THE RÉCOLLETS AND THEIR MISSIONS
Champlain's affection for New France, the land of his adoption, made him
anxious to continue his explorations, in order that he might become
familiar with every locality. In the course of his voyages he often had
to be conveyed in Indian canoes, especially on the lakes and rivers, but
this means was sufficient only when his object was to ascertain whether
the country was well watered, whether the rivers were more or less
navigable, whether the lakes abounded with fish, and whether the water
powers were capable of being turned to account. Up till this time the
founder of Quebec had pressed forward his work of exploration with an
energy that was almost astonishing. He had rowed up the Iroquois River
as far as lake Champlain, and he had also navigated the Ottawa River in
a manner that had even surprised the Algonquins. Still many things
remained to be done and to be seen, such as to observe the fertility of
the soil in different latitudes, to study the manners and customs of the
Indians, especially of the great Huron tribe, which was the most
populous and probably better disposed to receive Christian instruction
than the other tribes. Champlain's ambition had always been to
introduce Christianity in order to civilize the people. Thus we find in
his writings after his return to France in 1614, the words:
"Without losing courage, I have not ceased to push on and visit various
nations of the savages, and by associating familiarly with them, I have
concluded, as well from their conversation as from the knowledge
attained, that there is no better way than, disregarding all storms and
difficulties, to have patience until His Majesty shall give the
requisite attention to the matter, and in the meantime to continue the
exploration of the country, but also to learn the language, and form
relations and friendship with the leading men of the villages and
tribes, in order to lay the foundations of a permanent edifice, as well
for the glory of God as for the renown of the French."
It is well to observe the significance of these words from the pen of
Champlain. Is this the language of a common fur-trader, simply seeking
to increase his fortune? What were really Champlain's designs during all
these years of labour and self-sacrifice? Was he animated by the mere
curiosity of the tourist, or the ambition of a man of science? No.
Champlain desired, it is true, to gain an intimate knowledge of the
country, and his labours are highly valued as a geographer and
cosmographer, but his intention was to utilize all his varied
information to promote the Christian religion and at the same time to
increase the renown of his native land.
Champlain deserves credit, not only for the idea of bringing
missionaries to Canada, but also for having realized his ideas. He
obtained the coöperation of many pious and zealous persons in France,
who willingly seconded his efforts, but it was owing to his own
steadfastness of purpose and to his great ability that his designs were
successfully carried out. After having formed a society of merchants to
take the material affairs of the colony in hand, Champlain tried to get
some religious orders to assume the direction of spiritual matters. He
had previously made known his plan to Louis Hoüel, king's councillor,
and comptroller of the salt works at Brouage, and sieur of Petit-Pré.
Hoüel was an honourable and pious man, and a friend of Champlain. He
told him that he was acquainted with some Récollets who would readily
agree to proceed to New France. Hoüel met Father du Verger, a man of
great virtue and ability, and principal of the order of the Immaculate
Conception. Father du Verger made an appeal to his confrères, all of
whom offered their services, and were ready to cross the ocean.
The cardinals and bishops who were then gathered at St. Denis for their
great chapter, were in favour of the idea of sending the Récollets to
their foreign missions, and promised to raise a fund for the maintenance
of four monks, and the merchants of Rouen promised to maintain and
convey at least six Récollets gratuitously. The king issued letters for
the future church of Canada. The pope's nuncio, Guido Bentivoglio,
granted the requisite permission, in conformity with the pope's wishes,
but the bull establishing the church was only forwarded on May 20th,
1615. The brief of Paul V granted to the Récollets the following
privileges:
"To receive all children born of believing and unbelieving parents, and
all others of what condition soever they may be, who, after promising to
keep and observe all that should be kept and observed by the faithful,
will embrace the truth of the Christian and Catholic faith; to baptize
even outside of the churches in case of necessity; to hear confessions
of penitents, and after diligently hearing them, to impose a salutary
penance according to their faults, and enjoin what should be enjoined in
conscience, to loose and absolve them from all sentences of
excommunication and other ecclesiastical pains and censures, as also
from all sorts of crimes, excesses, and delicts; to administer the
sacraments of the eucharist, marriage and extreme unction; to bless all
kinds of vestments, vessels and ornaments when holy unction is not
necessary; to dispense gratuitously new converts who have contracted or
would contract marriage in any degree of consanguinity, or affinity
whatever, except the first or second, or between ascending and
descending, provided the women have not been carried off by force, and
the two parties who have contracted or would contract be Catholics, and
there be just cause as well for the marriages already contracted as for
those desired to be contracted; to declare and pronounce the children
born and issued of such marriages legitimate; to have an altar which
they may decently carry, and thereon to celebrate in decent and becoming
places where the convenience of a church shall be wanting."
