CHAMPLAIN'S VOYAGES OF 1610, 1611, 1613
Champlain embarked at Honfleur with eleven artisans for Quebec, on March
7th, 1610. The rough weather experienced during the first days of the
voyage rendered it necessary for the vessel to run into Portland, on the
English coast, and later to seek refuge in the harbour of the Isle of
Wight. At this time Champlain was taken suddenly ill, and was obliged to
return by boat to Havre de Grâce to undergo medical treatment. A month
after he rejoined his former vessel, which in the meantime had returned
to Honfleur to take in ballast. Champlain had now somewhat recovered,
although he was still weak and ill.
The vessel left Honfleur on April 8th, and reached Tadousac on the 26th
of the same month; which was one of the shortest passages ever made up
to that time. "There were vessels," says Champlain, "which had arrived
on the 18th of the month, a thing which had not been seen for more than
sixty years, as the old mariners said who sail regularly to this
country." This remark proves that for more than half a century French
fishermen and navigators had been accustomed to proceed as far as
Tadousac. A Basque, named Lavalette, who had been accustomed to fish on
the Acadian coast from about the year 1565, also confirms the statement.
On his arrival at Tadousac, Champlain ascertained from a young nobleman,
named du Parc,[13] who had wintered with Chauvin at Quebec, that all the
settlers were in good health, and that only a few of them had been
slightly ill. They had been able to procure fresh meat during the whole
season, and consequently scurvy had not made its appearance. "By
avoiding salt food and using fresh meat, the health is as good here as
in France."
The Indians had been waiting from day to day for the return of
Champlain, for they wished him to accompany them to war. He therefore
went ashore to assure them that he would fulfil his promise under the
conditions made, namely, that upon his return they would point out to
him the three rivers, and the lake which they had described as
resembling a sea, the end of which could not be seen, and by means of
which he could return by way of the Saguenay to Tadousac. The Indians
had readily promised to do all this, but only in the following year.
Champlain had also promised the Hurons and Algonquins that he would
assist them in their wars, if they would show him their country, the
great lake and the copper mines. "I had accordingly," he said, "two
strings to my bow, so that, in case one should break, the other might
hold."
On April 25th, 1610, Champlain set out from Tadousac for Quebec, where
he found Captain Chauvin and his companions in good health. They had
with them a stranger named Captain Batiscan, who was so pleased at
Champlain's return that he and his comrades showed their appreciation by
singing and dancing all night. Champlain entertained them at a banquet,
with which they were delighted.
Some days after a party of the Montagnais, numbering about sixty men,
made their appearance at Quebec, _en route_ for the war. They presented
themselves before Champlain, and said: "Here are numerous Basques and
Mistigoches (so they named the Normans and Malouins) who say they will
go to the war with us. What do you think of it? Do they speak the
truth?" Champlain answered: "No, I know very well what they really mean;
they say this only to get possession of your commodities." The Indians
replied: "You have spoken the truth. They are women and want to make war
only upon our beavers." Confiding in Champlain's word, the Montagnais
went to Three Rivers under the agreement that a general rendezvous
should be held there with the French. The Hurons were to await them at
the entrance of the Iroquois River.
Champlain started on his journey on June 14th. When he was eight leagues
from Quebec he met a canoe bearing an Algonquin and a Montagnais, who
entreated him to hasten towards Three Rivers, as the Algonquins and
Hurons would be at the meeting-place within two days. The Algonquins
presented Champlain with a piece of copper a foot long and quite pure,
and stated that there were large quantities to be found on the bank of a
river, near a great lake. The Indians also stated that they collected
the copper in lumps, and after they had melted it, spread it in sheets
and smoothed it with stones. Champlain was well pleased to receive this
present, although it was of small value.
The Montagnais assembled at Three Rivers, and on June 18th they all set
out together. On the following day they arrived at an island situated at
the mouth of the river Richelieu, which the Montagnais used to frequent
when they wished to avoid the Iroquois.
