CHAPTER VI.

In the latter part of January, 1862, it became evident that General

Johnson, with the inferior force at his disposal, could not hold his

line in Kentucky. Crittenden, upon the right flank, had sustained a

serious disaster at Mill Springs, near Somerset, and had been forced

back across the Cumberland, which he had crossed to attack Thomas. In

this battle General Zollicoffer was killed--his death was in itself an

irreparable loss. Crittenden retreated first upon Monticello and

subsequently to Gainesville in Tennessee. He lost his artillery and

trains, and his troops could be relied on to oppose no effective

resistance--for the time--to the farther advance of the enemy. The

superiority of the latter in numbers had been not more marked than their

superiority in arms and equipment. The fatigue and privation endured by

Crittenden's men upon their retreat had contributed greatly to impair

their efficiency. The expeditions against Forts Henry and Donelson were

vigorously pressed, and scarcely had full confirmation arrived of the

defeat of Crittenden, when we got the first rumors of the fall of Fort

Henry. General Johnson had never been able to collect at all the points

of defense in Kentucky, exclusive of Columbus, more than twenty-four

thousand men. In this force were included sixty-days' men and all the

minor garrisons. He had at Bowlinggreen in January and the first of

February about ten thousand.

Buell had organized, during the period that the two armies lay inactive

and confronting each other, fifty or sixty thousand men, and they were,

at the time when General Johnson commenced his retreat, concentrated,

mobilized, and ready to fall upon him. Therefore, even before it became

evident that Donelson must fall, before the capture of Nashville was

imminent, by an enemy moving from either flank, and before his line of

retreat was endangered, but just so soon as Buell put his army in motion

General Johnson evacuated Bowlinggreen. Then began the campaign, in

which more than in any other of the war, was displayed the profoundest

strategy, the most heroic decision, the highest order of generalship.

General Johnson had long foreseen the storm of difficulties which now

assailed him. His resources were scanty and the emergency was terrible,

but he did not despair of fighting through it to victory. Upon one flank

of his line, he had sustained a crushing defeat, the forces protecting

it had been driven off. Nashville might be taken by the victors. One of

the forts protecting the great water lines which led right into the

heart of his department, and away to the rear of his army, had been

taken. If the other fell the fate of Nashville was sealed, but far

worse, he would be inclosed at Bowlinggreen, should he remain there,

between three armies each much stronger than his own. If he lingered

around Nashville, he could not protect the city, but gave his enemy the

opportunity of cutting him off completely from the only territory whence

he could hope to obtain recruits, and of preventing his junction with

the reinforcements which he had ordered to his assistance. He did not

hesitate a moment.

Price and Van Dorn were ordered from Arkansas, Bragg was ordered from

Pensacola, all the available troops at New Orleans, and every point in

the department where troops were stationed, were called into the field,

and the concentration of all at Corinth, in Northern Mississippi, was

arranged. Here he would have every thing massed and in hand, and in his

rear would be no danger, nor indefensible line by which danger could

menace him. His adversaries on the contrary would be separated from each

other; rivers and all the perils of a hostile population would be

between them and safety, if they were defeated or forced to turn and

retreat; energy and promptness would enable him to strike them heavy

blows before they could unite; if every detail of his plan worked right,

he might hope to outnumber them at every collision.

This plan would require the evacuation of Columbus, even if the

occupation of New Madrid did not; but there was no longer any use of

holding Columbus, after a retreat to Mississippi had been decided upon.

Its garrison would help to swell the ranks of the army for the decisive

battle--and if that battle were won, territory far North of Columbus

would be gained. Therefore, braving censure and remonstrance more

general, energetic, and daring, than was ever encountered by any

Confederate officer, before or since, General Johnson turned his back

upon Kentucky and commenced the retreat which culminated in the battle

of Shiloh. When the dangers from which this retreat extricated him, the

favorable position in which it placed him for offensive operations, the

exact calculation of the proper time to turn retreat into attack, and

the electric rapidity and courage with which the latter was done--when

all the features are considered, is it claiming too much to say that no

conception of the war was more magnificent?

The evacuation of Bowlinggreen was commenced on the 14th of February,

and notwithstanding the discontent of the troops, was accomplished in

perfect order. On the day after it was all over, the enemy arrived upon

the opposite bank of Barren river--the bridges had all, of course, been

burned--and shelled the town which he could not immediately enter.

The weather for the week following the evacuation, was intensely cold,

and the troops accustomed, for the most part, to comfortable quarters

during the winter, and exposed for the first time to real hardships,

suffered severely. Still, after the first murmuring was over, they were

kept in high spirits by the impression, assiduously cultivated by their

officers, that they were marching to surprise and attack Thomas, who was

supposed to have compromised himself by an imprudent pursuit of

Crittenden.

The news from Donelson, where the fight was then raging, was very

favorable, and the successful defense of the fort for several days

encouraged even General Johnson to hope that it would be held and the

assailants completely beaten off.

As the army neared Nashville, some doubts of the truth of the programme

which the men had arranged in their imaginations began to intrude, and

they began to believe that the retreat meant in good earnest the giving

up of Kentucky--perhaps something more which they were unwilling to

contemplate. While they were in this state of doubt and anxiety, like a

thunder-clap came the news of the fall of Donelson--the news that seven

thousand Confederate were prisoners in the hands of the enemy.