The Reverend Father Garnier de Chapouin, provincial of the province of
St. Denis, appointed four monks as the founders of the future mission.
Their names were Father Denis Jamet, Jean d'Olbeau, Joseph Le Caron, and
a brother named Pacifique du Plessis, who received orders to accompany
them. These four monks were all remarkable for their virtue and
apostolic zeal. Father Jamet was appointed commissary, and Father
d'Olbeau was appointed his successor in the event of death. The king
granted them authority to build one or more convents in Canada, and to
send for as many monks as were required. It was impossible to send more
than four of them during the first year.
On April 24th, 1615, the _St. Étienne_ sailed from Honfleur, and one
month later came to anchor at Tadousac. On June 25th, Father d'Olbeau
was able to say mass in a small chapel built at the foot of Mountain
Hill, Quebec.
Soon after his arrival at Quebec, Champlain set out for the falls,
accompanied by Father Jamet. They reached the river des Prairies some
days after, and on June 24th, Father Jamet celebrated a solemn mass, at
which Champlain and some others assisted. This was the first mass
celebrated in Canada since the days of Jacques Cartier.
In the early days of the settlement these brave missionaries had to
contend with many difficulties, which could be foreseen only by those
who were acquainted with the existing state of affairs. Many of these
difficulties arose from the fact that at least a fourth of the merchants
of the company were members of the so-called reformed, or Calvinistic
persuasion. It is easy to comprehend that the sympathies of these men
would not incline towards the Catholic religion.
Champlain draws particular attention to the unfortunate results produced
by the existence of different creeds. Differences arose, and divisions
were created which sometimes resulted in quarrels between children of
the same country. These quarrels which were much to be deplored, did
not, however, occur in Quebec, because the French merchants did not deem
it advisable to send their ministers there, but replaced them by agents
who were often fanatical, and were for the Récollets a frequent source
of bitterness and annoyance. The most of the disorders occurred on board
the vessels, and were due to the fact that the crews were too hastily
engaged.
The merchants, however, were bound to colonize the country with Catholic
settlers, and de Monts was also bound by similar conditions. Moreover,
the terms of the patents expressly stipulated that this should be
carried out. They were also forbidden to extend Calvinism among the
savages. "This policy," says Bancroft, "was full of wisdom." The
interpreters who could have greatly assisted the missionaries, proved on
the contrary an obstacle to the development of the Catholic religion,
for they refused to instruct the Récollets in the Indian languages,
which they had learnt before the arrival of the missionaries.
Father Lalemant, a Jesuit, wrote in the year 1626: "This interpreter had
never wanted to communicate his knowledge of the language to any one,
not even to the Reverend Récollet Fathers, who had constantly importuned
him for ten years." So also wrote Father Le Jeune in his Relation of
1633.
The difficulties that the missionaries had to overcome are therefore
readily understood. However they had the merit of preparing the way for
their successors, and the honour of planting the cross of Jesus Christ
everywhere, from Tadousac to Lake Huron.
The number of missionaries was limited at the commencement, but some
others came to Canada later, particularly Fathers Guillaume Poullain,
Georges Le Baillif, and Paul Huet. These men, some of whom were of noble
birth, were remarkable for their virtues and their abilities. In the
annals of the primitive church of New France, their names are
illustrious, and around their memory gathers the aureole of sanctity.
During six years, from 1615 to 1621, the spiritual direction of the
colony was entrusted to six fathers and three friars. Father d'Olbeau
remained in charge of the habitation of Quebec, and Father Le Caron
resolved to proceed at once to the country of the Hurons.
On July 9th, 1615, Champlain, Étienne Brûle, an interpreter, a servant,
and ten Indians, set out for the mouth of the Ottawa River. They rowed
up the river as far as the Mattawan, which they followed westwards, and
soon reached Lake Nipissing where they stopped for two days. This was on
July 26th. After having taken this short rest, they continued their
voyage, crossing Georgian Bay, and reached the land of the Hurons. Near
the shore they met the Attignaouantans, or people of the bear tribe, one
of the four chief branches of the great Huron family. Their village or
_bourgade_ was called Otouacha. On the second day of August, Champlain's
party visited the village of Carmeron, and on the following day, they
saw the encampments of Tonaguainchain, Tequenonquiayé and Carhagouha. In
the latter encampment Father Le Caron resided.
