On the 3rd of April, the army, leaving its cantonments around Corinth,
commenced its advance, and the heads of the columns were directed toward
Pittsburg, on the Tennessee river, where, unconscious of the gathering
storm, lay the Federal host under General Grant, which had conquered at
Donelson. Flushed with that victory and insolent with triumph, the enemy
rested for the long march of invasion which he believed would lead him
(unchecked, even if opposed) to easy, speedy and decisive conquest. No
thought of danger to himself, disturbed these pleasant anticipations.
The suggestion that an attack from the Confederate forces at Corinth was
imminent, would have been dismissed as the idlest and weakest of
apprehensions. The different corps moved from their respective
positions, on the railroads which enter Corinth, by the most direct
roads to the point indicated for their concentration.
General Johnson had declared, some weeks previously, with prophetic
judgment, that upon that very spot, "the great battle of the Southwest
would be fought."
Breckinridge's division, to which Morgan's squadron was now attached,
moved from Byrnesville. The roads were narrow and miry, and were not
improved by a heavy rain which fell during the march, and by the passage
of successive trains of wagons and batteries of artillery. The march was
slow and toilsome. The infantry labored along with mud-clogged feet,
casting sour looks and candid curses at the cavalry and couriers, who
bespattered them. The artillery often stuck fast, and the struggling
horses failed to move the pieces, until the cannoneers applied
themselves and pushed and strained at the heavy wheels.
On the 5th, about three or four in the afternoon, every thing was
concentrated upon the ground, where General Johnson proposed to
establish his line, and the disposition of the forces, in accordance
with the plan of battle, was at once commenced. On account of some
accident, or mistake, this concentration was effected one day later than
had been contemplated, causing a corresponding delay in the attack. It
has frequently been asserted that this was occasioned by the failure of
General Polk's corps to arrive at the appointed time.
General Polk's report demonstrates the injustice of this statement, and
it is probable that the condition of the roads was the sole cause of the
delay.
A want of promptness upon the part of General Polk, no doubt would have
produced a suspension of the attack. A corps so strong and efficient,
could have been ill-spared from an army, already inferior in numbers to
the antagonist it was about to assail, and the absence of the brave old
Bishop from the field, would have been, of itself, a serious loss. This
delay was the cause of grave apprehensions to many of the Confederate
Generals, and, as matters were managed, was really unfortunate.
It was known that Buell was marching rapidly to the support of Grant,
and General Johnson wished to crush the latter before their junction was
effected.
General Beauregard was of opinion that the attack, having been so long
delayed, ought to be abandoned altogether; that it would now be
extremely hazardous, and that the safety of the army would be
compromised if it did not retire promptly to Corinth.
General Johnson listened courteously to every argument, but was moved by
none to relinquish his plan. His resolution to fight, after placing his
army in front of the enemy, was fixed. He believed, "the offensive once
assumed, ought to be maintained at all hazards." He trusted that vigor
and audacity would enable him to accomplish victory on the first day,
before the fresh troops came, and his designs were too profoundly
considered, his gallant faith in his soldiers, too earnest, for his
purpose to be shaken. In answer to an anxious inquiry from his aide,
Colonel William Preston, he said, quietly, "I would fight them were they
a million."
The ground selected for battle was that inclosed between Owl and Lick
creeks, which run nearly parallel with each other, and empty into the
Tennessee river. The flanks of the two armies rested upon these little
streams, and the front of each was just the distances, at their
respective positions, between the two creeks. The Confederate front was,
consequently, a little more than three miles long. The distance between
the creeks widens somewhat, as they approach the river, and the Federal
army had more ground upon which to deploy. The position which the enemy
occupied next morning, is five or six miles from the river, and his
advance camp was perhaps a mile southward of Shiloh Church. He had, as
yet, established no line; the attack next morning took him completely by
surprise, and he formed after the fight had commenced.
General Johnson's effective strength, including all the forces available
for that battle, was about thirty-five thousand men. That of the enemy
was, perhaps, forty-five thousand men. The advantages of attack and
surprise would, General Johnson thought, more than counterbalance his
numerical inferiority. If Buell brought reinforcements to his opponents,
by forced marches, in advance of his army, he would feel their effect
only in a stronger line, and more stubborn resistance upon the
front--his flanks would be safe in any event. The array of his forces
evinced a resolution to break through and crush, at any cost, whatever
should confront him in the narrow space where the whole conflict would
be crowded.
The troops were bivouacked that night upon the ground which it was
intended that they should occupy in line of battle. No disposition which
could be made that evening was delayed; every precaution was taken to
guard against a further procrastination of the attack. The men laid down
to sleep in the order in which they were to rush upon the enemy.
General Hardee had command of the first line, General Bragg of the
second, and General Polk of the third. General Hardee's line extended
from the one creek to the other, and as his corps (fully deployed) could
not properly occupy the entire distance, he was reinforced by a fine
brigade under Brigadier General Gladden. To Hardee was given the honor
of commencing the battle, and he was ordered to push his whole line
rapidly forward, at early dawn. General Bragg's line was formed
similarly to General Hardee's, and about a quarter of a mile in its
rear. Bragg was ordered to advance simultaneously with Hardee, and to
support him when he needed assistance. Then, at the distance of eight
hundred yards, came General Polk's corps, not deployed, but formed in
column of brigades. General Breckinridge's division (over six thousand
strong) constituted the reserve, and was close in the rear of Polk's
corps. The cavalry was promiscuously disposed--indeed, no one in
authority seemed to think it could win the battle. Morgan's squadron was
formed with the Kentucky troops, and occupied the extreme left of
Breckinridge's division. This disposition of the forces and the
energetic conduct of the Confederate commanders, explain the striking
features of the battle, which have been so often remarked--the
_methodical_ success of the Confederates, upon the first day, the
certainty with which they won their way forward against the most
determined resistance; the "clock-like" regularity of their advance, the
desperate struggle, the Federal retreat, repeated again and again
through the day. Taking into consideration the circumstances under which
the collision occurred, military _savants_ will, some day, demonstrate
that success ought, with mathematical certainty, to have resulted from
the tactics of General Johnson. An army moving to attack (an enemy,
surprised and unprepared), in three lines, supported by a reserve, and
with its flanks perfectly protected, ought to have delivered crushing
and continuous blows. Such a formation, directed by consummate skill and
the finest nerve in a commander, of troops who believed that to fight
would be to win, promised an onset well nigh irresistible.