General Johnson, himself, was thoroughly surprised by the suddenness of

the disaster, for, six hours before he received information of the

surrender, he had been dispatched that the enemy had been signally

repulsed, and were drawing off, and until the intelligence came of the

fate of the garrison, he had learned of no new attack. The depression,

which this information produced, was deepened by the gloom which hung

over Nashville when the troops entered. It is impossible to describe the

scene. Disasters were then new to us, and our people had been taught to

believe them impossible. No subsequent reverse, although fraught with

far more real calamity, ever created the shame, sorrow, and wild

consternation which swept over the South with the news of the surrender

of Donelson. And in Nashville, itself sure to fall next and speedily, an

anguish and terror were felt and expressed, scarcely to be conceived by

those who have not witnessed a similar scene. All the worst evils which

follow in the train of war and subjugation seemed to be anticipated by

the terrified people, and the feeling was quickly communicated to the

troops, and grew with every hour until it assumed almost the proportions

of a panic. The Tennessee troops were naturally most influenced by the

considerations which affected the citizens, but all shared the feeling.

Some wept at the thought of abandoning the city to a fate which they

esteemed as dreadful as utter destruction, and many, infuriated, loudly

advocated burning it to the ground that the enemy might have nothing of

it but its ashes.

During the first night after the army reached Nashville, when the

excitement and fury were at the highest pitch, and officers and privates

were alike influenced by it, it seemed as if the bonds of discipline

would be cast off altogether. Crowds of soldiers were mingled with the

citizens who thronged the streets all night, and yells, curses, shots

rang on all sides. In some houses the women were pale and sobbing, and

in others there was even merriment, as if in defiance of the worst. Very

soon all those who had escaped from Donelson began to arrive.

Forrest had cut his way through the beleaguering lines and brought off

his entire regiment. He reached Nashville on the day after it was

entered by the army. It was impossible for the infantry men who escaped

to make their way from the scene of disaster, except in small

detachments. They were necessarily scattered all over the country, and

those who reached Nashville in time to accompany the army upon its

farther march, came in as stragglers and without any organization.

Neither men nor officers had an idea of how or when they were to do duty

again. The arrival of these disbanded soldiers, among whom it was

difficult to establish and enforce order, because no immediate

disposition could be made of them, increased the confusion already

prevailing. Rumors, too, of the near approach of the enemy were

circulated, and were believed even by officers of high rank.

Buell's army, which was really not far south of Bowlinggreen, was

reported to be within a few miles of the city, and the Federal gunboats,

which had not yet reached Clarksville, were confidently declared to be

within sight of Fort Zollicoffer, only seven miles below Nashville.

Upon the second day matters had arrived at such a state, and the

excitement and disorder were so extreme, that it became necessary to

take other precautions to repress the license that was prevailing,

besides the establishment of guards and sentinels about the camps where

the troops lay, and General Johnson ordered the establishment of a

strong military police in Nashville. The First Missouri infantry, one of

the finest and best disciplined regiments in the service, was detailed

for this duty, and Morgan's squadron was sent to assist it. Our duty was

to patrol the city and suburbs, and we were constantly engaged at it

until the city was evacuated. General John B. Floyd, of Virginia, was

appointed commandant of Nashville, and entrusted with the enforcement of

discipline and with all the details of the evacuation. His task was one

of no ordinary difficulty. It was hard, at such a time, to know how to

begin the work. In such a chaos, with such passions ruling, it seemed

folly to hope for the restoration of order. Those who remember the

event, will recall the feeling of despair which had seized upon the

soldiery--the entire army seemed, for the time, hopeless of any

retrieval of our fortunes, and every man was thoroughly reckless. Few

excesses were committed; but, with such a temper prevailing, the worst

consequences were to be apprehended, if the influence of the officers

should be entirely lost and the minds of the men should be directed to

mischief. General Floyd would have found the demoralization and license

which had grown apace among the troops, and the terrors of the citizens,

serious impediments to his efforts to remove the valuable stores which

had been collected in Nashville, even if he had possessed abundant

facilities for their removal. But of such facilities he was almost

entirely destitute. The trains with the army were needed for

transportation of supplies for immediate use. The scanty wheel

transportation which belonged to captured and disorganized commands, and

had been brought to the city, could scarcely be made available. When it

could be discovered and laid hold of, the wagons and teams were usually

found to be unserviceable. General Floyd's first care (after satisfying

himself by active scouting, that there was no truth in the reports of

the proximity of the enemy, and burning the bridge at Edgefield

junction), was to make arrangements for saving as many of the stores as

was possible, giving the preference to ordnance stores. For this purpose

he ordered an impressment of transportation in Nashville and the

vicinity, making a clean sweep of every thing that ran on wheels. In

this manner some eighty or ninety vehicles were gotten together, with

teams, and as many loads of ordnance stores were saved for the army. He

issued orders that the citizens should be permitted to help themselves

to the remaining stores, and a promiscuous scramble for clothing,

blankets, meat, meal, and all sorts of quartermaster and commissary

stores, commenced and lasted three days. Occasionally, a half-drunken,

straggling soldier, would walk into the midst of the snatchers, with gun

on shoulder and pistol at his belt, and the citizens would stand back,

jackall like, until he had helped himself. Crowds would stand upon the

pavements underneath the tall buildings, upon the Court House Square,

while out of their fourth and fifth-story windows large bales of goods

were pitched, which would have crushed any one upon whom they had

fallen. Yet numbers would rush and fasten upon them, while other bales

were already in the air descending. Excitement and avarice seemed to

stimulate the people to preternatural strength. I saw an old woman,

whose appearance indicated the extremest decrepitude, staggering under a

load of meat which I would have hardly thought a quartermaster's mule

could carry. Twice during the first day of these scenes, orders were

received by a portion of Forrest's regiment, drawn up on the Square, to

stop the appropriation of stores by the citizens, and they accordingly

charged the crowd (deaf to any less forcible reason) with drawn sabers;

several men were wounded and trampled upon, but fortunately none were

killed. Nothing could have been more admirable than the fortitude,

patience and good sense which General Floyd displayed in his arduous and

unenviable task. He had, already, for ten days, endured great and

uninterrupted excitement and fatigue; without respite or rest, he was

called to this responsibility and duty. Those who have never witnessed

nor been placed in such situations, can not understand how they harass

the mind and try the temper.