An alarm was soon given that the Algonquins had fallen in with a band of
Iroquois, numbering one hundred, who were strongly barricaded. Each man
then took his arms and set out in a canoe towards the enemy. The firing
immediately began, and Champlain was wounded by an arrow which pierced
his ear and entered his neck. He seized the arrow and withdrew it from
the wound. The Iroquois were much astonished at the noise caused by the
discharge of the French muskets, and some of them, seeing their
companions wounded or dead, threw themselves upon the ground whenever
they, heard a musket fired. Champlain resolved after a while to force
the barricade, sword in hand, which he accomplished without much
resistance, and entered the fort. Fifteen prisoners were taken, and the
rest were killed either by musket shots, arrows, or the sword. The
savages, according to their custom, scalped the dead. The Montagnais and
Algonquins had three killed and fifty wounded. On the following day
Pont-Gravé and Chauvin did some trading in peltry.
Amongst Champlain's party there was a young lad named Nicholas Marsolet,
who desired to accompany the Algonquins in order to learn their
language, and he was pleased to learn that after much deliberation the
Algonquins had decided to take him, on the condition that Champlain
accepted a young Huron as hostage. The Indian boy was named Savignon by
the French. Lescarbot writes that he met this youth many times in Paris,
and that "he was a big and stout boy."
The French and the allied Indians separated with many promises of
friendship. The Indians departed for the fall of the great river of
Canada, and the French, with Champlain at their head, proceeded to
Quebec. On the return journey they met at Lake St. Peter, Pont-Gravé,
who was on his way to Tadousac, to arrange some business connected with
headquarters.
Pont-Gravé contemplated passing the winter at Quebec, but in the
meantime des Marets arrived from France, much to the delight of every
one, as his vessel was long overdue. The news which he brought,
however, was so serious that both Champlain and Pont-Gravé decided to
return to France. The intelligence received was to the effect that M. de
St. Luc had expelled the Catholics from Brouage, that the king had been
killed, and that the Duke of Sully and two other noblemen had shared the
same fate.
Champlain was much distressed over the condition of affairs in France,
and on his departure he left du Parc in command of Quebec, and placed
under him sixteen men, "all of whom were enjoined to live soberly, and
in the fear of God, and in strict observance of the obedience due to the
authority of du Parc." The settlement was left with a plentiful supply
of kitchen vegetables, together with a sufficient quantity of Indian
corn, wheat, rye and barley. Everything was in good order when Champlain
set out from Quebec on August 8th, five days after Pont-Gravé's vessel
sailed from Tadousac for France. On September 27th they arrived at
Honfleur, the voyage having lasted one month and a half.
This second voyage of Champlain did not restore de Monts' fortunes. The
withdrawal of the exclusive privilege of trading was the signal for a
large number of trading vessels to appear in the St. Lawrence. In fact
the operations were so great as to render the profits of the company
null. The disaster was so complete that Champlain says: "Many will
remember for a long time the loss made this year." For all the labour
which Champlain had bestowed upon the settlement the result was small,
and it was evident that if any French merchant were allowed without
restrictions to trade with the Indians, commerce would be ruined, and
the development of the settlement would be impossible. During the first
years a beaver skin could be exchanged in return for two knives, and now
fifteen or twenty were required for the same exchange. Champlain
therefore desired to establish some form of rule by which commerce could
be restricted, or in other words, whereby he or de Monts, or any one
else who would undertake the direction of the affairs of New France,
might be protected.
It was during this winter of 1610-11, that Champlain, who was now more
than forty years of age, entertained thoughts of marriage. His constant
voyages during the past twelve years had probably prevented him from
entering into this estate before. It is, perhaps, somewhat surprising
that he so suddenly put aside this consideration against the marriage.
Did he contemplate residing permanently at Quebec, or did he foresee
that circumstances would render his remaining in New France improbable?
There is nothing in his narrative which throws any light on this
question. Champlain does not mention the name of his wife in any of his
writings, but we find later that she accompanied him to Quebec, where
she dwelt for four years. The name of Champlain's wife was Hélène
Boullé, the daughter of Nicholas Boullé, secretary of the king's
chamber, and of Marguerite Alix of St. Germain l'Auxerrois, Paris.
Hélène Boullé was born in 1598, and at the time of her marriage she was
only twelve years of age. Her parents were Calvinists, and she was
brought up in the same faith, but through the lessons and influence of
her husband she became a Catholic.
