CHAPTER III

INTRODUCTION

Between the 29th of September and the 23rd of December 1808 no letters

have been preserved in this collection. But in the interval much had

happened.

After the Convention of Cintra, the French evacuated Portugal, though

slowly. It was not until the second week of October that the last of them

were embarked. The exasperation of the Portuguese against them, as well

as against the Convention, was great, and it was with difficulty in some

cases that they were protected from the fury of the populace in Lisbon

and in Oporto.

In the month of October, Sir John Moore took over the command of the

British army. He found to his hand a fine body of troops, but an absolute

want of organisation as regards transport and commissariat. It was a full

month before he was able to move, and even then want of knowledge of the

roads led to the sending round of the Artillery with Sir John Hope by

a circuitous route, causing many days’ delay. During the whole of this

time, great pressure was brought to bear on him, urging him to advance

towards Madrid to the support of the patriot armies in Spain. On 11th

November he entered Spain, and reached Salamanca on the 13th, but it

was not till 23rd November that his army was concentrated. A force under

Sir David Baird, which had been landed at Corunna, was ordered to move

through Galicia and to effect a junction with him, which, however, owing

to counter orders which were in turn countermanded, did not take place

till nearly a month later.

Meanwhile, Napoleon, set free for the moment from complications in

Central Europe by the Treaty of Erfurth, was pouring reinforcements

amounting to 200,000 men into the Peninsula.

The Spaniards, defeated utterly at Burgos (10th November), at Espinosa

(11th November), and at Tudela (23rd November), were now practically

without any organised force in the field, and it seemed as if Sir John

Moore would find himself in the presence of overwhelming French forces.

Fortunately for the British army, Napoleon, who arrived at Madrid on 4th

December, was unaware of the position of Moore at Salamanca, and believed

that the English were in full retreat for Lisbon.

On 13th December, an intercepted dispatch revealed to Moore the

distribution of the French forces, and more especially the isolated

position of Soult with 16,000 men at Saldaña. Accordingly, he determined

to move north to Mayorga, where on 20th December he was joined by Baird.

On 21st December, the combat of Sahagun occurred, the most brilliant

exploit on the part of the British cavalry during the whole war.[11]

On the evening of 23rd December, when the army was just starting to

attack Soult at Saldaña, Moore received the news that Napoleon had turned

north from Madrid and was hastening with all his forces to overwhelm him.

The letter of William Warre dated 23rd December, 5.30 P.M., is singular

in noting the exact time at which the orders were given to march against

Soult at Saldaña. Among the letters it is unique in its tone, as if the

writer was oppressed with a presentiment that he was marching to his

death. It reflects in some measure the feeling which had been current in

the army owing to the period of uncertainty and disappointment through

which it had been passing. Within half an hour of the time at which the

letter was written, Moore had received the news of Napoleon’s advance.

The columns which had marched to attack Soult were ordered to return to

Sahagun, and within twelve hours the celebrated retreat on Corunna had

begun. The next letter belongs to 1809.

The new year saw the army of Sir John Moore toiling through the snows of

the highlands of Galicia on its disastrous retreat to Corunna, of the

miseries of which a glimpse is given in Letter of 4th January 1809 from

near Lugo.

Then came the battle of Corunna, and the tragic death of the Commander of

the army in the moment of victory. General Beresford’s Brigade covered

the embarkation. The General and his A.D.C. were the last men to get into

the boats.

They arrived safely at Plymouth in H.M.S. _Barfleur_ on 23rd January. But

the stay at home was not to be for long.

Before the end of February, Beresford, who understood and spoke

Portuguese, was appointed Commander-in-Chief of the Portuguese army. He

retained the services of Captain Warre as his A.D.C. They arrived in

Lisbon early in March.

The work before him was the organisation of the Portuguese forces, a

task of no little magnitude and difficulty, to which there is abundant

reference in the letters.

Sir A. Wellesley arrived in Lisbon towards the end of April, and within

a short time important movements were on foot. The French under Marshal

Soult had moved southwards from Galicia, and in March had taken Oporto.

Before the end of May, Sir A. Wellesley had retaken Oporto, and Soult had

been driven northward, leaving his baggage and artillery and his sick

behind him, into the wilds of Galicia.

There followed, after an interval, the summer campaign, which ended

with the battle of Talavera. After this, owing to the behaviour of the

Spaniards, the British army retired on Badajos, and went into cantonments.

The Portuguese army, which had not taken any part in the Talavera

campaign, was meantime growing steadily in numbers and discipline.

In October the Spaniards gained a victory at Tamames, but in November

suffered two disastrous defeats at Ocaña and Alba de Tormes.

Peace had now been made between France and Austria, and the French paused

while awaiting the reinforcements which were pouring into the Peninsula

preparatory to an attack on Portugal, and the attempt to drive the

British army to the sea.

During this year Captain Warre was fully occupied with the work of

organising the Portuguese forces, translating drill books, visiting and

inspecting various corps, and other necessary work. His time was much

disturbed by two anxieties. His servant Rankin, of whom he had thought

well (see Letter of 23rd December 1808), turned out to be a rogue and a

thief. He was tried by Court Martial and shot, in accordance with the

severity of martial law which was prevalent at the time.