General Floyd soon found that he could (with no exertion) maintain

perfect order, or rescue more than a fragment from the wreck, and he

bent all his energies to the task of repressing serious disorders,

preventing the worst outrages, and preserving all that was most

absolutely required for the use of the army, and that it was practical

to remove.

It was easy for officers who respectively saw and considered but one

matter, to advise attention to that in particular, and to censure if

their advice was not taken. But the very multiplicity of such

counsellors, embarrassed rather than assisted, and showed the utter

impossibility, in the brief time allowed, of attending to every thing. I

saw a great deal of General Floyd, while he was commanding in Nashville,

and I was remarkably impressed by him. I was required to report to him

almost every hour in the twenty-four, and he was always surrounded by a

crowd of applicants for all sorts of favors, and couriers bringing all

sorts of news. It was impossible in the state of confusion which

prevailed to prohibit or regulate this pressing and noisy attendance, or

to judge, without examination, of what was important to be considered.

Many matters which ordinarily a general officer would not permit himself

to be troubled with, might need attention and action from him at such a

time. Irascible and impetuous as General Floyd seemed to be by

nature--his nerves unstrung, too, by the fatigues of so many busy days

and sleepless nights--and galled as he must have been by the constant

annoyances, he yet showed no sign of impatience. I saw him give way but

once to anger, which was, then, provoked by the most stupid and insolent

pertinacity. It was interesting to watch the struggle which would

sometimes occur between his naturally violent temper and the restraint

he imposed upon it. His eye would glow, his face and his lips turn pale,

and his frame shake with passion; he would be silent for minutes, as if

not daring to trust himself to speak, looking all the while upon the

ground, and he would then address the man, whose brusqueness or

obstinacy had provoked him, in the mildest tone and manner. He was

evidently endowed with no common nerve, will, and judgment.

At last the evacuation was completed, the army was gotten clear of

Nashville, the last straggler driven out, all the stores which could not

be carried off, nor distributed to the citizens, burned, and the capitol

of Tennessee (although we did not know it then) was abandoned finally to

the enemy. Morgan's squadron was the last to leave, as it was required

to remain in the extreme rear of the army and pick up all the stragglers

that evaded the rear guards of the infantry. Our scouts left behind,

when we, in our turn, departed, witnessed the arrival of the Federals

and their occupation of the city.

The army was halted at Murfreesboro', thirty miles from Nashville, where

it remained for nearly a week. Here it was joined by the remnant of

Crittenden's forces. After a few days given to repose, reorganization

and the re-establishment of discipline, General Johnson resumed his

retreat. He concluded it with a battle in which he himself was the

assailant, and which, but for his death, would have advanced our banners

to the Ohio. It was fruitless of apparent and immediate results, but it

checked for more than a year the career of Federal conquest, infused

fresh courage into the Southern people, and gave them breathing time to

rally for farther contest. His death upon the field prevented vast and

triumphant results from following it then--the incompetency of his

successors squandered glorious chances (months afterward) which this

battle directly gave to the Confederacy. When the line of march was

taken up, and the heads of the columns were still turned southward, the

dissatisfaction of the troops broke out into fresh and frequent murmurs.

Discipline, somewhat restored at Murfreesboro', had been too much

relaxed by the scenes witnessed at Nashville, to impose much restraint

upon them. Unjust as it was, officers and men concurred in laying the

whole burden of blame upon General Johnson. Many a voice was then raised

to denounce him, which has since been enthusiastic in his praise, and

many joined in the clamor, then almost universal against him, who, a few

weeks later, when he lay dead upon the field he had so gallantly fought,

would have given their own lives to recall him.

Crossing the Tennessee river at Decatur, Alabama, and destroying the

immense railroad bridge at that point, General Johnson pressed on down

through the valley, through Courtland, Tuscumbia, and Iuca, to Corinth.

This was for a short time, until he could concentrate for battle, the

goal of his march. Here all the reinforcements at his command could

reach him, coming from every direction. He only awaited their arrival to

attack the enemy, which, flushed with the successes at Henry and

Donelson, lay exposed to his blows, ignorant of his vicinity.

The force with which he crossed the Tennessee river was a little over

twenty thousand men. It was composed of the troops which had held the

lines in Kentucky--those which had been stationed at Bowlinggreen, all

that was left of Crittenden's command, all that were left of the

garrisons of Donelson and Henry. The garrisons of minor importance

in Tennessee contributed, as the State was evacuated, to strengthen the

army. He was very soon joined by the forces from Pensacola, about ten

thousand strong, and a splendid body of men. They were superior in arms,

equipment, instruction and dress, to all of the Western troops, and

presented an imposing appearance and striking contrast to their

weather-stained, dusty and travel-worn comrades. Nothing had ever

occurred to them to impair their morale; they seemed animated by the

stern spirit and discipline which characterized their commander, and a

fit reserve with which to turn the tide of fortune. Beauregard brought

with him some troops from New Orleans and other parts of Louisiana.