The marriage settlements were executed at Paris on December 27th, 1610,
and signed by Choquillot and Arragon, notaries, in the presence of the
parents and friends of both parties. Among those who attended on that
occasion were Pierre du Gua, friend; Lucas Legendre, of Rouen, friend;
Hercule Rouer, merchant of Paris; Marcel Chenu, merchant of Paris; Jehan
Roernan, secretary of de Monts, Champlain's friend; François Lesaige,
druggist of the king's stables, friend and relative; Jehan Ravenel,
Sieur de la Merrois; Pierre Noël, Sieur de Cosigné, friend; Anthoine de
Murad, king's councillor and almoner; Anthoine Marye; Barbier, surgeon,
relative and friend; Geneviève Lesaige, wife of Simon Alix, uncle of
Hélène Boullé, on the mother's side.
According to the terms of the contract, Nicholas Boullé and his wife
pledged themselves, by anticipated payment of the inheritance, to pay
six thousand livres cash, the day preceding the marriage. Champlain also
agreed to give his future wife the benefit of his wealth at his death.
Two days after, Nicholas Boullé sent to his son-in-law the sum of four
thousand five hundred livres, the balance was to be sent later on.
The betrothal took place in the church of St. Germain l'Auxerrois, on
Wednesday, December 29th, 1610, and on the following day the marriage
was celebrated in the same church. As the young bride was not of
marriageable age, she returned to her family to live with them for two
years, as agreed by the contract.
Champlain then resumed his colonization work, and had an interview with
de Monts, in order to induce him to take some action in his favour.
Although the profits to be realized from the enterprise were not
certain, it seemed probable that fur-trading, and developing the
resources of the country, might become advantageous. The expenses of the
undertaking were also small: a few barrels of biscuits, of pease and
cider would be found sufficient to sustain the fifteen or twenty men who
formed the nucleus of the colony. From year to year Champlain hoped to
be able to monopolize the fur trade, not for himself, but for the
company of de Monts.
The vessels which were equipped for the expedition were ready to sail on
March 1st, 1611. The passage was very rough, and when about eight
leagues distant from the Great Banks of Newfoundland, the vessels were
in great danger through the number of icebergs which were encountered.
The cold was so intense that it was found difficult to navigate the
vessel. While in the vicinity of Newfoundland, they communicated with a
French ship, on board of which was Biencourt, son of Poutrincourt, who
was bound for Port Royal to meet his father. He had left France three
months previously, and had been unable to find his way to the Acadian
coast.
After having sighted Gaspé, Champlain arrived at Tadousac on May 13th,
where he found all the country covered with snow. The savages were
informed of Champlain's arrival by cannon shot, and they soon made their
appearance. They stated that three or four trading vessels had arrived
within the last eight days, but that their business had been a failure
on account of the scarcity of furs.
Champlain proceeded at once to Quebec, where he found everything in good
order, and neither du Parc nor his companions had suffered from any
sickness. Game had been abundant during the whole winter. Champlain
intended to visit Three Rivers, but Batiscan said that he would not be
prepared to conduct him there until next year. As he was unable to carry
out his designs, Champlain took with him Savignon and one Frenchman, and
visited the great fall. He made a careful examination of the country,
and says:--
"But in all that I saw I found no place more favourable than a little
spot to which barques and shallops can easily ascend with the help of a
strong wind, or by taking a winding course, in consequence of the
strong current. But above this place, which we named _La Place Royale_,
at the distance of a league from Mont Royal, there are a great many
little rocks and shoals which are very dangerous.... Formerly savages
tilled these lands.... There is a large number of other fine pastures,
where any number of cattle can graze.... After a careful examination, we
found this place one of the finest on this river. I accordingly gave
orders to cut down and clear up the woods in the Place Royale, so as to
level it and prepare it for building."
This was the beginning of Montreal, the wealthiest city of Canada.
Champlain constructed a wall four feet thick, three or four feet high,
and thirty feet long. This fort was placed on an elevation twelve feet
higher than the level of the soil, so that it was safe from inundation.
Champlain named the island Ste. Hélène, in honour of his wife, and he
found that a strong town could be built there. To-day this island is a
favourite resort for the inhabitants of Montreal, and it is an ornament
to the harbour of the large city.