The afternoon wore away and no sign in the enemy's camps indicated that
he had discovered our presence. The night fell, and, the stern
preparations for the morrow, having been all completed, the army sank to
rest. The forest was soon almost as still as before it had been tenanted
with the hosts of war. But, before the day broke, the army was astir;
the bugles sounded the reveille on all sides, and the long lines began
to form. About five o'clock, the first gun rang on the front--another
and another, succeeding, as our skirmishers pressed on, until the
musketry grew into the crackling, labored sound, which precedes the roar
of real battle. The troops seemed excited to frenzy by the sound. It was
the first fight in which the majority of them had ever been engaged, and
they had, as yet, seen and suffered nothing to abate the ardor with
which the high-spirited young fellows panted for battle. Every one who
witnessed that scene--the marshaling of the Confederate army for attack
upon the morning of the sixth of April--must remember more distinctly
than any thing else, the glowing enthusiasm of the men, their buoyancy
and spirited impatience to close with the enemy. As each regiment formed
upon the ground where it had bivouacked, the voice of its commander
might be heard as he spoke high words of encouragement to his men, and
it would ring clearer as he appealed to their regimental pride, and bade
them think of the fame they might win. When the lines began to advance,
the wild cheers which arose made the woods stir as if with the rush of a
mighty wind. No where was there any thought of fear--every where were
the evidences of impetuous and determined valor.
For some distance the woods were open and clear of undergrowth, and the
troops passed through, preserving their array with little difficulty;
but as the point, where the fight between the pickets had commenced, was
neared, the timber became dwarfed into scrubby brush, and at some places
dense thickets impeded the advance. The ground, too, grew rugged and
difficult of passage in unbroken line. Frequent halts to reform and
dress the ranks became necessary, and at such times General Johnson's
magnificent battle order was read to the regiments, and its manly,
heroic language was listened to with the feeling it was intended to
evoke. The gray, clear morning was, ere long, enlivened with a radiant
sunrise. As the great light burst in full splendor above the horizon,
sending brilliancy over the scene, many a man thought of the great
conqueror's augury and pointed in exultation and hope to the "Sun of
Shiloh." Breckinridge's division went into the fight last, and, of
course, saw or heard a great deal of it, before becoming itself actively
engaged. Not far off, on the left and center, the fight soon grew
earnest, as Hardee dashed resolutely on; the uneasy, broken rattle of
the skirmishers gave way to the sustained volleys of the lines, and the
artillery joined in the clamor, while away on the right, the voice of
the strife swelled hoarser and angrier, like the growl of some wounded
monster--furious and at bay. Hardee's line carried all before it. At the
first encampment it met not even the semblance of a check. Following
close and eager upon the fleeing pickets, it burst upon the startled
inmates as they emerged, half clad, from their tents, giving them no
time to form, driving them in rapid panic, bayoneting the dilatory--on
through the camp swept, together, pursuers and pursued. But now the
alarm was thoroughly given, the "long roll" and the bugle were calling
the Federals to arms; all through their thick encampments they were
hastily forming.
As Hardee, close upon the haunches of the foe he had first started,
broke into another camp, a long line of steel and flame met him,
staggering, and for a little while, stopping his advance. But his
gallant corps was still too fresh for an enemy, not yet recovered from
the enervating effects of surprise, to hold it back long. For a while it
writhed and surged before the stern barrier suddenly erected in its
front, and then, gathering itself, dashed irresistibly forward. The
enemy was beaten back, but the hardy Western men who filled his ranks
(although raw and for the first time under fire) could not be forced to
positive flight. They had once formed, and at this stage of the battle,
they could not be routed. They had little discipline, but plenty of
staunch courage. Soon they turned for another stand, and the
Confederates were, at once, upon them. Again they gave way, but strewed
the path of their stubborn retreat with many a corpse in gray as well as
in blue. At half past seven the first lines began to give signs of
exhaustion, and its march over the rough ground while struggling with
the enemy, had thinned and impaired it. It was time for Bragg's corps to
come to the relief, and that superb line now moved up in serried
strength. The first sign of slackening upon the part of the Confederates
seemed to add vigor to the enemy's resistance. But bravely as they
fought, they never recovered from the stun of the surprise. Their half
of the battle was out of joint at the beginning, and it was never gotten
right during that day. They were making desperate efforts to retrieve
their lost ground when Bragg's disciplined tornado burst upon them. The
shock was met gallantly but in vain. Another bloody grapple was followed
by another retreat of the Federals, and again our line moved on.
Those who were in that battle will remember these successive contests,
followed by short periods of apparent inaction, going on all the day. To
use the illustration of one well acquainted with its plan and incidents:
"It went on like the regular stroke of some tremendous machine." There
would be a rapid charge and fierce fight--the wild yell would announce a
Confederate success--then would ensue a comparative lull, broken again
in a few minutes, and the charge, struggle and horrible din would
recommence.
About half past ten Polk's corps prepared to take part in the fight. He
had previously, by order personally given by General Johnson (who was
all the time in the front), sent one brigade to reinforce General
Bragg's right, where the second line had been most hotly engaged. He had
also sent, by order of General Beauregard, one brigade to the left. The
fight at this time was joined all along the line, and urged with greater
fury, than at any period of the day. Almost immediately after parting
with these two brigades, General Polk became engaged with the remainder
of his corps. The enemy had, now, disposed his entire force for
resistance--the men fought as if determined not to accept defeat--and
their stern, tenacious leader was not the man to relinquish hope,
although his lines had been repeatedly broken and the ground was piled
with his slain. The corps of Hardee, Bragg and Polk, were now striving
abreast, or mingled with each other.
In reading the reports of the Confederate Generals, frequent allusion
will be found to regiments and brigades fighting without "head or
orders." One commander would sometimes direct the movements of troops
belonging to another. At this phase of the struggle, the narrative
should dwell more upon "the biographies of the regiments than the
history of the battle." But the wise arrangement of the lines and the
instructions given subordinate commanders, ensured harmonious action and
the desired result.
Each brigade commander was ordered (when he became disengaged), to seek
and attack the nearest enemy, to press the flank of every stubborn
hostile force which his neighbors could not move, and at all hazards to
press forward. General Johnson seemed to have adopted the spirit of the
motto, "When fighting in the dark, strike out straight." He more than
once assumed command of brigades which knew not what to do, and led them
to where they could fight with effect. Our successes were not won
without costly sacrifices, and the carnage was lavish upon both sides.
While all this was going on in front, Morgan's squadron moved along with
Breckinridge's division, and we listened to the hideous noise, and
thought how much larger the affair was than the skirmishes on Green
river and around Nashville. We soon learned to distinguish when the
fight was sharp and hotly contested, and when our lines were
triumphantly advancing, and we wondered if those before us would finish
the business before we got in.