His elder sister, Clara, who was a Roman Catholic, had taken the veil and

was a nun in the convent at Lamego. On the invasion of Portugal by the

French from the north, the question of how she could be removed into a

place of safety exercised her brother’s mind greatly. The French were

notorious for their ill-treatment of convents and other ecclesiastical

establishments. But the difficulties in the way of her removal, added to

her own desire to stay with the rest of the nuns, were insuperable.

Fortunately, after Soult retired from Oporto, they were not molested, and

the good lady lived on to a good old age in the convent at Lamego.

The letters to his father with regard to expenses, which the latter

deemed excessive, illustrate the financial difficulties with which a good

many officers serving in the field and their families must have been

troubled during those years of strife and bad business.

A note on the back of the last Letter of the year seems to indicate the

nature of a reply to application for clothing for the Portuguese troops

made to some English firm.

[11] _Vide_ Oman, vol. i., sec. viii., chap. iv.

LETTERS

AVANILLA, NR. SAHAGUN (5½ leagues from Saldanha),

_Dec. 23, 1808_, ½-past 5 P.M.

Though, as you will suppose, my beloved Parents, not a little hurried, I

cannot leave this place to march towards the enemy at Saldanha, without

a few lines, which although I am sure not necessary to convince you how

much I feel, or how grateful for all the affection, love, and kindness

I have ever received, will I am sure be a gratification in case of the

worst. Should I fall, my dearest friends, do not grieve for me. It has

been the fate of many and much finer fellows than I am, and I fall in

a just and glorious cause, trusting to my God and my Saviour to forgive

me and have mercy on my soul. I do not know of any crime that I have

committed, that should make me fear death, but we are all liable to err.

At all events I have not disgraced myself or my family. That would be

worse than a hundred deaths, or to lose your affection.

The French are at Saldanha, 5¾ leagues from this. We march at 6 this

evening to arrive at daybreak, not much over-matched in numbers. I have

not a doubt of the issue of the contest. Our cavalry have hitherto

behaved most gallantly and taken in all from 500 to 800 men, great booty,

and 26 officers....

Rankin has served me very faithfully and honestly, particularly during my

severe illness. I would like him to have his discharge bought, and 10£

to take him home. We shall have a cold march to-night, but shall be warm

when we see these so vaunted robbers. The Last Bugle sounds. Adieu, may

every happiness attend my dearest Parents. Do not regret, I conjure you,

the loss of an individual in so glorious a cause. Your ever attached and

affecte. son,

WM. WARRE.

My heavy baggage is at Lisbon at Senhor Manoel de Maçedos, 68 Rua das

Tunas.

* * * * *

SOBRADO, between LUGO and ST JAGO,

_Jany. 4, 1809_.

MY DEAREST FATHER,

I have only time to say I am quite well, thank God. We have been rather

harassed lately, having retreated from Sahagun to this place sometimes by

night and forced marches, which have nearly knocked up all our men. We

have not halted for 22 days, and marched in that time near 70 leagues.

For myself I have fared very well compared to officers not on the Staff

and men. I suppose no men ever did more, or any army, some even officers

barefoot.

We are now ordered this instant to return to Lugo, which has disappointed

our hopes of returning home. For this country we can do nothing. They

will do nothing for themselves. Never have a nation been more infamously

deceived than the English about this country. The people are willing, I

believe, but neither army, officers, clothes or anything necessary; and I

fear many traitors. We have not seen, since we have been in the country,

a symptom of organisation, or, till lately, even a Recruit. Nothing can

be more really despicable than their army, and in want of everything;

though in abundance—Such miserable arrangement! In short, I have no hopes

of any success, and am not a little annoyed at our return.

I had intended to go to Porto, and had leave if we quitted the country.

I might be of use to my family, particularly my dear Uncle, in getting

his things away. My name would, I know, and some firmness be required.

Clara could not remain in Portugal. From some French officers, Prisoners

to us, I know Priests, Nuns, and Friars, would not be spared. Write to

me implicitly your wishes on this head. I dare any trouble or risk, you

know, for any of my Family. Also send your instructions as to my conduct

at Porto, and if your letter is likely to reach me in time, whether I

shall go there or no. I can get leave, I know, and intended going from St

Jago.

Kindest love to my beloved Mother, Brothers and Sisters, and to my

Uncles. I have never had an opportunity even of writing to say I am well,

and am uncertain whether you will ever receive this. Pray write to me. I

have no greater happiness than your letters. I have only received yrs.

of 24th Dec. in postscript to my Uncle’s, and one before (date I cannot

recollect), also one from Genl. Ferguson, whom I shall be most happy to

see, though I rejoice that he has escaped this winter campaign. I never

wish to serve another, particularly for such a morose uncivil set, who

will only talk. Adieu, may God bless you all, and may I soon have the

happiness of embracing you. Remember me most kindly to the Adamsons, and

believe me, ever most affectionately yours in the greatest haste,

W. W.

_P.S._—Everything should be moved from Porto, I think. I will write by

first opportunity.

