WAR AGAINST THE IROQUOIS, 1615
Champlain had promised for some years to assist the Hurons in their wars
against the Iroquois, and he found that the present time was opportune
for him to fulfil his pledge. He had visited every Huron tribe, and he
was aware that a general rendezvous had been fixed at Cahiagué. On
August 14th, 1615, ten Frenchmen, under the command of Champlain,
started from Carhagouha. On their way they stopped at the villages of
the Tohontahenrats and Attignenonghacs, and found the country well
watered and cultivated, and the villages populous. The people, however,
were ignorant, avaricious and untruthful, and had no idea either of a
divinity or of a religion.
On August 17th, Champlain came in sight of Cahiagué, where the Hurons
had gathered, and after some hesitation, they decided to go to war. The
departure was delayed until September 1st, pending the arrival of some
of their warriors and the Andastes, who had promised five hundred men.
On their journey they passed by Lake Couchiching and Lake Ouantaron or
Simcoe. From there they decided to proceed by way of Sturgeon Lake,
after travelling by land for a distance of ten leagues. From Sturgeon
Lake flows the river Otonabi, which discharges into Rice Lake.
They followed the river Trent to the Bay of Quinté in Lake Ontario or
Entouaronons. "Here," says Champlain, "is the entrance of the grand
river of St. Lawrence." They leisurely crossed Lake Ontario, and, having
hidden their canoes, penetrated the woods and crossed the river Chouagen
or Oswego, which flows from Lake Oneida where the Iroquois used to fish.
On October 7th the Hurons had approached within four leagues of the
fortifications of their enemies, and on that day eleven Iroquois fell
into the hands of Champlain's men, and were made prisoners. Iroquet, the
chief of the Petite Nation, prepared to torture the prisoners, among
whom were four women and four children, but Champlain strongly opposed
this course. The Iroquois were engaged in reaping their corn when the
Hurons and their allies appeared before them on October 10th, or five
weeks after Champlain had started from Cahiagué. During this period
Champlain's army had undergone much fatigue, and it was desirable to
take some rest.
The first day was spent in petty skirmishes. Instead of fighting in
ranks, the Hurons disbanded, and were consequently liable to be seized
by the vigilance of their enemies. Champlain recognized the danger of
this method of warfare, and persuaded his companions to preserve their
ranks. The last combat continued for about three hours, during which
Ochateguin and Orani, two of the allied chiefs, were wounded. Champlain
also received two arrow wounds, one in the leg and one in the knee.
There was great disorder in the ranks of the Hurons, and the chiefs had
no control over their men. The result, on the whole, was not in favour
of Champlain's allies, who in the absence of the Andastes were not
anxious to continue the attacks against the Iroquois, and consequently
determined to retreat as soon as possible.
Champlain suffered much from his wounds. "I never found myself in such a
gehenna," he says, "as during this time, for the pain which I suffered
in consequence of the wound in my knee was nothing in comparison with
that which I endured while I was carried, bound and pinioned, on the
back of one of the savages."
The retreat was very long, and on October 18th they arrived at the shore
of Lake Ontario. Here Champlain requested that he might have a canoe and
guides to conduct him to Quebec, and this was one of the conditions to
which they had agreed before he set out for the war. The Indians were
not to be trusted, however, and they refused his request. Champlain,
therefore, resolved to accept the hospitality of Darontal, chief of the
Arendarrhonons, or tribe de la Roche. The chief appeared kindly disposed
towards Champlain, and as it was the hunting season, he accompanied him
on his excursions. During one of these expeditions, Champlain lost his
way in the pursuit of a strange bird, and he was not found by the
savages until three days afterwards. The return journey to Cahiagué on
foot was painful, and during the nineteen days thus spent, much hardship
was undergone. The party arrived at Cahiagué on December 23rd, 1615.