We had not marched far, before we saw bloody indications of the fierce
work that had been done upon the ground over which we were passing. The
dead and the wounded were thick in the first camp, and, thence, onward.
Some of the corpses (of men killed by artillery), showed ghastly
mutilation. In getting up our glowing anticipation of the day's
programme, we had left these items out of the account, and we mournfully
recognized the fact, that many who seek military distinction, will
obtain it posthumously, if they get it at all. The actual sight of a
corpse immensely chills an abstract love of glory. The impression soon
wears off, however, and the dead are very little noticed. Toward ten or
eleven o'clock we wandered away from the infantry to which we had been
attached, and getting no orders or instructions, devoted ourselves to an
examination of the many interesting scenes of the field, which we viewed
with keen relish.
The camps whence the enemy had been driven, attracted especial and
admiring attention. There was a profusion of all the necessaries, and
many of the luxuries of military life. How we wondered that an army
could have ever permitted itself to be driven away from them.
While we were curiously inspecting the second or third encampment, and
had gotten closer, than at any time previously, to the scene of the
fighting, a slight incident interrupted, for a moment, the pleasure of
the investigation. Some of the enemy's shells were bursting over our
heads, and as we were practically ignorant of artillery, we were at
first puzzled to know what they were. In the general thunder of the
fight, no special reports could be heard, to lead to a solution of the
particular phenomena. Suddenly a short yell of mingled indignation and
amazement, announced that one of the party had some practical
information on the subject. He had been struck by a fragment on the
shoulder, inflicting a severe gash and bruise. Not knowing how the
missile had reached him, he seemed to think himself a very ill-treated
man.
Just as Breckinridge's division was going into action, about 12 P.M., we
came upon the left of it, where the Kentucky troops were formed. The
bullets were beginning to fly thick about us. Simultaneously, the
squadron and the regiment nearest to us, struck up the favorite song of
the Kentuckians, "Cheer Boys, Cheer"--the effect was animating beyond
all description.
About this time our advance was receiving its first serious check. While
the right and the left were advancing, the left-center was repulsed
before a strong position which the enemy held in force. They were posted
upon an eminence, in front of which were thickets and underbrush. Plenty
of artillery strongly supported, crowned this eminence, and Hardee's
utmost efforts to carry it had been foiled. So furiously played the
batteries of the enemy, that nothing could be seen of the position, but
sheets of flame and clouds of smoke. When an advance was attempted
against it, a shower of minnie balls would be felt. It was finally
taken, after the impetus given the line by the arrival of the reserve
under Breckinridge, had sent our forces forward on both sides so far,
that it was completely flanked. While the advance, at this point, was
thus suspended, the squadron happened to approach, and General Hardee
sent an aide to know "what cavalry that was?" Upon learning that it was
Morgan's, he expressed himself much pleased, and said that he would use
it to "take that battery." When informed of this truly gratifying
compliment, the men bore themselves with becoming sobriety, and as they
formed for the charge, which we were told would be immediately ordered,
they indulged in no unseemly or extravagant expressions of joy. Indeed,
it is an historical fact, that while we were ready enough to go, we were
not so sanguine of the result as General Hardee seemed to be. The
General sat on his horse near Schoup's gallant battery which was
replying, but ineffectually, to the vicious rain of grape and shell
which poured from the hill. He seemed indifferent to the terrible
volleys, and only anxious to capture the guns.
The order, we were expecting, was never given us. At the first
slackening of the fire from the hill, some of the infantry regiments,
which were lying down, dashed forward, but the enemy left the position
because he was in danger of being surrounded. Many of the guns were
abandoned.
The right was now checked, meeting the fiercest resistance. The left and
center bore rapidly forward.
From a passage in General Bragg's report, it would seem that it had been
part of the plan to press more strongly upon our right and drive the
enemy down the river, "leaving the left open for him to escape." But it
was already apparent that he was being hemmed in and forced from all
sides, toward Pittsburg Landing.
General Hardee, at this time, ordered Colonel Morgan to take his command
to the extreme left, and "charge the first enemy he saw." Colonel Morgan
immediately proceeded in the direction indicated as rapidly as his
column could gallop. The left of our line was moving so swiftly to the
front that, leaving to go some distance by a bridle path in the rear,
before turning to overtake it, we did not reach it until nearly one
o'clock in the afternoon. Just as we approached, we saw, on the extreme
left, a body of men dressed in blue uniforms, going through with some
strange evolutions. Their dress was much like that of the enemy, but
there were troops, evidently Confederate, not far from them that were
paying them no attention. Colonel Morgan ordered a platoon of Company A,
to dismount and approach them cautiously, to fire into them if satisfied
that they were the enemy, and it was his intention to then charge them.
We drew very near to them unnoticed. A little man flourishing a
portentous saber, was directing their movements with off-hand eloquence.
We forbore to fire, because, although we did not understand what he
said, we thought from the emphasis of the speaker, his volubility, and
the imprecatory sound of the language, that it was French, and that his
party were Louisianians. This surmise was correct. They were members of
Colonel Mouton's fine regiment, the Eighteenth Louisiana. Their uniform
cost them dearly before the fight was over. They were frequently fired
into by Confederate regiments, and received, in that way, smart loss. At
length they retaliated whenever they received a volley. This caused some
complaint, but it is related that the Louisianians gave sound military
reasons for their conduct, saying: "We fire at any body, what fire at
us--G-d d-m." Shortly after we made this discovery, we saw this regiment
and a portion of the Kentucky brigade, charge across a wide field on the
extreme left of our line. Here a ravine which had protected our left
flank suddenly terminated, and when the line had dashed across this
field and had entered the woods beyond, it was entirely uncovered. A
strong force of the enemy was formed in the middle of this field (where
one of the camps was situated), and the Confederates rushed so closely
upon them, that it seemed as if the bayonets must cross, before they
gave way. The volume of musketry in this charge was tremendous, and
drowned the crash of the artillery. When the Federals turned to retreat
they still preserved their array, and went off in perfect order.