General Polk came with the troops which had held Columbus. Several

hurriedly raised and organized regiments came from the various States of

the department. Price and Van Dorn, having between them fifteen

thousand veterans, did not arrive in season to participate in the

immediate movements which General Johnson had determined upon. A

knowledge that the retreat had been brought to a close and that a battle

was about to be fought in which we would attack, did more to inspirit

the troops and restore to them soldierly feeling and bearing, than any

efforts in behalf of discipline. The spirit of the men who had come from

Florida and other points not surrendered to the enemy had a favorable

influence upon the remainder, whose pride was aroused by the comparison

and example. The sudden and seemingly magical change from despondency to

highest hope, from a sullen indifference to duty to the most cheerful

alacrity and perfect subordination, showed how wonderfully susceptible

was the material which composed our army to the hopes inspired by a

daring policy. The same men who had dragged themselves reluctantly

along, as if careless of reputation and forgetful of the cause they had

to fight for, were now full of zeal, energy and confidence. Those who

had almost broken out into open mutiny, now rendered the promptest

obedience to every order. The denunciations they had uttered against

General Johnson, were silenced just so soon as they learned that he was

about to lead them to instant battle, and his name was never mentioned

except with becoming respect, and often with praise. In short, every

trace of demoralization disappeared--courage, pride and efficiency,

returned; and, from a condition not much better than that of an armed

mob, the army became again disciplined, valiant and reliable. While the

masterly ability and soldierly vigor and decision of General Johnson

must excite the profoundest admiration, those who remember him may be

pardoned for dwelling quite as much upon the grandeur, the loftiness,

the heroism of his character. In this we may look in vain for his peer,

except to the great Virginian, his immortal comrade, the man whom every

former Southern soldier must feel it is his religious duty to venerate.

Through all that period of sickening doubt, amidst all the reverses, in

the wide spread demoralization which attacked all ranks, General

Johnson towered like a being superior to the fears and fate of other

men. The bitter censure which was cast at him from all sides, could move

him to nothing weak or unworthy of his high nature. He gave way to no

anger or scorn--he deigned no argument or apology. When the President,

his devoted friend and warm admirer, urged him to supersede the officers

who had suffered defeat, he answered that they were brave, although

inexperienced men, and that he preferred to trust them until he could

find better.

He defended unsuccessful generals with his generous warmth, and reposed

in them a confidence, which saved them, but directed all the clamor

against himself. He entertained with courtesy and listened with

patience, to importunate, censorious civilians, while he had in his

pocket copies of dispatches which they had sent to Richmond furiously

denouncing him. Not one word was he ever heard to say in comment or

rebuke, while censure and detraction were most frequent against him, and

his zealous, paternal care for his army was never relaxed. His majestic

presence, calm and noble face and superb dignity, might themselves--it

would seem--have overawed and hushed the cavilers. Surely, there never

suffered a nobler, purer, braver martyr to senseless prejudice and

unjust, inconsiderate reproach.

While the enemy was retreating through Tennessee, Morgan's squadron

remained in the neighborhood of Nashville until all the detachments

which had been left in the rear to protect and ship off by rail the

stores and supplies (which could be hastily collected) at Murfreesboro',

Shelbyville, and other points, had gotten through with their work and

departed after the army. Morgan encamped his command at La Vergne, a

station upon the railroad, about half way between Nashville and

Murfreesboro'. This little place became quite famous in the subsequent

annals of the war. Morgan first brought its name into men's mouths,

Forrest and Wheeler kept it notorious.

Here, for the first time, we met the Fourth Ohio Cavalry--our

acquaintance afterward became more intimate, and lasted as long as that

gallant regiment was in the field. The Fourth was encamped at the

"Lunatic Asylum"--I asked one of the officers of the regiment

(subsequently) why they were sent _there_, but he did not seem to

know--eight miles from Nashville, on the Murfreesboro' pike, and seven

miles from La Vergne. Our respective "bases" were consequently pretty

close to each other. Our pickets used to stand in sight of theirs during

the day, and in hearing distance at night. The videttes treated each

other with respect and consideration, but the scouts were continually

slipping around through the woods and shooting some one. On one occasion

an officer of the Fourth placed some men in ambush in a thicket upon the

side of the road, and then with a small party rode down near to our

pickets, fired, turned and galloped away again, hoping that some of us

would be induced to follow and receive the fire of his ambuscade. The

night was dark, and by an unaccountable mistake the men in ambush fired

into their own friends as they passed--no damage was done, I believe,

except to horses.

One morning our pickets came rushing in with a party of the enemy in

pursuit (no unusual occurrence), and as we stood to arms, we

noticed--they were three or four hundred yards off--one of the pickets

some distance in the rear of the others, and almost in the clutches of

the enemy, who were peppering away at him. It was private Sam Murrill,

of Co. C., (afterward chief of my couriers, and a first rate soldier to

the end of the war), his horse was slow and blown, and the foremost

pursuer had gotten along side of him and presented his pistol at his

head. Murrill, too quick for him, fired first, and as his enemy dropped

dead from the saddle, seized pistol and horse, and, although closely

pushed, until the guns of his comrades drove back his daring pursuers,

brought both in triumph into camp. These small affairs were of daily

occurrence, but at last our opponents became more wary and circumspect,

and to obtain decided advantages, we had to go far into their lines. We

noticed finally that they adopted a practice of withdrawing their

pickets at night, from the points where they stood during the day, some

miles to the rear. Captain Morgan after making this discovery, resolved

to anticipate them at the place where they made their picket base at

night. He remained with a few men demonstrating all day in sight of the

outpost pickets, and just before nightfall made a circuit which carried

him far to their rear, previously to their withdrawal. He reached the

place (where he learned that a party of twenty-five or thirty stood

nightly), about the time that it was fairly dark.

It was a small house, in a yard some eighty or ninety feet square,

surrounded by a picket fence of cedar. He had with him nine men, of

these he detailed five to hold horses, and with the other four; all

armed with shot guns loaded with buck-shot, he lay down behind the low

fence. The horses were sent back some distance into the bushes. Captain

Morgan instructed his party to hold their fire until he gave the signal.

