is better informed than almost any other, of the evils
which have resulted from them. I do not mention this with a view to
blame those who made, or those who granted the requests, alluded to.
On the contrary, it gives me pleasure to find, that in some instances
among so many, a fruitless recourse has not been had to the purses of
individuals. As there is a hope that these irregularities may no
longer take place, I will not absolutely decide, and must pray that
this question be for the present left open; as I am extremely desirous
not to injure the operations or credit of any particular State, while
I pursue the road marked out by public duties. I shall transmit to the
government of Virginia that part of our letter, which relates to this
object."
I presume that it will be unnecessary to remark to your Excellency,
how incapable the United States are of assuming burdens of debt, while
so little attention is paid to put the public treasury in a situation
to defray the necessary expenses of the current service. I must pray
to be furnished with an exact account, as soon as may be, of the sum
due by the State of Virginia to the Court of France, and of the funds
which the State propose to apply in discharge of it; in order that I
may, if possible, take such measures as may preserve her credit, and
not be injurious to the United States. It becomes my duty, Sir, on
this occasion, to mention further the sum of sixtysix thousand eight
hundred and fiftythree livres, which were expended by Mr Lee in the
purchase of supplies for your State; which were acknowledged by a
certificate of the 13th of March, 1780, with a promise to account.
Your letter of the 28th of March last has been received some time ago.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ROBERT MORRIS.
* * * * *
TO THE SECRETARY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
Office of Finance, April 27th, 1782.
Sir,
His Excellency the Minister of France having informed me on the part
of his Court, that no extraordinary sums will be paid to the Ministers
of the United States in Europe, I must request that you will furnish
me with an account of the several salaries payable to the foreign
Ministers and their Secretaries; and I will make out bills in your
favor on the Banker of the United States in Paris, for the last
quarter, commencing with the present year. I must, at the same time,
pray you will require of those gentlemen, the state of their several
accounts with the public for salaries, that the whole may be adjusted,
and all future expenses of that sort be classed under the proper head
of the Department of Foreign Affairs.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ROBERT MORRIS.
* * * * *
TO THE GOVERNOR OF MARYLAND.
Office of Finance, April 30th 1782.
Sir,
I had the honor to receive your Excellency's letter, dated In Council,
Annapolis, April, 1782, previous to which I had in mine of the 15th
instant, transmitted the Acts of Congress, which you mention. I hope
they will meet the wishes of your Excellency and of the State, so that
a speedy compliance with them may forward the great business they are
formed to accomplish.
I am much obliged by your Excellency's observation, as to the
propriety of stating how much money is to be expended. The estimates
of the current year were formed by Congress; the accuracy of them I
cannot answer for, but rather incline to think they will fall short of
the object proposed. The loose manner in which business has formerly
been conducted, did indeed render it impracticable to frame very
precise estimates. That those adopted are not exorbitant, will easily
be seen, by comparing the sum total with the expenditure of former
years. It is my intention to show by the exhibition of clear accounts,
how the public money intrusted to me has been expended. This shall be
done publicly, and then estimates formed agreeably so such accounts
will be clearly understood, and convey that satisfaction to the mind
of every candid man, which I am desirous of imparting.
Your Excellency will easily perceive, that the primary step must be to
grant money, and the accounting for it a secondary one. I presume that
by the American Constitution, the determination on sums to be
appropriated must be vested in the supreme representative, and I hope
there is so much confidence in the wisdom and integrity of that body,
as to believe that they do not ask for sums which are unnecessary.
Before I close this letter I will pray leave to repeat to your
Excellency a sentiment often expressed before, that I despise every
scheme or system, which must depend for its success on mystery or
concealment, and am convinced that our credit will never be fully
established, until all our public affairs are open to the public eye.
I ardently long for the arrival of that moment, when I may lay a state
of them before the world, in an account of the moneys received and the
moneys expended, with the debts we owe, and the produce of the funds
assigned for the payment of them. Your Excellency is not a stranger to
many of the reasons why such an account cannot now be framed, and
will, I doubt not, sincerely co-operate with me in removing them.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ROBERT MORRIS.
* * * * *
TO JOHN WENDELL.
Office of Finance, May 1st, 1782.
Sir,
I have been duly honored with yours of the 7th and 15th of April. From
what you propose with respect to the establishment of a bank in New
Hampshire, as well as from the ideas which you say are entertained of
the increase of my private fortune, I am convinced that you and other
gentlemen are alike mistaken as to the nature of the National Bank,
and my official connexions and transactions. The confidence you have
been pleased to repose in me, and your communication of sentiment as
to public affairs, require of me, that I I should give such
explanation of both, as the multiplicity of objects, which engross my
attention will permit.