In the course of the winter, Champlain was chosen to act as judge of a
quarrel between the Algonquins of the Petite Nation, and the Hurons of
the tribe de l'Ours, which had arisen over the murder of one of the
Iroquois. The Attignaouantans had committed an Iroquois prisoner to the
custody of Iroquet, requesting him to burn him according to their
custom. Instead of carrying out this act, Iroquet had taken the young
man and treated him as a son. When the Attignaouantans were aware of
this, they sent one of their number to murder the young Iroquois. This
barbarous conduct made the Algonquins indignant, and they killed the
murderer.
Champlain returned from the Petuneux in company with Father Le Caron at
the time when these crimes had just been committed. Witnesses were
summoned to meet Champlain at Cahiagué, and were each examined. The
trial lasted two days, during which the old men of both nations were
consulted, and the majority of them were favourable to a reconciliation
without conditions. Champlain exacted from them a promise that they
would accept his decision as final, and he then had a full meeting of
the two tribes assembled there. Addressing them, he said:
"You Algonquins, and you Hurons, have always been friends. You have
lived like brothers; you take this name in your councils. Your conduct
now is unworthy of reasonable men. You are enough occupied in repelling
your enemies, who have pursued you, who rout you as often as possible,
pursuing you to your villages and taking you prisoners. These enemies,
seeing these divisions and wars among you, will be delighted and derive
great advantage therefrom. On account of the death of one man you will
hazard the lives of ten thousand, and run the risk of being reduced to
perpetual slavery. Although in fact one man was of great value, you
ought to consider how he has been killed; it was not with deliberate
purpose, nor for the sake of inciting a civil war. The Algonquins much
regret all that has taken place, and if they had supposed such a thing
would have happened, they would have sacrificed this Iroquois for the
satisfaction of the Hurons. Forget all, never think of it again, but
live good friends as before. In case you should not be pleased with my
advice, I request you to come in as large numbers as possible, to our
settlement, so that there, in presence of all the captains of vessels,
the friendship might be ratified anew, and measures taken to secure you
from your enemies."
Champlain's advice was followed, and the savages went away satisfied,
except the Algonquins, who broke up and proceeded to their villages,
saying that the death of these two men had cost them too dearly.
Champlain having spent the winter with Darontal, on May 20th left for
Quebec. The journey from Cahiagué to Sault St. Louis occupied forty
days. Champlain here found that Pont-Gravé had arrived from France with
two vessels, and that the reverend fathers were very pleased to see him
again. Darontal accompanied Champlain to Quebec, and greatly admired the
habitation and the mode of living adopted by the French. Before leaving
for France, Champlain enlarged the habitation by at least one-third, the
additions consisting of buildings and fortifications, in the
construction of which he used lime and sand which were found near at
hand. Some grain was also cut, and the gardens were left in good
condition.
During the winter of 1615-16, Father Le Caron had received a visit from
Champlain, who was then returning from an expedition against the
Iroquois. Being at a loss to know how to employ their time, Champlain
and the Récollets resolved to pay a visit to the Tionnontatés, or people
of the Petun. The missionary was not well received by these people,
although Champlain was able to make an alliance, not only with the
Petuneux, but also with six or seven other tribes living in the
vicinity.
Father Le Caron returned to his flock, the Hurons, and remained with
them until May 20th, studying their manners, trying to acquire their
language, and to improve their morals. Father Le Clercq says that he
compiled a dictionary which was seen in his own time, and which was
preserved as a relic.
When the Hurons left their country to engage in fur trading with the
French at Sault St. Louis, Father Le Caron took passage in one of their
canoes, and arrived at Three Rivers on July 1st, 1616. Here he met
Father d'Olbeau, who had spent the winter with the Indians on the north
shore of the river St. Lawrence, between Tadousac and the Seven Islands.