[Illustration: Champlain on the shores of Georgian Bay, 1615
From the painting by Hummé]
On July 12th Father Le Caron celebrated mass and sang the _Te Deum_,
after which the Indians planted a cross near the small chapel which had
been erected under Champlain's direction. The reverend father occupied a
hut within the palisade which formed the rampart of the village, and he
spent the fall and winter with the Hurons of Carhagouha.
The Huron country was situated between the peninsula watered by Lake
Simcoe on the eastern side, and by the Georgian Bay on the western side.
It extended from north to south between the rivers Severn and
Nottawasaga. This land is twenty-five leagues in length and seven or
eight in width. The soil, though sandy, was fertile and produced in
abundance corn, beans, pumpkins and the annual helianth or sun-flower,
from which the Hurons extracted the oil. The neighbouring tribes, such
as the Ottawas and the Algonquins, used to procure their provisions from
the Hurons, as they were permanently cultivating their lands.
Champlain observed, in 1615, that there were eighteen _bourgades_ or
villages, of which he mentions five, namely: Carhagouha, Toanché,
Carmeron, Tequenonquiayé and Cahiagué. Cahiagué was the most important,
and had two hundred huts; it was also the chief _bourgade_ of the tribe
called de la Roche.
Four tribes of a common origin and a common language were living on the
Huron peninsula. They were: (1.) The Attignaouantans, or Tribe de
l'Ours; (2.) The Attignenonghacs, or Tribe de la Corde; (3.) The
Arendarrhonons, or Tribe de la Roche; (4.) The Tohontahenrats. The
general name given to these four tribes by the French was Ouendats.
The most numerous and the most respected of the tribes were the tribes
de l'Ours and de la Corde, which had taken possession of the country;
the first about the year 1589, and the second twenty years after. The
oldest men of these tribes related to the missionaries, in 1638, that
their ancestors for the past two hundred years had been obliged to
change their residence every ten years. These two tribes were very
friendly, and in their councils treated each other like brothers. All
their business was conducted through the medium of a captain of war and
a captain of council.
These tribes became popular and increased their numbers by adopting
members of other nations, so that in later years the Huron family became
one of the most powerful and redoubtable in North America. The identity
of language was a great factor in the accomplishment of this marvellous
result. The Andastes, of Virginia, were therefore speaking the Huron
language. The Tionnontatés became so identified with their neighbours
that they were named the Hurons of the Petun. The savages of the Neutral
Nation had also adopted the Huron idiom. This uniformity of language
formed a league between these nations which would have been broken with
the utmost difficulty.
Father de Brébeuf calculated that, in his time, there were scattered
over the whole continent of North America about three hundred thousand
Indians who understood the Huron dialect. This was exaggerated, for the
aborigines covering the territory known to the Hurons from whom the
father had collected this information did not number three hundred
thousand persons. How could he rely upon these people, to whom a
thousand men represented simply an amazing number? How could the Hurons
make a census of an unsedentary people, wandering here and there
according to circumstances of war or other reasons, and recruiting
themselves with prisoners or with the remnants of conquered nations?
To give only one example of these strange recruitings, let us examine
the composition of the great family of the Iroquois in Champlain's time.
It was a collection of disbanded tribes, who had belonged to the Hurons,
to the Tionnontatés, to the Neutral, to the Eries and du Feu tribes. The
Iroquois had separated themselves from the Hurons to form a branch which
acquired with time more vivacity than the tree from which it had sprung.
The Hurons were called the good Iroquois in order to distinguish them
from the wicked Iroquois who were reputed to be barbarous. They fought
against all the nations living in Canada, and their name was a subject
of general apprehension.
Returning to the Hurons, we find that the Attignaouantans, or the tribe
de l'Ours, was the most populous, forming half of the whole Huron
family, namely about fifteen thousand souls. They were considered,
erroneously, as the most perfidious of all. Father de Brébeuf, who knew
them well, says that they were mild, charitable, polite and courteous.
Some years later, the tribe de l'Ours occupied fourteen villages, with
thirteen missions under the charge of the Jesuits. The whole mission,
called Immaculate Conception, had its principal seat at Ossossané, which
had replaced Carhagouha, mentioned by Champlain. The French called it La
Rochelle. Ossossané was the nearest village of the Iroquois territory.
Father du Creux' map places it on the western coast of the Huron
peninsula.