It was his intention to permit the party, which was expected, to pass

and then fire upon the rear--hoping thus to drive it down the road

toward his own camp and, following rapidly, capture it. When it arrived,

however, about twenty-five strong, the officer in command halted it

before it reached the point where we lay, but at a distance of not more

than thirty feet from us, so that we could distinctly hear every word

which was uttered. The officer in command talked with his guide for some

minutes, sending men to reconnoiter upon each side of the road in the

meantime. At length the officer ordered his men to enter the little

yard, and they came right up to the fence, and just upon the opposite

side from our position. Captain Morgan shouted the word "Now," and each

man arose and fired one barrel of his gun. The roar and the flash so

near, must have been terrible to men taken completely by surprise. The

officer fell immediately, and his party, panic stricken, filed toward

their camp. Another volley was delivered upon them as they ran. A chain

picket was established between the point where this happened and the

camp at the asylum; and we could hear shots fired at rapid intervals,

for minutes, as the fleeing party passed the men on post. Several

wounded men fell in the road, after they had fled a short distance.

A short time before he left La Vergne, Captain Morgan selected fifteen

men for an expedition to Nashville. Avoiding the high roads, he made his

way through the woods to the Lebanon pike, which he struck only a mile

from the city.

The vicinity of the city favored rather than endangered him, and he rode

down into the streets without attracting hostile observation. A patrol

of twenty or thirty cavalry, were making the round of the streets, and

he rode in the rear of this party. After reconnoitering for a short

time, he determined on his plan of operations. He sent all but five or

six of his men out into the thickets, a short distance from the city,

and, with those whom he kept, he made his way, dismounted and leading

the horses along the river bank, until he came near the reservoir, about

opposite to which, and a little out in the river, a steamboat was

anchored. This boat was one which was in the employ of the Federal

Government. It was Captain Morgan's desire to set her on fire, and let

her drift down into the midst of a number of other transports, which lay

a few hundred yards below, and were crowded with troops, hoping she

might fire them also. Three gallant young fellows volunteered to do the

work, and boarded the boat in an old canoe, which was found, bottom

upward, on the shore. They fired her, but could not cut her adrift, as

she was made fast at stem and stern, with chain cables, and thus the

best part of the plan was frustrated. The work was done in full view and

notice of the troops on the other transports, and the engineer and

workmen, on board of the boat, were brought to the shore. The names of

the young men, or rather boys, who did this, were Warfield, Garrett and

Buckner--the latter was soon afterward killed at Shiloh. The canoe was

so unmanageable that its crew came near falling into the hands of the

enemy--but accident favored them at the most perilous moment. A long

line of panel fence had drifted out into the river, one end still being

attached to the bank. When their paddles failed them in the swift

current, they fortunately came in reach of this, and they were enabled

to pull in by it to the shore. As soon as the land was gained, all

remounted their horses, watched for a while the rising flames and the

consternation of the fleet, and then, with three cheers for Morgan, rode

rapidly to rejoin their comrades.

Cavalry was sent in pursuit, but was left far behind. Captain Morgan

went straight across the country to the Murfreesboro' pike. As he gained

it he encountered a small body of Federal cavalry, attacked and drove it

into town. He lost only one man, but he was a capital soldier, Peter

Atherton by name.

He got back to La Vergne about twelve at night. After the thorough and

final evacuation of Murfreesboro', Captain Morgan withdrew to that place

with his command. He almost directly afterward sent the bulk of it to

the Shelbyville and Nashville road, with instructions to encamp about

twenty miles from Nashville, and picket and scout the adjacent country,

and all the neighboring roads. He retained with him at Murfreesboro',

about forty of his own men, and some fifty of Colonel Wirt Adams'

regiment of cavalry, under command of Lieutenant Colonel Wood, of that

regiment. This officer was exceedingly fond of the sort of service which

Morgan was performing, and had been with him constantly for ten or

twelve days. He preferred to remain with and report to him, although his

superior in rank, rather than accompany his own regiment on the retreat

of the army, and see no active work.

A day or two after he had made this disposition of this command, Captain

Morgan taking with him thirty-two of the men he had kept at

Murfreesboro', penetrated by bridle paths and traces through the woods,

to the immediate vicinity of the enemy's encampments at the Lunatic

Asylum.

At this time, Mitchell's entire brigade was encamped there. Stationing

his men in the thickets along the road, at various points, Captain

Morgan went systematically to work to catch every thing that should come

into sight. There was, of course, a great deal of passing to and from

the headquarters of the commanding officers and between the various

camps. No one anticipated danger there, and stragglers, couriers,

escorts, and guards, went carelessly and unsuspectingly along, into the

same bag. In the course of an hour or two eighty odd prisoners were

taken. Colonel Wood went off with twenty-eight of them, and, by some

oversight, sixty were started to Murfreesboro', later, guarded by only

ten men. A number of wagons had been also captured and burned. The teams

were used to mount the prisoners. One staff officer was captured and

sent off with the large hatch of prisoners. Captain Morgan remained

behind with one man, after he had sent off all the others. This sort of

service always gave him great pleasure, and he was loth to give it up.