Father d'Olbeau had visited the Bersiamites, the Papinachois and others,
and he planted crosses everywhere, so that many years after, when some
Frenchmen were visiting the place, they found these evidences of his
labours. After two months of fatigue, Father d'Olbeau was compelled to
return to Quebec, as he was suffering from sore eyes, and was unable to
unclose his eyelids for several weeks. The two fathers arrived at Quebec
on July 11th, 1616, and Father Jamet was pleased to learn the result of
the missions of his confrères. The three missionaries had carefully
studied the country during the past year, and gained a fair knowledge of
the people. They realized at this time that their own resources limited
their power of doing good, and they therefore requested Champlain to
convoke a meeting of six inhabitants, to discuss the best means of
furthering the interests of the mission. Champlain was chosen president
of the meeting, and although the missionaries were present they took no
part in the deliberations.
The resolutions adopted at this first council meeting in the new
settlement were preserved. It was decided that the nations down the
river and those of the north were, for the present, at least, incapable
of civilization. These tribes included the Montagnais, Etchemins,
Bersiamites, Papinachois and the great and little Esquimaux. They dwelt
in an uncultivated, barren and mountainous country, whose wild game and
fur-bearing animals sufficed to support them. Their habits were nomadic,
and excessive superstition was their only form of religion. By the
report of those who had visited the southern coasts, and had even
penetrated by land to Cadie, Cape Breton and Chaleurs Bay, Ile Percé and
Gaspé, the country there was more temperate, and susceptible of
cultivation. There would be found dispositions less estranged from
Christianity, as the people had more shame, docility and humanity than
the others.
With regard to the upper river and the territory of the numerous tribes
of Indians visited by Monsieur de Champlain and Father Joseph
themselves, or by others, besides possessing an abundance of game, which
might attract the French there in hopes of trade, the land was much more
fertile and the climate more congenial than in the Indian country down
the river. The upper river Indians, such as the Algonquins, Iroquois,
Hurons, Nipissirini, Neuters, Fire Nation, were sedentary, generally
docile, susceptible of instruction, charitable, strong, robust, patient;
insensible, however, and indifferent to all that concerns salvation;
lascivious, and so material that when told that their soul was immortal,
they would ask what they would eat after death in the next world. In
general, none of the savages whom they had known had any idea of a
divinity, believing, nevertheless, in another world where they hoped to
enjoy the same pleasures as they took here below--a people, in short,
without subordination, law or form of government or system, gross in
religious matters, shrewd and crafty for trade and profit, but
superstitious to excess.
It was the opinion of the council that none could ever succeed in
converting them, unless they made them men before they made them
Christians. To civilize them it was necessary first that the French
should mingle with them and habituate them to their presence and mode of
life, which could be done only by the increase of the colony, the
greatest obstacle to which was on the part of the gentlemen of the
company, who, to monopolize trade, did not wish the country to be
settled, and did not even wish to make the Indians sedentary, which was
the only condition favourable to the salvation of these heathen.
The Protestants, or Huguenots, having the best share in the trade, it
was to be feared that the contempt they showed for the Catholic
mysteries would greatly retard the establishment of that faith. Even the
bad example of the French might be prejudicial, if those who had
authority in the country did not establish order.
The mission among such numerous nations would be painful and laborious,
and so could advance but little unless they obtained from the gentlemen
of the company a greater number of missionaries free of expense. Even
then it would require many years and great labour to humanize these
utterly gross and barbarous nations, and even when this end was
partially attained, the sacrament, for fear of profanation, could be
administered only to an exceptional few among the adults.
It finally appears to have been decided that they could not make
progress unless the colony was increased by a greater number of
settlers, mechanics and farmers; that free trade with the Indians should
be permitted, without distinction, to all Frenchmen; that in future
Huguenots should be excluded, and that it was necessary to render the
Indians sedentary, and bring them up to a knowledge of French manners
and laws.
The council further agreed that by the help of zealous persons in
France, a seminary ought to be established in order to bring to
Christianity, young Indians, who might afterwards aid the missionaries
in converting their countrymen. It was deemed necessary to maintain the
missions which the fathers had established both up and down the river.