They frequently faced about to fire on their pursuers, who poured
continuous volleys into them, and thus fighting they disappeared in the
woods. Our squadron and the Texian rangers--Eighth Texas--were following
behind the infantry, and had been unable to get past them, or (on
account of the ravine) to the left of them. Now, however, an opportunity
of actively participating in the battle occurred, which we had not
expected. As we were pressing across the field, some Federal skirmishers
appeared in the edge of the woods upon the left of the field, not more
than eighty yards from us. They directed their attention principally to
Byrne's battery, which was also crossing the field, and prevented the
cannoneers from unlimbering the guns. Colonel Morgan at once ordered the
charge, and the squadron dashed at full gallop into the woods. The
skirmishers ran back, but as we forced our way in a crowded mass (all
line lost) through the thickets, we came suddenly upon the infantry
regiment to which these skirmishers belonged. Fortunately for us, this
regiment, in scrambling through the brush, had lost the compactness of
its formation. We came close upon them before the Federals fired--they
delivered one stunning volley, the blaze almost reaching our faces, and
the roar rang in our ears like thunder. The next moment we rode right
through them--some of the men trying to cut them down with the saber,
and making ridiculous failures, others doing real execution with gun and
pistol. We lost only three men killed, but they were noble, gallant
soldiers--Lieutenant James West and privates Samuel Buckner and James
Ghiselin. We lost several others wounded. Twelve of the enemy were
killed and a few made prisoners. The affair was over directly, and the
Federals retreated. The Texians, as we prepared to charge, asked what we
were going to do. "To go in," was the answer, "Then we will go in, too,"
they shouted, and galloping down the rear of our line, until they
reached the right of it, they turned short to the left and charged into
the woods. They struck the rest of the brigade to which the regiment we
had met belonged, and drove it back for some distance. They were never
checked until they reached a high fence, which they could not pass.
Their loss was then severe, and many of their riderless horses came
galloping over the ground where our wounded lay.
Our infantry had pressed on beyond this point, and there was no
Confederate force near except this cavalry. It was impossible to
conjecture how strong the enemy was just here, but Colonel Morgan,
fearing that he might come in force sufficient to endanger this flank,
disposed his command on foot, to make all possible resistance in such an
event. Our skirmishers, thrown forward, could not find him, and the
receding din of the battle seemed to promise perfect safety against all
such dangers. About half-past one or two o'clock, occurred the great
calamity which rendered unavailing all of the sacrifices and successes
of the day. General Johnson was killed. He had exposed himself with
almost culpable recklessness. From the commencement of the fight he had
been in the van--cheering the struggling men--adding fresh spirit to the
charge--stimulating to new energy the battalions that were checked. His
clothing had been torn by balls which were unheeded.
Once he had ridden along the rear of a brave Arkansas Regiment, which
had just recoiled from a terrible fire. "Where now," he said, striking
some of the men encouragingly upon the shoulder, "are the Arkansas boys,
who boasted that they would fight with their bowie knives? You have a
nobler weapon in your grasp--will you dare to use it?" He spoke to men
who could not hear such words in vain--they rushed forward and won the
position.
Statham's magnificent brigade had at length faltered. General Johnson,
bare-headed and with his hand elevated, rode out in front of the
brigade, and called on it to follow. His dress, majestic presence,
imposing gesture and large gray horse, made him a conspicuous mark. A
ball pierced his leg, severing the artery. He paid no notice to the
wound, but continued to follow the troops, who, incited by his example,
had charged successfully. Suddenly he grew faint and reeled in his
saddle. His staff came to his assistance, but too late. They bore him
into a ravine for shelter, and in a few moments he died. I cannot
venture to speak of General Johnson in the ordinary terms of
eulogy--such applied to him would seem frivolous and profane. He was too
great for it in life--and it would little accord with the veneration,
silent, but profound, with which we, his people, cherish his memory. If
he had lived but a few days more! Shortly after this great disaster the
lines were pressed forward rapidly again at all points. Our troops were
still instinct with the spirit of the lost leader. His genius had
prepared effects, accomplished after he was gone. The left had swept far
around--the center, where the latest check had been felt, was a little
behind--the right driving everything before it, when, by hard fighting
the resistance opposed to it at noon had been overcome, was approaching
the river.
Now the word was passed through the army, "Let every order be forward."
In the last determined stand which the enemy made, Major General
Prentice and two thousand of his division were captured. His troops
stood, until the advancing Confederates closed in on two sides, and
escape had become impossible.
Our army was now near the river, and a victory absolutely complete and
decisive, was just within its grasp. The fighting had been hard and our
success blood-bought but brilliant. For many miles (through his
encampments, piled up with rich spoils) we had driven the enemy. His
brave resistance had at length been completely broken, and after immense
losses, he seemed ready to yield. It is an indisputable fact, that for
an hour, at least, before the Confederate advance was checked by order
of the Commanding General, it was meeting with no sort of check from the
enemy. The Northern writers, who shortly after the battle described it,
one and all depicted a scene of utter confusion and consternation as
prevailing in the Federal army, crowded upon the bank of the river.
Scarcely a semblance of resistance (according to these writers), was
maintained--while thousands (all discipline and confidence gone), were
prepared to surrender. Hundreds, unable to force their way upon the
boats, plunged into the river and were drowned.
The head of Buell's column commenced to arrive late in the afternoon,
and the troops were crossed as rapidly as they came up. Nelson's
division crossed first. The leading brigade was compelled to force its
way through the mass of fugitives. On that afternoon, the second chance
which the Confederacy had, to win the war, was thrown away.
All night long, the huge pieces upon the gunboats thundered at
intervals, with a roar which seemed like that of a bursting firmament.
They had been opened during the afternoon, but, on account of the great
elevation necessary to enable them to shoot over the bluffs, the shells
had gone high in the air. These huge missiles came screaming louder than
a steam whistle, striking off the tops of trees, and filling the air
with dense clouds of smoke when they burst, but doing no damage.
During the night little was done to reorganize the Confederate soldiery.
Only Bragg's corps maintained its discipline. Thousands of stragglers
(from the other corps) roamed over the field to plunder and riot. The
Federal Generals strained every nerve to repair their disaster. The
fugitives were collected and placed again in the ranks. The boats plied
steadily, bringing over Buell's fresh and undiscouraged forces, and at
six o'clock next morning the victors were in their turn assailed by an
army larger than the one they had confronted on the day before, and half
of which was fresh and unwearied. General Beauregard disposed his tired
troops to receive this storm--and although his line was thin--weakened
(from the superb array of the day before) by the dead and wounded and
those who had straggled from their colors--it could not be driven.
General Beauregard in his report of the battle, says:
"On his right and center the enemy was repulsed in every effort he made
with his heavy columns in that quarter of the field. On the left, our
line was weakest, and here the enemy drove on line after line of fresh
troops with unremitting fury." Our troops stood firm, but General
Beauregard feared that they must eventually break, and at 12 M. (all of
his scanty reserves having been put in) he ordered a withdrawal of the
line.