The Attignenonghacs, or tribe de la Corde, were the oldest and the most
numerous, after the Attignaouantans. They praised their antiquity and
their traditions which had existed for two hundred years, and which had
been collected by word of mouth by the chiefs or captains. This
evidence, more or less valuable, seems to indicate that they had
preserved a family spirit, which is very laudable. The Attignenonghacs,
however, had founded a nationality, and their language was so developed
that, in 1635, Father de Brébeuf could recall to memory twelve nations
who spoke it. This tribe had no special features except that they were
very devoted to the French. The Jesuits opened in their midst two
missions called St. Ignace and St. Joseph. Teanaustayaé was one of the
most important villages of the Attignenonghacs. When the village of
Ihonatiria ceased to exist, the Jesuits called it St. Joseph. Here
perished, in 1648, Father Daniel, together with seven hundred Hurons.
Toanché was another village of the same tribe. It has often changed its
name, and we may consider it as one of these flying _bourgades_ so
commonly found among the Hurons. Champlain had known the village of
Toanché under the name of Otouacha. When Father de Brébeuf came here for
the second time, in 1634, he was unable to recognize the village that he
had visited for the first time in 1626. It had been transported about
two miles from its former place. It was then situated at the western
entrance of a bay now Penetanguishene, on a point in the northern part
of Lake Huron, four leagues from Ossossané and seven from Teanaustayaé.
The Arendarrhonons, or tribe de la Roche, were settled on the eastern
part of the peninsula. They were at first discovered by the French, and
they had, according to the laws of the country, the privilege of fur
trading. They were especially attached to Champlain, and twenty-two
years after his death they had not forgotten his remarkable virtues and
courage. The _bourgade_ of Cahiagué, comprising two hundred and sixty
huts and two thousand souls, was the chief place of the Arendarrhonons.
It was situated near the lake Ouentaron, now lake Simcoe, at the
northern extremity, near the small town of Orillia. The Jesuits
established a mission here, and their principal residence was on the
right shore of a small river called the Wye, near Penetanguishene. The
remains of a fort built there in 1639 could be seen a few years ago.
Cahiagué was distant from Carhagouha fourteen leagues. It was situated
near the village of Scanonahenrat, where the Tohontahenrats, the fourth
Huron tribe, resided. They were less numerous than the others.
Scanonahenrat was situated at about two leagues from Ihonatiria of the
Attignenonghacs, and at three leagues from the Ataronchronons, another
Huron group of small importance, where finally the Jesuits took up their
residence. When these missions were flourishing, the Jesuits could
enumerate twenty-five different places where they could pursue their
calling with zeal. The Récollets had continued their course with
vigorous activity; they had sown the divine seed, but they were not
permitted to reap the reward of their labours, as the Jesuits did in the
future.
Although the Hurons appeared to be happy, their mode of living was
miserable. Their principal articles of food were Indian corn and common
beans, which they prepared in various ways. Their clothing was made of
the skins of wild animals. Deer skin was used for their trousers, which
were cut loose, and their stockings were made of another piece of the
same skin, while their boots were formed of the skin of bears, beavers
and deer. They also wore a cloak in the Egyptian style, with sleeves
which were attached by a string behind. Most of them painted their faces
black and red, and dyed their hair, which some wore long, others short,
and others again on one side only. The women and girls were dressed
like men, except that they had their robes, which extended to the knee,
girt about them. They all dressed their hair in one uniform style,
carefully combed, dyed and oiled. For ornaments they wore quantities of
porcelain, chains and necklaces, besides bracelets and ear-rings.
These people were of a happy temperament generally, though some had a
sad and gloomy countenance. Physically they were well proportioned. Some
of the men and women had fine figures, strong and robust, and many of
the women were powerful and of unusual height. The greater portion of
the work fell to the lot of the women, who looked after the housework,
tilled the land, laid up a store of wood for the winter, beat the hemp
and spun it, and made fishing nets from the thread. They also gathered
in the harvest and prepared it for food. The occupation of the men was
hunting for deer, fishing, and building their cabins, varied at times by
war. When they were free from these occupations, they visited other
tribes with whom they were acquainted for the purpose of traffic or
exchange, and their return was celebrated by dances and festivities.
They had a certain form of marriage which Champlain thus describes. When
a girl had reached the age of eleven, twelve, thirteen, fourteen or
fifteen years, she had suitors, more or less, according to her
attractions, who wooed her for some time. The consent of the parents was
then asked, to whose wills the girl did not always submit, although the
most discreet of them did so. The favoured lover or suitor then
presented to the girl some necklaces, bracelets or chains of porcelain,
which she accepted if the suitor was agreeable to her. The suitor then
resided with her for three or four days, without saying anything to her
in the meantime, but if they did not agree, the girl left her suitor,
who forfeited his necklaces and the other presents which he had made,
and each was free to seek another companion if so disposed. This term of
probation was often extended to eight, or even to fifteen days.