This could not be done unless the associated gentlemen showed all the
ardour to be expected from their zeal when informed of all things
faithfully, instead of being deluded by the reports of the clerks whom
they had sent the year before; the governor and the fathers having no
ground to be satisfied therewith.
Champlain, who intended to return to France, desired the father
commissary and Father Le Caron to accompany him, in order that the
resolutions of the council might be submitted to the king for his
approval, and with a view of obtaining substantial assistance. The
voyage was a pleasant one, and Champlain and his party arrived at
Honfleur on September 10th, 1616.
The merchants whom they interviewed at Paris were ready to promise to
support the mission, but nothing was realized from their promises, and
it soon became apparent that they cared more about the fur trade than
about religion. Champlain saw many people who he believed could assist
the settlement, but the winter was passed in useless negotiations. He
therefore prepared a greater shipment than usual from his own resources,
and he was fortunate in finding that his old friend, Louis Hébert, an
apothecary of Port Royal, was willing to accompany him. Hébert took his
family with him, composed of three children and his wife, named Marie
Rollet. Hébert afterwards rendered very valuable assistance to the
founder of Quebec.
Father Jamet did not return to Quebec, and he was therefore replaced as
commissary by Father Le Caron, who appointed Father Huet as his
assistant. The vessel conveying the party sailed from Honfleur on April
11th, 1617, under the command of Captain Morel. The passage was very
rough, and when within sixty leagues of the Great Bank of Newfoundland,
numerous icebergs bore down on the ship like huge mountains. Father Le
Clercq says that in the general consternation Father Joseph, seeing that
all human succour could not deliver them from shipwreck, earnestly
implored the aid of heaven in the vows and prayers which he made
publicly on the vessel. He confessed all, and prepared himself to appear
before God. All were touched with compassion and deeply moved when Dame
Hébert raised her youngest child through the hatchway to let it share
with the rest the good father's blessing. They escaped only by a
miracle, as they acknowledged in their letters to France.
The ship arrived at Tadousac on July 14th, and mass was said in a little
chapel which Father Huet had constructed with poles and branches, and a
sailor stood on either side of the altar with fir branches to drive away
the cloud of mosquitoes which caused great annoyance to the celebrant.
The mass was very solemn. Besides the French, there were many Indians
present who assisted with devotion amid the roar of the cannon of the
ship, and the muskets of the French. After the service a dinner was
given by Champlain on board the vessel. On the arrival of the party at
Quebec some days after, they found that the inhabitants were nearly
starving, and that Father d'Olbeau was anxiously awaiting the news from
France.
Both Champlain and Father Le Caron were obliged to confess that their
mission had been unsuccessful. What, therefore, was to be done? To
return to Old France would have been contrary to the intentions of the
Récollets. They had been sent to Canada by their superiors, and they had
no order to act contrary to their instructions. After having studied the
situation they resolved that Father d'Olbeau should visit France, see
the king in person, and place before him the settlers' condition and
their own. During his absence Father Huet undertook the charge of the
mission at Tadousac, and Brother Pacifique du Plessis was appointed to
teach catechism to the Indians of Three Rivers.
It was at about this time that Father Le Caron performed the first
marriage ceremony in Canada, the contracting parties being Étienne
Jonquest of Normandy, and Anne Hébert, eldest daughter of Louis Hébert.
The condition of the Récollets at this time was unenviable. The agents
of the merchants were not better disposed towards them than the
interpreters. Some of these agents were demoralized, and the reproach
that they received from the fathers caused them to avoid their presence.
The conduct of some of these agents was so bad that even the Indians,
who were not strict in their morals, were scandalized. When we take into
consideration these circumstances, and the meagreness of the resources
of the order, and the difficulties they had in acquiring the language,
we can form a faint idea of the hardness of their lot, and it was not
without just cause that they decided to send Father d'Olbeau to France
with Champlain, in order that the true state of affairs might be urged
still further before the king.