On June 13th two hundred Hurons arrived at Sault St. Louis, so called
from a young Frenchman named Louis, who was drowned in the rapids a few
days before. The Hurons were under the command of Ochateguin, Iroquet
and Tregouaroti. The latter was a brother of Savignon, the young Huron
whom Champlain had taken with him to France. The interview, which
lasted some time, was most cordial. The Indians said that they felt
somewhat uneasy on seeing so many Frenchmen who were not specially
united, and that they had desired to see Champlain alone, towards whom
they were as kindly disposed as towards their own children.
Champlain questioned them on the sources of the great river, and on
their own country. Four of them declared that they had seen a large sea
at a great distance from their village. After exchanging their peltry
with Champlain's consent, some of the Hurons left to follow the
war-path, while others returned to their own country. This interview
occurred on July 18th, 1611. On the same day Champlain set out for
Quebec, where he arrived on the nineteenth. Here he found that certain
necessary repairs had to be made. He also planted some rose bushes, and
caused some oak wood to be placed on board a vessel for shipment to
France, as a specimen of the wood of the new colony, which he considered
suitable not only for marine wainscoting, but also for windows and
doors.
Champlain sailed from Quebec on July 20th, and arrived at La Rochelle on
September 16th. De Monts was at Pons, in Saintonge, at this time, and it
was here that he received a visit from Champlain. After listening to
Champlain's narrative of his proceedings, de Monts decided to proceed to
court to arrange matters. He held a conference with the merchants at
Fontainebleau, but he found that they were unwilling to continue to
support the enterprise. He concluded a bargain with them for what
remained in the Quebec settlement by the payment of a certain sum of
money, and from that date de Monts' company ceased to exist. There was
only one man who had faith in the future of the colony, and who remained
staunch to its interests under all difficulties; this man was Champlain.
De Monts had shown great energy in opposing the impediments to the
undertaking which were offered by the merchants of Rouen, St. Malo and
La Rochelle, and as he hoped to regain the money which he had already
expended, he considered that it was time to receive assistance from the
king. Louis XIII listened attentively to de Monts' requests, but he did
not accede to them. De Monts, therefore, informed Champlain that he was
compelled to abandon the enterprise. This was the last interview between
these two men.
Champlain was now left to his own resources for continuing his work. His
personal means were small, and far too slender to enable him to support
a colony in its infancy. The thought of abandoning the settlement was
repugnant to him, not only on account of the years of labour he had
bestowed upon it, but also because he felt that there was every chance
of success with the aid of rich and powerful men.
At the commencement of his description of his first voyage to Canada,
Champlain enumerates the reasons which induced him to continue his work
of discovery: "The desire which I have always had of making new
discoveries in New France, for the good, profit and glory of the French
name, and at the same time to lead the poor natives to the knowledge of
God, has led me to seek more and more for the greater facility of this
undertaking, which can only be secured by means of good regulations."
Then he drew up a statement,[14] which he handed to President Jeannin,
whom he knew to be well disposed.
The president encouraged Champlain, but in order that he might not be
deceived, he thought it better that Champlain should act under the
authority of some man whose influence would be sufficient to protect him
against the jealousy of the merchants. Champlain, therefore, addressed
himself through M. de Beaulieu, councillor and almoner in ordinary to
the king, to Charles de Bourbon, Comte de Soissons, then governor of
Dauphiné and Normandy. He urged upon the count the importance of the
undertaking, and explained the best means of regulating it, claiming
that the disorders which had hitherto existed threatened to ruin the
enterprise, and to bring dishonour to the name of the French.
After having examined the map of the country, and studied the details of
the scheme, Soissons promised, under the sanction of the king, to assume
the protectorate of the undertaking. Louis XIII listened favourably to
the petition of his loyal subject, and granted the direction and control
of the settlement to the count, who in due course honoured Champlain
with the lieutenancy. Soon after this event, however, the count died,
and His Majesty committed the direction of affairs to Monseigneur Le
Prince de Condé, who retained Champlain as his lieutenant.
After having caused his commission to be posted in all the ports of
Normandy, Champlain sailed from France on March 6th, in the vessel of
Pont-Gravé, and arrived at Pointe aux Vaches, near Tadousac, on April
24th, 1613.