After a repulse of a desperate attack the troops began to retire, and
accomplished the movement without trouble. General Beauregard says: "The
lines of troops established to cover this movement had been disposed on
a favorable ridge--commanding the ground of Shiloh Church, from this
position our artillery played upon the woods beyond, but upon no visible
enemy, and without a reply. Soon satisfied that no serious pursuit was,
or would be attempted, this last line was withdrawn, and never did
troops leave a battlefield in better order."
General Breckinridge (whose heroic conduct on both days had almost
repaid the Kentuckians--in their pride in it--for the loss of the
battle) was left as rear guard, just in front of the intersection of the
Pittsburg and Hamburg roads--upon the ground occupied by the army upon
Saturday night. On the next day he was withdrawn three miles to
Mickey's, and remained there undisturbed for five or six days. Our
cavalry occupied the ground several miles further to the north. Morgan's
squadron, and other cavalry commands, were posted for more than a week
upon a portion of the field won from the enemy on the first day, during
which time only two or three trifling skirmishes occurred.
The army marched to Corinth on the 7th and 8th.
It is a point conceded, now, on all sides, that had the Confederate army
pursued its success on the evening of the first day, the army under
General Grant would have been annihilated, and Buell never could have
crossed the river. Had General Johnson survived, the battle would have
been pressed vigorously to that consummation. Then, what would have been
the situation? The army, remaining upon the banks of the Tennessee for a
few days, would have been reorganized and recovered from the exhausting
effects of the battle. The slightly wounded returning to the ranks would
have made the muster-roll full thirty thousand effectives.
Price and Van Dorn coming with about fifteen thousand and the levies
from all quarters, which were hastening to Corinth, would have given
General Johnson nearly sixty thousand infantry. Buell, unable to cross
the river or to use it for obtaining supplies, his communications with
Nashville in constant danger, and hourly interrupted by the five or six
thousand cavalry which General Johnson could have thrown upon them,
would have been suspended without the ability to obtain foothold or prop
anywhere. If nothing else could have made him retreat, a menace to
Nashville, from the troops in East Tennessee, would have served the
purpose. Then General Johnson could have crossed the river, and the
cavalry have been pushed on to operate between Nashville and Louisville.
General Buell would not have halted to fight. With the odds against him,
to do _that_ (in the heart of a hostile population and far from support)
would have been too hazardous. But retreat would have been almost as
disastrous as defeat, and, closely pressed, would have resulted in the
partial disintegration of his army. Military men, who understand the
situation, and the topography of the country, will concur in the opinion
that General Buell could not have halted with safety at Nashville, nor,
indeed, until he had reached Munfordsville.
Gentlemen who were upon General Johnson's staff, and in his confidence,
state that it was his intention to have attempted no march into
Kentucky, but that if Buell retreated beyond the Cumberland river, he
designed (while keeping his cavalry on the railroad between Nashville
and Louisville) to have marched his army, rapidly, along the South bank
of the Cumberland to the Ohio river, and, crossing that stream, to have
pushed into Illinois, and (destroying the great trunk lines of
railroads) have marched to Kentucky by way of Ohio. He could have made
the march in less time than troops could have been organized to oppose
him. The plan appeared daring to rashness, but where were the forces to
endanger such a march? The militia could not have stopped it a moment.
General Johnson believed that, his army would have increased as it
advanced, and that vacillation and disaffection removed from Kentucky
and Missouri, would be transferred to the Northwestern States, and that
negotiations for peace would be entertained by those States separately.
But the battle of Shiloh was, after all, a Confederate success. The army
of invasion was crippled and reduced to a cautious offensive, little
better than inactivity. The Federal arms were stayed and blunted, and
the Southern people, reanimated, prepared for fresh and vigorous
resistance.
When relieved from duty on the field of Shiloh, Colonel Morgan sought
and obtained permission to dash into Tennessee, with a force adequate to
important results. While the army lay in the entrenchments around
Corinth, which the Federal forces under Halleck were tediously
approaching, he wished to pounce upon the rich prizes in their rear. He
assembled the troops, with which he was about to make the contemplated
expedition at Byrnesville, on or about the twenty-third of April.
His own command, Companies A, B and C, respectively commanded by
Lieutenants Sellers, Chadburn and Churchill, had been augmented by a
fourth company, or rather nucleus of a company, some twenty-five strong,
commanded by Captain Brown--a gallant officer. Detachments from Colonel
Wirt Adams' regiment and McNairy's battalion had, also, been assigned
him. These were commanded by his friend, Lieutenant Colonel Wood, and
Captain Harris. The entire force at his disposal numbered three hundred
and twenty-five effectives. Colonel Morgan was detained at Byrnesville
for several days, having his horses shod, arms put in order, rations
cooked, and other necessary arrangements for the expedition perfected.
When all was ready, the command commenced its march on the 26th. Extra
ammunition and rations were carried on pack mules--one being allowed to
each section, or four to a company.
These mules were led by men, detailed from the section to which they
were attached, and the "train" was placed under charge of private Frank
Leathers--called by courteous reminiscence of his former rank in the
Kentucky militia, and as ex-legislator--Colonel. This gallant gentleman
will pardon me for complimenting the energy and diligence he displayed,
by recording the grumbling acknowledgment of one of those he "put in
motion," who declared that "he made a bigger row in driving his mules
than was necessary to align a division of cavalry for action."
Passing through Iuka, that day, the command encamped six miles from the
Tennessee river, and reaching it early next morning, immediately
commenced to cross. The river was high, and there was nothing with
which to effect the crossing, but one boat--a small horse-ferry, capable
of holding ten or twelve. Efforts were made (unsuccessfully), to cross a
portion of the command at other points. Two days and nights of hard work
were occupied in getting every thing across. One of the men who was
actively engaged in the work, describes an apprehension which rendered
it more disagreeable. "We had," he says, "the gunboat fever very badly,
at that time, and expected every minute to see one come in sight, for
they were patroling the river for some miles above this point."