As the number of passengers fell off, he rode down the road with his

companion, dressed like himself in a blue overcoat, to a point where a

guard of ten men were stationed under a Sergeant for some purpose. He

placed himself between them and their guns, made his follower put his

pistol to the head of the Sergeant and began to rate them for neglect of

duty. He represented himself as a Federal officer of high rank and

reminded them sternly and reproachfully that such careless guard as they

were then keeping had enabled Morgan to play all of his tricks. They had

been careless and were overwhelmed with just shame and mortification at

his rebuke. He at length ordered them all under arrest, and taking the

Sergeant's weapons from him and leaving the guns stacked--he could not

have carried them off without entrusting them to the prisoners--he

marched the whole party away. They were under the impression that

they were going to Mitchell's headquarters, but he got them mounted and

carried them to Murfreesboro'. In the meantime the smoke from the wagons

which were burned within half a mile of Mitchell's headquarters,

attracted attention and led to inquiry, and it was not long before what

was going on was discovered. Troops were at once dispatched to put a

stop to the mischief and beat off or follow the perpetrators. The Fourth

Ohio got on the track of the party guarding the sixty prisoners, and, as

its progress was necessarily slow, it was soon overtaken. Nothing could

be done but release the prisoners and run for it, and the whole escort

went off in rapid flight. One prisoner had, by a strange mistake, been

allowed to retain a loaded gun. As one of the guard who had been in the

extreme rear of the column dashed past this man, the latter fired and

grazed his face. The other turned in his saddle, fired and shot his

unexpected assailant dead. The pursuers had gotten close before they had

been perceived, and they pressed the chase vigorously. Over fences and

gulches, through fields and thickets, as hard as their horses could go,

fled the one party and followed the other for ten miles. One of our men

was killed, two or three wounded, and as many captured. Thirty-eight

prisoners were secured by Morgan--twenty-eight brought off by Wood, and

ten captured and escorted by himself. On the evening of the same day a

party of eighteen men were dispatched from the camp on the Shelbyville

road to push as close to Nashville as possible, and learn the position

of the Federal troops in that quarter. I was myself in command of the

party, and had an accurate knowledge of the points at which guards and

pickets had been previously stationed. On arriving in the vicinity of

these points--around which, without creating an alarm, it was desirable

to pass, in order to get near to the encampments and observe them

closely--they were found unoccupied. The party moved some three miles

further down the road without coming upon an enemy, although a day or

two before the picket posts had been thick in this quarter.

It was apparent that some plan for our benefit had caused this change,

and unusual caution became necessary. I had hoped to find some officers

quartered at the houses well in the rear of the reserve pickets, where

they would believe themselves secure, and to capture them, but I now

approached the houses, not with the expectation of making prisoners, but

of getting information. None of the citizens in that neighborhood had

ever seen any man in my party, and they would tell nothing, but their

alarm at seeing us, and evident anxiety to get rid of us, showed plainly

that they knew of the proximity of danger. At length, when in about six

hundred yards of the Cross-roads near "Flat Rock," I think it is called,

four miles from Nashville, and where it was confidently reported by our

informants that McCook's division was encamped, I halted and secreted

men and horses in the thick brush on the right hand side of the road,

and, with the guide, went forward on foot about a quarter of a mile,

until I suddenly heard the challenge of a picket. I judged from the

words I caught that it was the officer of the day making his rounds.

Soon a negro came down the road toward us, whom we caught and

questioned. He answered very glibly, and evinced too little fear, not to

excite suspicion that he came out to be captured with a made-up tale. He

said that there were ten men on picket at the Cross-roads. As a large

encampment was only a few hundred yards on the other side of this point,

his story did not seem credible. However, we had at last found an enemy.

Leaving five men to take care of the horses, in the thicket where they

were already concealed I carried the others through a wide meadow on the

right of the road which we had traveled (the Shelbyville and Nashville

pike) to the road which crossed it at "Flat Rock," striking the latter

about two hundred yards from the point of intersection. I was convinced

that the withdrawal of the pickets was part of a plan to entrap just

such scouting parties as ours, and that a strong force was in ambush at

the Cross-roads. There was little hope of accomplishing the objects of

the expedition, but the trap could, at least, be sprung, and there was a

chance of surprising the ambuscade. My men were armed with shot-guns and

pistols, the proper weapons for such an affair. I ordered them to follow

me in single-file in the direction of the enemy, instructing them to

hold their fire until we were challenged, and to then discharge their

weapons, and, without stopping to reload, make their way back to the

horses. The moon had just gone down as we began to move slowly down the

road. We made little noise, and were soon convinced by a chorus of

coughing, which broke on our ears as we neared them, that a pretty good

crowd was before us. When we had almost reached the point where the

roads cross, a Sergeant, with five or six men at his back, sprang up, so

near to us that I could have touched him by making another step, and

ordered "halt," in a low voice, evidently taking us for friends. Our

answer was a shot, and he fell dead. His comrades returned our fire, and

at once a line of men rose from the fence corners on the opposite side

of the road which we had just descended--we had passed them unseen in

the darkness. Many of them must have been asleep until alarmed by the

firing. The bulk of the force, however, was stationed upon the other

road, and, as they sprang up at the sudden uproar, and aimed at the

blaze of the guns, they endangered their own friends more than us. My

men sank at once upon their knees, and the enemy firing wildly and high,

did not touch one of them. They pointed their shot-guns low, and every

flash was followed by a groan, and, by the quick vivid light, we could

see the men we hit writhing on the ground. The curses and commands of

the officers, shouts of the combatants, and yells of the wounded were

mingled together. The breadth of the road, only, separated us, and the

blaze from the guns met. When our weapons were emptied, we sprang over

the fence and ran at top speed for our horses. A chain picket which had

been posted on the left of the Shelbyville road, a short distance from

it, rushed forward and opened upon us, and the enemy we had just bidden

farewell redoubled his fire. When we regained the horses, we were nearly

surrounded. Parties had come out from the woods behind us, as we passed

down the road, and our retreat by the way we had come was blocked. Our

signals to call in the laggards, as we prepared to leave, were answered

from every direction by the enemy. But the woods befriended us, as they

had often done before, and we escaped under its shelter. On that same

night a similar adventure befell some Confederates (I think of Starne's

command) on the Franklin pike, and some pickets were killed on the side

of Nashville entirely opposite to that into which all of these roads

(which have been mentioned) run. Of course every thing was attributed to

Morgan, and the Federals were puzzled and uncertain, whether to believe

him really _ubiquitous_, or the commander of two or three thousand men.