Father Le Clercq says: "Meanwhile Monsieur de Champlain employed all his
address and prudence, and the intrigues of his friends to obtain what
was necessary for the establishment of his new colony. Father d'Olbeau,
on his side, spared nothing; both spoke frequently to the members of the
company, but in vain, for these people, who always had their ears open
to flattering tales of the great profit to be made in the Indian trade,
closed them to the requests and entreaties made them. They therefore
contented themselves with what they could get."
Father d'Olbeau at length received some consolation and compensation for
all his labours, when a bull was issued by the pope, granting a jubilee
to New France, which was celebrated at Quebec on July 29th, 1618, and
was the first of its kind. For the celebration of this religious
festival, the Récollets had built some huts, which were used as
stations, and French and Indians proceeded from one of those improvised
chapels to the other, singing the psalms and hymns of the church. In the
year 1618, the Récollets in New France were only three in number:
Fathers Le Caron and d'Olbeau, and Friar Modeste Guines.
During the winter of 1617-18 the missionaries were called upon to decide
a difficult question. Two Frenchmen had disappeared in 1616, and the
discovery of their bones proved that they had been murdered. A diligent
search was instituted which led to the detection of the murderer, who
acknowledged his crime. The question of punishment, however, was
difficult from the fact that a clerk named Beauchesne, who had been
invested with extensive civil power by Champlain, was in the habit of
receiving gifts from the Indians. It was consequently considered
dangerous to do anything that would displease the Indians, as they were
known to be terrible in their vengeance. The Récollets had strongly
protested against this method of receiving gifts, which placed the
settlement in a false position towards the Indians. It was finally
decided to release the prisoner and to accept as hostages two young
Indians. When the matter was brought before Champlain, he approved of
the course adopted, and stated that it was not a wise policy to be too
severe.
This affair, which at one time appeared likely to produce disagreeable
consequences, passed over without event, and some time after a party of
Indians visited Quebec for the purpose of effecting a complete
reconciliation. Thus, when Champlain left for France in 1618, the colony
was secure.
Father Huet, who accompanied Champlain, was charged with many important
missions, one of which related to the administration of baptism to the
Indians. They were quite willing to be baptized, but they had no idea of
the nature of the sacrament, and although they promised to keep their
vows before the ceremony, they soon returned to their old superstitions.
Their want of sincerity was a trial to Father Huet, and he desired to
have the opinion of the Doctors of the Sorbonne to guide him in his
future actions.
During the winter Father Le Caron went to Tadousac in order to continue
the work of Father d'Olbeau, and he remained there until the middle of
July, 1619. In the interval he had built a residence upon the ground
donated by the merchants, and had the satisfaction of leaving one
hundred and forty neophytes as the result of the labours of the mission.
Father d'Olbeau had his residence at Quebec.
On his return to Canada Father Huet was accompanied by Father Guillaume
Poullain, three friars and two labourers. Champlain did not return this
year. The Récollets had received authority to build a convent at Quebec,
and the Prince de Condé had contributed fifteen hundred livres towards
the object. Charles de Boues, vicar-general of Pontoise, had also made a
personal subscription, and accepted the protectorate of the convent,
together with the title of syndic of Canadian missions. Other piously
disposed persons had also contributed towards the maintenance of the
religious institution.
The establishment of a convent in Canada was a ray of light amid the
gloom which had hung over the settlement of New France during the past
four years, but the rejoicing on this occasion was soon turned into
mourning by the unexpected death of Friar du Plessis, who died at Three
Rivers on August 23rd, 1619. There were two other deaths during this
year which cast a shadow on the colony, that of Anne Hébert, and of her
husband, Étienne Jonquest, who survived his wife only a few weeks.
The mission at Three Rivers was placed under the charge of Father Le
Caron, and from this date it was the object of the most pastoral
solicitude of the Récollets.