Leaving the river on the morning of the 30th, Colonel Morgan reached
Lawrenceburg, in Lawrence county, Tennessee, on that afternoon, and
encamped for the night. It was a fertile country, settled by hospitable
people. Rations and forage in abundance were procured, and a good deal
more whisky than was good for the men. Early on the next morning the
march, was resumed, and about 10 A.M. (not far from Pulaski), Colonel
Morgan learned that four hundred Federal troops had just passed through
on the road to Columbia. They were principally convalescents, employed
in putting up a line of telegraph from Columbia to Huntsville, Alabama,
and other "light work." Colonel Morgan determined to relieve them. The
command was pressed on to the town in a gallop. Captain Mitchell (son of
the Federal General of that name), was captured here, and paroled, that
he might effect his exchange for Colonel Morgan's brother--Captain
Charlton Morgan--who had been wounded at Shiloh, and captured at
Huntsville--whither he had gone to convalesce in the smiles of the fair
ladies of that beautiful place. Moving on rapidly, Colonel Morgan
overtook the enemy a short distance beyond the town, and at once
attacked. Learning his approach, the Federals had hastily thrown up some
slight breastworks in a field on the side of the road (in which a part
of them were posted)--others occupied a wood on the left of the road.
Colonel Morgan formed his command, and--the ground permitting--charged
on horseback, carrying the entire line. Many prisoners were captured,
the remnant of the Federal force rallied after retreating about a mile,
leaving wagons. They were flanked by Co. A, and surrendered.
At this juncture, a body of cavalry appeared, approaching from the
direction of Columbia. Not knowing their strength, Colonel Morgan
engaged them with skirmishers. Finding them not strong, he ordered
Captain Brown to charge them, who routed and drove them six or seven
miles. They were about fifty strong. Colonel Morgan's loss in this
affair was slight. A few, only, of the enemy were killed. The prisoners
(nearly four hundred), were taken back to Pulaski. The citizens were
enthusiastic in their reception of Colonel Morgan and his soldiers--the
men were wild with excitement, and the women were in tears. Colonel
Morgan's celebrated mare, "Black Bess"--came in for her share of
admiration and attention. The ladies crowded around to caress and feed
her with dainties (for which she had a weakness), and her glossy tresses
were in great request. It is recorded that upon this occasion, for the
first and only time in his life--Colonel Morgan opposed the wishes of
his lady friends. Fearing that Bess would be completely shorn, he "tore
her away," and sent her to the stable. Guards and pickets were posted,
and the command encamped. Twenty wagons--six loaded with cotton--were
captured, here, and burned. On the next morning--the 2nd--the officer
commanding pickets on the Huntsville road, reported that a train of
wagons was approaching. The command was drawn up to receive them, but
learning that they were escorted by a strong regiment, Colonel Morgan
decided not to attack. Moving on in the direction of Murfreesboro', the
command encamped that night in a loyal neighborhood, and mindful always
of a decorous respect for the opinions of other people, Colonel Morgan
made all of his men "play Union." They were consequently treated with
distinguished consideration, and some were furnished with fresh horses,
for which they gave their kind friends orders (on the disbursing
officers at Nashville), for their back pay.
On the 3rd the column reached Harrington--fifteen miles from
Shelbyville. Some lots of cotton were burned on that day. General
Beauregard (in accordance with the instructions of the War Department)
had issued orders that all cotton (likely to fall into the enemy's
hands) should be burned. The command remained at Harrington during the
night. Over one store the stars and stripes were floating resplendent.
The men were so much pleased with this evidence of patriotism that they
would patronize no other store in the place. Reaching the vicinity of
Murfreesboro', on the night of the 4th, Colonel Morgan drove in all the
pickets (next morning) and made a circuit about the town, striking the
Nashville and Murfreesboro' pike, about five miles from Stone river. The
advance guard captured a few of the enemy's videttes on this road.
Some cotton was burned, and the telegraph wires were cut, after a
dispatch had been sent to Nashville to the effect that Morgan had
captured Shelbyville, and Murfreesboro' wanted reinforcements. Colonel
Morgan (anticipating brilliant feats in that line in the future) carried
a telegraph operator (provided with a pocket instrument) upon this
expedition. That night (at dark) the column reached Lebanon, in Wilson
county. The entire command was quartered in the town. Companies A, B and
C (of the Squadron) were placed at the college. The horses were tied in
the large yard and the men occupied the building. The detachments under
Colonel Wood, Captain Harris and Captain Brown were quartered at the
livery stables. Colonel Morgan's headquarters were at the hotel. Colonel
Wood, who had been left in the vicinity of Murfreesboro', with a small
party, to observe if the enemy followed, came in, some hours after
nightfall, and reported that all was quiet.
It was Colonel Morgan's intention to have moved at an early hour next
morning, and to have crossed the Cumberland river at Canoe-branch ferry,
about ten miles from Lebanon. Orders were issued that the men should
saddle their horses at four o'clock, and that the command should form
immediately afterward. These orders were not communicated to the
company commanders. The night was rainy and bleak. The enemy, advancing
upon the Murfreesboro' road, came to the picket stands a little before
daybreak.
The pickets were all at a house. This criminal neglect of duty was
disastrous. Before the videttes discovered the consequences of their bad
conduct, at least one whole regiment had passed. Then one of them, named
Pleasant Whitlow, a brave and (always before) excellent soldier,
declared that he would retrieve his fault, or die. He was mounted upon a
fleet mare, and dashed at full speed along the road, passing the Federal
column, unstopped. He reached the hotel where Colonel Morgan was
quartered, just as the foremost Federal approached it. As Whitlow called
loudly to alarm the Colonel, the enemy fired and killed him. The men at
the college had just commenced to saddle, when the enemy approached.
They hurriedly formed--Company C, which was quartered in the part of the
grounds nearest where the enemy entered the town, were attacked and
driven pell-mell through the others, before it was fairly aligned. The
three companies became mingled together, and fell back into the town and
upon the road, across which Company A (extricating itself from the
others) formed, under charge of its cool and gallant Orderly Sergeant,
Zelah Bowyer.
Colonel Morgan soon came up, and his presence reinspirited the men. He
desired to join with the other detachments, but the enemy occupied the
intervening space. A strong column was approaching Company A. Colonel
Morgan ordered the men to dismount, reserve their fire, and drive it
back when they did open. When the enemy was close, the order to fire was
given. A good many men and horses fell and the column recoiled. Several
Federal officers in the confusion of this fight rode into the ranks of
Colonel Morgan's command. Colonel Woolford was made a prisoner in this
way. General Dumont, commanding the entire force, was very nearly made
prisoner.
A Chaplain, who made this mistake, asked, upon becoming undeceived,
that he might be permitted to rejoin his command--"to pray for his men."