The savages came on board the vessel and inquired for Champlain. Some
one replied that he had remained in France. On hearing this, an old man
approached Champlain, who was walking in a corner of the vessel, and
examined the scar on his ear, which was caused by an arrow wound while
fighting for the Indians. On seeing this, the old man recognized
Champlain, and expressed his feelings by shouts of delight, in which he
was joined by his companions, who said, "Your people are awaiting you in
the harbour of Tadousac."
On arriving at Tadousac, Champlain found that these Indians were almost
dying of hunger, and after having affixed the arms and commission of His
Majesty to a post in the port, he proceeded to Quebec, which he reached
on May 7th. The people of the settlement were all in good health, and
the winter having been less severe than usual, the river had not frozen
once. The leaves were beginning to appear on the trees, and the fields
were already decked with flowers.
On the 13th of the month Champlain left for the Falls of St. Louis,
which he reached eight days afterwards. Here he met a number of the
Algonquins, who informed him that the bad treatment which they had
experienced during the previous year had discouraged them from coming to
trade, and that his long absence from the country had left the whole
tribe under the impression that he did not intend to return. On hearing
this, Champlain recognized that it would be advisable to visit the
Algonquins at once, in order to continue his discoveries, and to
preserve friendly relations with them.
During his residence in France, Champlain had met a young Frenchman
named Nicholas du Vignau, who claimed to have seen the Northern Sea,
and said that the Algonquin River flowed from a lake which emptied into
it. He also stated that the journey from Sault St. Louis to this sea and
return could be accomplished in seventeen days, and that he had seen
there the wreck and débris of an English ship, on board of which were
eighty men. This intelligence seemed the more probable as the English
were supposed to have visited the Labrador coast in 1612, where they had
discovered a strait.
Champlain requested a merchant of La Rochelle, named Georges, to give du
Vignau a passage on his ship, which he did willingly, and he also made
an affidavit before a notary concerning du Vignau's Relation. Du Vignau
came to Canada, and accompanied Champlain on his visit to the
Algonquins. The party, consisting of four Frenchmen and one savage, set
out from Ste. Helen's Island on May 27th, 1613.
After having passed the falls they entered Lake St. Louis. On the last
day of May they passed Lake des Deux Montagnes, which Champlain called
Lake de Soissons. Some days after they came in sight of the river
Gatineau, the river Rideau and its fall, and the Chaudière Falls, where
they were forced to land. They also passed the rapid des Chats, Lake des
Chats, Madawaska River, Muskrat Lake, and Allumette Island, where an
Algonquin chief named Tessoüat resided. On the following day the Indians
gave a _tabagie_ in honour of Champlain, who after smoking the pipe of
peace with the party, explained to them that the object of his visit was
to assure them of his friendship, and to assist them in their wars, as
he had done before.[15]
He told them also that he was making an excursion into their country to
observe the fertility of the soil, and study their lakes and rivers, and
to discover the sea which he was told was in their vicinity. Champlain
therefore requested them to furnish four canoes, and eight Indians as
guides, to conduct the party to the Nipissirini, in order to induce
their enemies to fight.
The chief Tessoüat, speaking in behalf of the whole tribe, said that he
regarded Champlain as the most friendly of all the French, for the
others were unwilling to help them in their wars, but that they had
resolved not to go to the falls again, and that, owing to the long
absence of Champlain from the country, they had been compelled to go to
the wars alone. They therefore begged him to postpone his expedition
until the following year.
They granted Champlain's request of four canoes with great reluctance,
and stated that the Nipissirini were sorcerers, and not their friends.
Champlain insisted on having the guides, and stated that he had brought
with him a young man who would find no difficulty in visiting the
country of the Nipissirini.
Tessoüat thereupon addressed the young man by name, and said: "Nicholas,
is it true that you were among the Nebicerini?" "Yes," said he in
Algonquin language, "I was there." "You are a downright liar," replied
Tessoüat, "you know well that you slept at my side every night, with my
children, where you arose every morning; if you were among the people
mentioned, it was while sleeping. How could you have been as bold as to
lead your chief to believe lies, and so wicked as to be willing to
expose his life to so many dangers? You are a worthless fellow and ought
to be put to death, more cruelly than we do our enemies."