The children enjoyed great freedom. The parents indulged them too much
and never punished or corrected them. As a consequence they grew up bad
and vicious. They would often strike their mothers, and when they were
powerful enough they did not hesitate to strike their fathers.
The Hurons did not recognize any divine power or worship of God. They
were without belief, and lived like brute beasts, with this exception,
that they had a sort of fear of an evil spirit. They had _ogni_ or
_manitous_, who were medicine-men, and who healed the sick, bound up the
wounded, foretold future events, and practised all the abuses and
illusions of the black arts.
Champlain firmly believed that the conversion of the Hurons to
Christianity would have been easier if the country had been inhabited by
persons who would devote their energies to instructing them. Father Le
Caron and himself had often conversed with them regarding the Catholic
faith, the laws and customs of the French, and they had listened
attentively, sometimes saying:
"You say things that pass our knowledge, and which we cannot understand
by words, being beyond our comprehension; but if you would do us a
service, come and dwell in this country, bringing your wives and
children, and when they are here, we shall see how you serve the God you
worship, and how you live with your wives and children, how you
cultivate and plant the soil, how you obey your laws, how you take care
of animals, and how you manufacture all that we see proceeding from your
inventive skill. When we see all this we shall learn more in a year than
in twenty by simply hearing your discourse; and if we cannot understand,
you shall take our children, who shall be as your own. And thus being
convinced that our life is a miserable one in comparison with yours, it
is easy to believe that we shall adopt yours, abandoning our own."
The following was their mode of government. The older and leading men
assembled in a council, in which they settled upon and proposed all that
was necessary for the affairs of the village. This was done by a
plurality of voices, or in accordance with the advice of some one among
them whose judgment they considered superior; such a one was requested
by the company to give his opinion on the propositions that had been
made, and his opinion was minutely obeyed. They had no particular chief
with absolute command, but they honoured the older and more courageous
men, of which there were several in a village, whom they named captains,
as a mark of distinction and respect.
They all deliberated in common, and whenever any member of the assembly
offered to do anything for the welfare of the village, or to go anywhere
for the service of the community, he was requested to present himself,
and if he was judged capable of carrying out what he proposed, they
exhorted him, by fair and favourable words, to do his duty. They
declared him to be an energetic man, fit for the undertaking, and
assured him that he would win honour in accomplishing his task. In a
word, they encouraged him by flatteries, in order that this favourable
disposition of his for the welfare of his fellow-citizens might continue
and increase. Then, according to his pleasure, he accepted or refused
the responsibility, and thereby he was held in high esteem.
They had, moreover, general assemblies with representatives from remote
regions. These representatives came every year, one from each province,
and met in a town designated as the rendezvous of the assembly. Here
were celebrated great banquets and dances, for three weeks or a month,
according as they might determine. On these occasions they renewed
their friendship, resolved upon and decreed what they thought best for
the preservation of their country against their enemies, and made each
other handsome presents, after which they retired to their own
districts.
In burying the dead, the Hurons took the body of the deceased, wrapped
it in furs, and covered it very carefully with the bark of trees. Then
they placed it in a cabin, of the length of the body, made of bark and
erected upon four posts. Others they placed in the ground, propping up
the earth on all sides that it might not fall on the body, which they
covered with the bark of trees, putting earth on top. Over this trench
they also made a little cabin. The bodies remained thus buried for a
period of eight or ten years. Then they held a general council, to which
all the people of the country were invited, for the purpose of
determining upon some place for the holding of a great festival. After
this they returned each to his own village, where they took all the
bones of the deceased, stripped them and made them quite clean. These
they kept very carefully, although the odour arising therefrom was
noxious. Then all the relatives and friends of the deceased took these
bones, together with their necklaces, furs, axes, kettles, and other
things highly valued, and carried them, with a quantity of edibles, to
the place assigned. Here, when all had assembled, they put the edibles
in a place designated by the men of the village, and engaged in banquets
and continual dancing. The festival lasted for the space of ten days,
during which other tribes from all quarters came to witness the
ceremonies. The latter were attended with great outlays.
These details on the manners and customs of the Hurons are quoted nearly
_verbatim_ from Champlain's Relations, so they must be considered as
accurate.[17]
FOOTNOTES:
[17] This volume contains the following title: _Voyages et
Descouvertures faites en la Nouvelle France depuis l'année 1615, jusques
à la fin de l'année 1618. Par le Sieur de Champlain, Capitaine ordinaire
pour le Roy en la Mer du Ponant. Seconde Edition, MDCXIX_. This original
edition bears the date of 1619, and the second edition is dated 1627.