"The h--ll you say," responded a member of Co. A; "Don't you think
Morgan's men need praying for as well as Woolford's?" The detachments in
the center of the town were completely surrounded. Colonel Morgan made
his way, with about one hundred men, to the Rome and Carthage road, upon
which he commenced his retreat at a steady gait. Suddenly his rear was
attacked. The enemy dashed upon it, sabering the men. In the excitement,
Colonel Morgan's mare broke the curb of her bridle, and he was unable to
restrain her, or reform his men. Two or three taking hold of the reins
strove to hold her in, but uselessly. She went like a tornado. No effort
was made, then, at concerted resistance--a few men turned and fought,
and then resumed their flight. A horse falling near the center of the
column, caused many others to fall, and added--if any thing could
add--to the wild confused rattling hurricane of flight. Colonel Morgan
instructed the men (by courier, for Black Bess would not let him go in
person) to take to the woods when their horses gave out. Many escaped in
this way. The enemy (Kentucky regiments) were mounted on fine horses,
comparatively fresh, which enabled them to press the pursuit so
vigorously. One man gives a graphic account of his part in the race. "I
was riding," he says, "a horse captured from General Dumont, and kept up
with the Colonel until my horse threw his shoes, which put me in the
rear. The men had all passed me with the exception of Ben Drake. When
Ben went by, he said, 'Tom, Dumont will get his horse.' I said, 'Yes,
catch me a horse, Ben.' About a mile from that point, I found Bole
Roberts' horse, with the saddle under his belly, and the stirrups broken
off. As I did not have time to change saddles, I fixed Bole's saddle,
led the horse to the fence, jumped on, used the spurs, and soon passed
Ben again, whose horse was now played out. I overtook Colonel Morgan,
passed him, and found another horse with a saddle on. I stopped and
changed saddles. When we got to Rome, thirteen miles from Lebanon, I
traded horses again, and stayed in the rear with Colonel Morgan, who had
gotten Black Bess pulled up. A short distance from Rome, the Yanks came
within about one hundred yards of us, and told us to stop. I told them
'to go to ----.' The Colonel then told me to ride forward and make the
men push on, as fast as possible. I was the first to reach the ferry,
twenty-one miles from Lebanon. The boat was luckily on our side of the
river. We got into it, as quickly as possible, and left our horses on
the shore. We wanted the Colonel to take Black Bess, but he said no, if
time was allowed he would send for all." This magnificent animal has
never been mentioned, as I am aware, in any official report, and she was
too completely identified with Morgan's early career, to be dismissed
without a description. She was the most perfect beauty I have ever
beheld--even in Kentucky. Not fifteen hands high, the immense power of
her short back, broad tilted loins, and thighs--all muscle--enabled her
to carry Colonel Morgan's one hundred and eighty-five pounds as if he
were a feather-weight. Her head was as beautiful as a "poet's dream"--is
popularly supposed to be. Wide between the eyes, it tapered down, until
her muzzle was small enough to have picked a lady's pocket.
The way it was set on her matchless throttle, might well "haunt the
imagination for years." Her straight superbly proportioned neck, her
shoulder and girth, might have fascinated the eye for ever!--but for her
beautiful hind quarters and the speed and power they indicated! The arch
of her back rib, her flank, her clean legs, with firm, dry muscle, and
tendons like steel wires, her hoofs, almost as small as a clenched fist,
but open and hard as flint, all these utterly baffle description. Her
hide was glossy black, without a hair of white. From her Canadian sire
she had inherited the staunchest constitution, and her thoroughbred dam
dowered her with speed, game, intelligence and grace. An anchorite might
have coveted such an animal. When Colonel Morgan lost her, on this day,
he naturally hoped that she would be subjected to no ignoble use. The
civilized world will scarcely credit that a Yankee subsequently traveled
her about the country, showing her at twenty-five cents a sight. Poor
Bess--her spirit must have been broken, or she would have kicked the
brute's brains out.
Some fifteen men crossed in the ferry-boat. Sergeant Tom Quirk sprang
into a canoe and paddled back to bring the mare over. When about half
way across, the enemy arrived on the shore to which he was returning,
and fired upon him, riddling the canoe with balls. But he escaped
uninjured.
Efforts were made to obtain Colonel Morgan a horse. A fine one was
selected, but an old woman (the owner) stood in the door-way with an
axe, and prevented all attempts "to trade." In vain was it represented
to her that she should certainly be paid--she declared that "unless she
were first shot, the horse should not be taken," and the "assessors"
were compelled to beat a retreat. When Colonel Morgan halted that night,
he had scarcely twenty men with him, and shed tears, as he speculated
upon the probable fate of the rest. Only six men were killed. A number
of others were wounded, and some one hundred and twenty were captured.
The men of the detachments (which were surrounded in Lebanon) were
nearly all made prisoners. Colonel Wood held out for hours, until the
enemy threatened to burn the town, if he did not surrender. Among the
killed was Captain Brown. The enemy lost more in killed and wounded than
did Colonel Morgan.
On the 6th, Colonel Morgan reached Sparta, Tennessee, and remained there
until the 9th. In those three days a good many of his men came in. This
inspirited and decided him to assume the offensive. Shoeing the horses
and equipping the men as he best could (under the circumstances) he left
Sparta on the 9th with nearly one hundred and fifty men--for the most
part badly armed. He directed his march toward the territory of his
former service, the country about Bowlinggreen. He hoped to find points
of importance, slenderly guarded, and the garrisons careless, under the
impression that his severe defeat--four days previously--had finished
him. His forces were miscellaneous. He had not quite fifty of his own
men, but Captains Bledsoe and Hamilton (commanding companies which
operated exclusively in that district) joined him, and Champ Ferguson
reported as guide with four or five men. The men of Hamilton's and
Bledsoe's companies were, either new recruits or had never been
subjected to any sort of discipline. Hamilton's ferry, sixty miles from
Sparta, was reached that night, and the command crossing the river,
encamped on the northern bank.
Colonel Morgan had no difficulty in traveling expeditiously, for every
inch of the ground, for many miles beyond the river, was well known to
his Tennessee guides, and when their knowledge failed, he had reached a
country familiar to many of his own men. Marching by roads unfrequently
traversed, and bridle paths, he would have kept his motions perfectly
secret but for a system of communicating intelligence adopted about this
time, by the Home-guards of Southern Kentucky. Conch shells and horns
were blown, all along his route, by these fellows, the sound of which,
transmitted a long distance, traveled faster than his column.
On the next day, reaching the vicinity of Glasgow, the command was
halted, and John Hines, a clever, daring scout and native of the place,
was sent to Bowlinggreen, to ascertain the strength of the garrison and
condition of affairs there.
Colonel Morgan desired to capture the town and burn the stores.
Hines returned in a few hours with the information that five hundred
fine troops were in the town, and it was determined not to attack.