Shortly after, Champlain advised the Indians that the young lad had
confessed that he had lied concerning his visits to the Nipissirini
country. By telling them the facts Champlain hoped to ensure the life of
Nicholas du Vignau, as the savages had said, "Give him to us, and we
promise that he shall not lie any more."
On June 10th Champlain took leave of Tessoüat, after making him presents
and promising to return during the next year to assist in the war.
Continuing his course, Champlain again approached the Chaudière Falls,
where the savages went through a ceremony peculiar to them, which is
thus described:
"After carrying their canoes to the foot of the falls, they assembled
in one spot, where one of them took up a collection in a wooden plate,
into which each one placed a piece of tobacco. The collection having
been made, the plate was placed in the middle of the troupe, as they all
danced around it, singing after their style. Then one of them made a
harangue, setting forth that for a long time they had been accustomed to
make this offering, by means of which they were insured protection
against their enemies, and that otherwise misfortune would befall them,
as they were convinced by the evil spirit; and that they lived on in
this superstition, as in many others. This done, the maker of the
harangue took the plate, and threw the tobacco into the midst of the
caldron, whereupon they all raised a loud cry."
Such was the superstition of these savages that they considered a
favourable journey impossible without this uncouth ceremony. It was at
this portage that their enemies had been wont to surprise them.
On June 17th they arrived at Sault St. Louis on their return journey.
Captain L'Ange, who was the confidant of Champlain, brought news that
Maisonneuve of St. Malo had arrived with a passport from the Prince de
Condé for three vessels. Champlain therefore allowed him to trade with
the savages.
As the trade with the savages was now completed, Champlain resolved to
return to France by the first vessel which was ready to start. He
accepted a passage in Maisonneuve's vessel, which arrived at St. Malo on
August 26th. Champlain had an interview with the merchants, to whom he
represented that a good association could be formed in the future. The
merchants resolved to follow the example of those of Rouen and La
Rochelle.
In concluding this chapter we may repeat the words of Champlain: "May
God by His grace cause this undertaking to prosper to His honour and
glory the conversion of these poor benighted ones, and to the honour and
welfare of France."[16]
FOOTNOTES:
[13] Jean Godet, Sieur du Parc, was a brother of Claude des Marets. He
came with his brother to Quebec in 1609, and wintered there. In 1616 he
commanded at Quebec. On his return to France, he remained at St. Germain
de Clairefeuille, where he died on November 16th, 1652.
[14] This volume is entitled: _Les Voyages du Sieur de Champlain
Xaintongeois, capitaine pour le Roy, en la marine...._ A Paris, MDCXIII.
This volume contains a letter to the king, another one to the queen,
stanzas addressed to the French, an ode to Champlain on his book and his
marine maps, signed by Motin. The first book contains the voyages of
Champlain along the coasts of Acadia and New England. The second relates
to the voyages of Champlain to Quebec, in the years 1608, 1610 and 1611.
This edition is the most useful and the most interesting of all. Two
large maps of New France give an excellent idea of the country, though
they are not absolutely accurate.
[15] In August, 1867, a farmer called Overman, found on his land, lot
12, township of Ross, county of Renfrew, Ontario, an astrolabe supposed
to have been lost by Champlain during this expedition. From June 6th,
1613, Champlain seems to have ceased his observations, as he does not
say after this date: "I have taken the latitude." This fact would seem
to prove that the instrument was not used after June 6th, 1613. Some
pamphlets have been written on the astrolabe, and they all agree that it
had belonged to Champlain. Mr. Russell, one of the writers, has given a
full description of it.
[16] _Quatrième voyage du Sr. de Champlain, capitaine ordinaire pour le
Roy en la Marine, et Lieutenant de Monseigneur le Prince de Condé en la
Nouvelle France, fait en l'année 1613._ This Relation contains a letter
to Henri de Condé, and a geographical map, made in 1612, of a large size
and very curious. The history of this voyage is really a part of the
so-called edition of 1613, and the printing of it was done at the same
time as the Relations of the first, second and third voyages, which form
altogether a large volume of three hundred and twenty-five pages.