A day or two after these occurrences, Morgan went with a flag of truce

to Mitchell's encampment to endeavor to exchange some of his prisoners

for his own men who had been captured. Colonel Wood, who was with him,

was asked confidentially how many men Morgan had, and was told that the

mischief he was doing could only be accounted for upon the supposition

that he had control of a large force. Wood answered, also _in

confidence_, that although he had co-operated with Morgan for two or

three weeks, he was entirely ignorant of the strength of his command.

That he knew, only, that Morgan was controlling the motions of men whom

he (Morgan) rarely saw; and that, although he himself was intimately

cognizant of all that occurred under Morgan's immediate supervision, he

was frequently astonished by hearing from the latter, accounts of

enterprises which had been accomplished by his orders in quarters very

remote from where he was in person operating. Wood saw the impression

which prevailed, and shaped his answers to confirm it. In reality, there

were not in the vicinity of Nashville, at that time, on all sides, more

than three hundred Confederate soldiers. Of this number, Morgan could

control only his own three companies and the fifty men with Wood,

although the others, who were stragglers, and furloughed men from the

Texas Rangers, Starne's, McNairy's and other cavalry regiments, often

joined him upon his expeditions.

Many of the Federal soldiers killed around Nashville, and whose deaths

were, charged to Morgan's men, were killed by the _independent_

partisans, most of them men who lived in the neighboring country, and

had obtained leave to linger, for a while, about their homes. Great zeal

and activity, however, was displayed by all parties.

When the flag of truce party mentioned above got to the picket line, it

was met by an expedition consisting of cavalry, artillery and infantry,

riding in wagons, _en route_ for Murfreesboro', with the expectation of

capturing Morgan's entire band. General Mitchell was very angry when the

arrival of the flag was announced, and complained that Morgan had taken

that method of defeating his plans, that otherwise would have been

assuredly successful. This charge created a good deal of amusement, when

Morgan told the story later to his brother officers of Johnson's array.

Even if Morgan (as Mitchell thought), had known that an expedition was

on foot for his capture, he still would have had a perfect right to

transact at that time--if listened to--any matter of business which

required to be done under flag of truce. It is legitimate to send them

even while battles are going on.

During the entire war, both sides used to send flags of truce for quite

other purposes than the ostensible ones. Morgan was the commanding

Confederate officer in all that region, and had a right to send flags of

truce for any purpose whatever, so long as he observed the usages which

govern them. The flag of truce need not have stopped the expedition.

It was Mitchell's own fault if it was allowed to go far enough to see

what he wished to conceal. It is the right and positive duty of an

officer in charge of a flag, to go as far as he is permitted. General

Mitchell could have refused to receive it, and have ordered it back.

Morgan's friends somewhat doubted whether this expedition (even if it

had not been met and checked by the flag of truce), would have resulted

in Morgan's capture. General Mitchell was a profound strategist, but he

was going to travel by daylight through a country full of Morgan's

friends, and upon a road constantly watched by his scouts, to surprise

Morgan. At any rate, it may be safely asserted that the fond hope which

General Mitchell cherished, could never have been realized, after Morgan

had gotten such timely information of an expedition intended for his

capture, that he was able to meet it with a flag of truce as it was just

setting out.

The country around Nashville, in which Morgan did the service, which I

have attempted to describe, is one admirably adapted to it. It is one of

the most fertile and wealthy portions of Middle Tennessee, a region

unsurpassed in productiveness. Yet teeming as it is with every crop

which the farmer wishes, one would think, in riding along the fine

turnpikes which enter Nashville upon all sides, that a comparatively

small proportion of the land is cultivated. A dense growth of timber,

principally cedar, stretches, sometimes for miles, along the roads, and

runs back from them, occasionally, to considerable distances. The cedar

glades, are, some of them, of great extent, and are penetrated in all

directions by roads. Springs, and small watercourses, are frequent. It

is indeed a beautiful country, and the paradise of partisan cavalry, who

can find in it, every where, supplies for men and horses, shelter to

hide them, going against and escaping from an enemy, and, stop where

they will, all that makes a camp happy.

The people who live in this country are worthy to possess it. They are

brave, frank, generous and hospitable--true to their friends, kind to

the distressed. They are just and honorable, and uphold through all

trials and evils, the right, as they understand it, and their plighted

word. Come what will upon this country, may God bless the people of

Middle Tennessee.

Two or three days after the flag of truce affair, Morgan determined upon

an expedition to a different quarter from that in which he had been

hitherto employed. It was high time that, in accordance with the

instructions he had received, he followed and rejoined the army, and he

desired to leave an impression upon the enemy of his "ubiquity," which

would be useful, after he himself was gone.

Upon the north side of the Cumberland, and about eight miles from it in

a direct line, is the little town of Gallatin, in Sumner County,

Tennessee. It is situated on the Louisville and Nashville road, about

thirty miles from Nashville. This place was one of no military

importance at that time, but it was right upon the line of communication

between Louisville and Nashville--the roads running from Kentucky, as

well as the railroad, all passing through it--and the line of telegraph.

This place is about fifty miles from Murfreesboro', by the most direct

route. Morgan resolved to hold this place for a day or two, and get the

benefit of the "communication" himself. He left Murfreesboro' about

midday, passed through Lebanon that evening, and encamped for the night

near that place. Crossing the Cumberland next morning at Canoe-branch

ferry, he reached Gallatin about ten o'clock. He found the town

ungarrisoned, two or three clerks to take care of unimportant stores,

and a telegraph operator, constituting all the force there was to oppose

him. The citizens of this place were always strongly attached to the

Confederate cause, and devoted friends of Morgan and his command--for

which they subsequently suffered no little--and they received him

enthusiastically. This neighborhood was always noted for good cheer,

and, on this occasion, dainties of all kinds appeared as if by magic,

and bouquets were showered by the score. Desiring the latest information

from Nashville, Morgan, accompanied by Colonel Wood, went straight to

the telegraph office, where they were kindly received by the operator,

to whom they introduced themselves as Federal officers just from the

interior of Kentucky. The operator immediately placed himself in

communication with Nashville and got the last news for their benefit.