Colonel Morgan immediately determined then, to strike the Louisville and
Nashville railroad between Bowlinggreen and the river, and attack and
capture, at all hazards, the first train which passed. He was not likely
to encounter one with many troops upon it, and the Bowlinggreen garrison
would not come out to fight him. Traveling all night, he passed through
Glasgow, and early next day reached Cave City, twelve miles
distant--the point elected at which to make his venture. Going in
advance, himself, with five men, he had the good luck to discover a long
train approaching, and immediately took measures to stop it. It seemed
to be loaded with troops, who turned out, upon capture, to be employees
on the road. His entire command soon arrived. Forty freight cars and a
fine engine were captured in this train, and destroyed.
Colonel Morgan was especially hopeful that he would be able to catch the
train conveying his men--captured at Lebanon--to prison, but they had
been sent off by the river.
In a short time the passenger train from Louisville was heard coming. A
cow-gap was filled with upright beams to stop the train, and a party was
detailed to lie in ambush, some distance up the road, and throw
obstructions on the road as soon as the train had passed, to prevent its
return. Some women notified the conductor of his danger, but instead of
backing, he pressed on more rapidly. Suddenly becoming aware of the
blockade in front, he checked his train and tried to return, but there
was already a barrier behind him. Some Federal officers were on the
train, among them Majors Coffee and Helveti, of Woolford's regiment.
"Major Coffee," said an eye witness, "came out upon the platform and
opened upon us with a battery of Colt's pistols. Ben Bigstaff dismounted
and took a shot at him with his minnie rifle; the bullet struck within
an inch of the Major's head and silenced his battery." A great many
women were upon the train, who were naturally much frightened. Colonel
Morgan exerted himself to reassure them. The greatest surprise was
manifested by the passengers when they learned that it was Morgan who
had captured them. It was generally believed that he had been killed,
and his command utterly destroyed.
One officer captured, was accompanied by his wife. The lady approached
Colonel Morgan, weeping, and implored him to spare her husband. "My dear
Madam," he replied, bowing debonairly, and with the arch smile which
none who knew him can forget, "I did not know that you had a husband."
"Yes, sir," she said, "I have. Here he is. Don't kill him." "He is no
longer my prisoner," said the Colonel, "he is yours," and he released
the officer unconditionally, bidding him console his wife. About eight
thousand dollars in greenbacks--Government funds--were captured. The
train was not burned, but Colonel Morgan begged the ladies to "accept it
as a small token," etc.
After all was over, the men sat down to a fine dinner prepared at the
Cave City Hotel, for the passengers.
Colonel Morgan now directed his march toward the Cumberland again. He
had retaliated, in some degree, for the injury he had received, and
could meet his comrades in the South, fresh from a success instead of a
disaster. The column marched steadily and encamped at twelve o'clock at
night, fifteen miles from Glasgow. An incident happened at this place
well illustrative of Colonel Morgan's kindness, and of the manner in
which he could do things which would have been undignified in other
officers and destructive of their authority. It was customary for each
officer of rank, to have his horses attended to by his negro, and the
men were rarely required to perform such duties. Colonel Morgan's groom,
however, had been captured. "When we dismounted," said the man who
related to me the story, "Colonel Morgan gave his horse to Ben Drake,
requesting him to unsaddle and feed him. As Ben had ridden twelve hours
longer than the rest of us, he thought this very unkind, to say the
least, in the Colonel. He, however, paid no attention to Ben's sour
looks, as the latter took the horse and obeyed the order. When Ben
returned to the house, Colonel Morgan had reserved a place by the fire
for him to sleep in. The next morning Ben was awakened by the Colonel,
who told him to get up and eat his breakfast, as the command was ready
to move. "Why did you not have me roused sooner, Colonel?" asked Ben,
"my horse has not been fed." "I wished you to sleep longer," answered
the Colonel, "and fed, curried and saddled your horse, myself." Would
any other Colonel in the army have done the same for a "poor private"?
Major Coffee was paroled, on condition that he would exert himself to
procure his own exchange for Lieutenant-Colonel Wood, and that he would
report again as prisoner if he failed.
Passing through Burkesville on county-court day, capturing a few
Federals, and making many horse trades, the command passed on to a ford
of the Cumberland, twelve miles from the little town, and crossed.
Sparta was reached on the next day, where the Tennessee companies were
left--and Colonel Morgan marched on toward Chattanooga, which place he
reached by easy marches. Some twenty or thirty more refugees and
survivors of the "Lebanon races" soon joined him here. Leaving these men
at Chattanooga--to recruit and refit as well as was possible there, he
immediately set out for Corinth to see what could be effected in the way
of obtaining guns and the necessary equipment for his men, and to obtain
permission to make another expedition into Kentucky--that he might
recruit his regiment. About the middle of May two fine companies of
Texas cavalry, commanded by Captains R.M. Gano and Jno. Huffman, both
native Kentuckians, arrived at Corinth, and requested to be assigned to
Morgan, that they might see service in Kentucky. Their application was
granted, and they at once marched for Chattanooga.
I had been severely wounded at Shiloh, and left behind when the command
started upon the expedition just described. Upon my return to Corinth, I
collected some thirty men of the squadron (who for various reasons had
not accompanied Colonel Morgan into Tennessee), and marched with Captain
Gano to Chattanooga. We marched through a country, where the people were
friendly and hospitable, and had no difficulty in supplying the men and
horses. We had a few skirmishes with Federal troops posted along the
Tennessee river, in one of which Captain Gano took some prisoners, and
burned a good deal of cotton, collected by the Federals for
transportation to Huntsville. The last two days of our march showed us
the grandest and most beautiful scenery. We traversed the ridgy summit
of the mountain range, which runs just along the southern bank of the
Tennessee and connects with the group of bold mountains around
Chattanooga. At one point the view is exceedingly striking. From the
immense hight we occupied, we could see a vast and varied expanse of
country. In our front and to the right, the mountains rose like blue
domes, piled closely together--a tremendous gulf--the bottom of which
eyesight could not fathom--spread between the range (where we were), and
their hazy, azure sides. Directly before us "Lookout"--giant chief of
all--loomed high toward heaven.
Sheer down, hundreds of feet beneath us, flowed the Tennessee--I could
almost believe that my horse could leap from the top of the precipice to
the opposite bank of the river. On the other side the land was low and
nearly level. The green fields ran back from the river's brink, in a
gentle imperceptible ascent, until miles away, the eye lost them in the
horizon. The noisy cavalrymen were hushed by the scene, and the grand
silence was not disturbed.