The conversation then turned on Morgan. "The clerk of the lightning"

said that he had not yet disturbed them at Gallatin, but that he might

be expected any day: "However," he continued, "let him come, I, for one,

am ready for him." He told the story of Morgan's coming to Mitchell's

lines with the flag of truce (which, it seems, had raised great

excitement), and declared that he ought to have been shot then and

there. "Had I been there," said he, fiercely, and brandishing his

revolver, "the scoundrel would have never left alive."

"Give me that pistol," Morgan said quietly; and, taking it, much to the

fellow's surprise, "I am Morgan."

The consternation of the operator was extreme, and his apology, when he

found his tongue, polite. It was accepted, and so was he and placed

under guard. He was badly scared, at first, but he was treated kindly,

and in a few days became domesticated and even playful. An engine and a

few cars, found standing at the depot, were taken possession of--the

cars were immediately burned. Morgan got on the engine with two or three

companions, and run some miles up the railroad to visit two or three

points of interest. He desired especially to ascertain if the tunnel

could readily be destroyed, but found that it would be a work of more

time than he had to spare. While he was absent, several Federal officers

and soldiers came into the town and were made prisoners. When he

returned, the engine was run off the track, over a steep bank, and

destroyed. On the next morning he sent the bulk of his command across

the river again, with instructions to remain near and guard the ferry.

He, himself, with ten or fifteen men, remained at Gallatin two days

longer with the hope of catching some of the trains. He was

disappointed, the news got around and none came. Twenty or thirty wagons

which were coming from Scottsville, under a small guard, were also

turned back--the escort getting the alarm after he had made all his

preparations to capture them--so that his expedition was more barren of

the spoils of war than he had hoped. But his main object--to persuade

the enemy that they could never safely count upon his being "gone"--was

perfectly accomplished. While his men on the south side of the river

were waiting for him, six transports, loaded with troops from

Monticello, passed down toward Nashville. The men on the boats did not

know who the cavalry were, and our men were afraid to fire upon them,

lest they might endanger Captain Morgan and their comrades with him, on

the other side. Immediately after his return to Murfreesboro', he set

out to rejoin the army, and met at Shelbyville that portion of his

command which had been encamped on the Shelbyville and Nashville road,

and which, in obedience to his orders, had also repaired to the former

place.

Here we remained for two or three days and then marched on in the track

of the army. While at Shelbyville, the first and only causeless stampede

of our pickets and false alarm to the camps which occurred during our

squadron organization, took place. Ten or fifteen men were posted on

picket some eight miles from the town toward Nashville, near a small

bridge, at the southern end of which the extreme outpost vidette stood.

From tales told by the citizens, these pickets had conceived the idea

that the enemy contemplated an attack to surprise and capture them, and

(perhaps for the very reason that they had so often played the same game

themselves) they became very nervous about it. Late in the night, two

men came down the road from toward Nashville in a buggy, and drove

rapidly upon the bridge without heeding the vidette's challenge--he,

taking them to be the enemy, shot both barrels of his gun at them and

fled to alarm the other videttes and his comrades at the base. The whole

party became so alarmed by his representation of the immense number and

headlong advance of the enemy, that, without stopping to fight or

reconnoiter, they all came in a hand-gallop to camp. The officer in

charge sent the vidette who had given the alarm, in advance, to report

to me. I immediately got the command under arms and then questioned him.

He stated that the enemy's cavalry came on, at the charge, in column of

fours, that they paid no attention to his challenge, and that when he

fired, they dashed at him, making the air ring with their yells and

curses. He said that "the road seemed perfectly blue for more than half

a mile," so great was their number.

It was a moonless night, and a slight rain was falling, making the

darkness intense. I asked him if he might not have been deceived and if

he was not scared. "No, sir," said he, "not a bit, but I was somewhat

_arrytated_."

Leaving Shelbyville, we marched through Fayetteville to Huntsville;

every where along the route the people flocked to see Morgan, and his

progress was one continual ovation. When we reached Huntsville, the most

beautiful town in Alabama (and now that Columbia is in ashes) perhaps in

the entire South, we were received with the kindness and hospitality

which characterize that generous, warm-hearted population. Huntsville,

the birth-place of Morgan, greeted him like a mother indeed. For ten

days we remained there; every man in the command the recipient of

unwearying attention. It was very injurious to good soldierly habits,

but served, as many other such instances did, to show the men that they

were fighting for a people who loved to be grateful, and to prove

it--and unavailing as the struggle was, it is still a thought of pride

and satisfaction, that the labors and sacrifices were made for a people

worthy of them all.

Crossing the Tennessee river at Decatur and marching just in the track

of the army, we reached Byrnesville, a few miles from Corinth, on the

third of April, and found there the division of General Breckinridge, to

which we were attached. The whole army was then astir, and forming to

march to attack the enemy who lay at Pittsburg Landing on the southern

bank of the Tennessee some twenty miles from Corinth.

Morgan's services were much talked of, and he was complimented by

General Johnson in terms that were very grateful to him. He was given

the commission of Colonel, to take effect from the fourth of April, and

he received (what he valued much more highly) an assurance, or what he

construed to be such, that he would be permitted to act independently

again, and follow his favorite service with a stronger force and upon a

larger scale.

None among the many ardent and high-strung men who went with so much

zeal into that fight, felt more hope and enthusiasm than Morgan, for he

saw beyond it, a career of excitement, success, and glory, that might

satisfy the most energetic and most daring nature.

History of Morgan's Cavalry · 第 6 / 18 章