Our cavalry have distinguished themselves. This letter in perfect

confidence from Yrs.

W. W.

We have had tremendous weather, particularly during our march over the

mountains. As long as I have health, however, I do not care for myself,

though I am not yet really hardened enough to misery and wretchedness,

not to be unhappy at contemplating the miseries of war in our men and the

wretched inhabitants of the country. May our beloved country never be a

scene of warfare. Better ½ of its men should die on the beach.

* * * * *

_Barfleur_, AT SEA, _Jany. 18, 1809_.

MY DEAREST FRIENDS,

I have just time to say I am quite well, and happy in the prospect

of soon seeing all my beloved friends, after our disastrous and

most harassing retreat from Lugo. We arrived at Coruña and found no

transports, they arrived a few days after, but before we could embark

the French attacked us on the 16th, with all their force, in our most

disadvantageous position. They were repulsed by a valour which only

English troops can possess, though exposed to a tremendous commanding

fire of cannon. Poor Sir John Moore was killed. Sir David Baird lost his

arm. Our loss in killed and wounded is very great, though not so much as

that of the enemy.

Our Brigade, which was in the Town to cover the embarkation, moved to

cover a road to the right of the position, but were not attacked, or

engaged at all, as was expected. We were therefore contemplators only of

the gallant and astonishing firmness of our comrades. The 50th and the

42nd suffered most.

During the night most of our army embarked. Genl. Beresford’s Brigade

covered the embarkation, having retired into the works of the town.

The French approached in the morning close to us. We gave them a warm

reception with our 24 prs. assisted by the Spaniards, who on this

occasion behaved very well. The enemy fired on our transports most, and

several went on shore and were lost in the confusion. Our situation was

most critical all the next day and night, till (we) embarked the whole,

about one in the morning.

Fortunately the enemy did not fire on the town, and suffered us to

embark, (or were totally ignorant of it), without annoying us. We were

very weak, just enough to man the works, and dreaded an assault, the

boats being able to take only 500 at a time, and weather very bad.

However we not only got ourselves but most of the wounded in safety,

though all most overcome with fatigue.

Adieu, in hopes of soon seeing you, My dearest Parents. Kindest love to

all my friends, from your most affectionate Son,

WM. WARRE.

(Note, in Henry Warre’s writing, “Received 24th Jany. at night.”)

* * * * *

PLYMOUTH, _Jany. 23, 1809_.

At last, my Dearest Mother, I have the happiness to tell you of our safe

arrival at this place. I wrote a few lines in a great hurry from off

Coruña, which I hope you received. I long to reach town, and shall set

off as soon as possible in a chaise, with Col. Douglas of Wycombe. We

go by Bath, where we shall shake the Hardies by the hand, and in 4 days

shall, I hope, embrace all my beloved family. I am very far from well,

and most in need of rest. A constant bowel complaint, occasioned by

fatigue and being constantly wet, has pulled me down very much. I am a

mere skeleton, but rest and the happiness of seeing all that is dearest

to me will soon, I think, recover me.

To describe our anxiety, and what we went through at Coruña the last day

and night, is not easy. Suffice it to say, we had (but for Mr Samuel How)

been left behind, and now instead of being in our dear native country,

should have been marching prisoners to France. The thought even now makes

me shudder. Nearly exhausted and harassed to death, we were in a bad

state to undertake such a journey. We, however, were more fortunate and

brought off all our sick and wounded except very few.

Don’t forget our last conversation. I have indulged in it in my most

distressing moments. What a spur it has been to exertion I leave you to

guess.

Adieu; kindest love to my dear Father, Emily, Uncle Wm., etc., etc.,

etc., from, Dearest Mother, Your most truly Affectionate

WM. WARRE.

_P.S._—Pray buy me some worsted socks very long in the feet, I am almost

naked as to foot, having worn my present pair at least ten days.

* * * * *

LISBON, _March 3, 1809_.

MY DEAREST FATHER,

We arrived here yesterday, safe and well, after a very pleasant voyage

of 8 days. The Portuguese are in high spirits, and promise well. They

have had some skirmishing on the Minho, and repulsed the French, whose

numbers we know nothing certain of. Of course these accounts are much

exaggerated, but if they can be made to think they can resist, and stand

fire, it is a great point.

As to our own destination I as yet know nothing. The Portuguese army is

on the frontier towards Monte Rey. I suppose we shall join them. Romana

is near there, and, I hear, has collected a considerable force, and is

in spirits as is the Marquez de Valliadacen, who is with them. It is, it

seems, the general opinion that the French under Thomier, about 10,000

men, will endeavour to penetrate by the Minho, and that the Portuguese

are determined to give them fight. By the last accounts from the frontier

not a Frenchman had passed it. Something may yet be done.

The Spaniards under Cuesta and the Duke of Infantado have advanced

towards the border of the Sierra Morena nearest Madrid, and at least our

official accounts tell us that they speak with confidence, and are in

high spirits. Romana wants nothing but ammunition, which has been sent,

and we spoke at sea and brought into this with us a Spanish schooner with

105,000 dollars for the Asturians, who has proceeded.

Every thing that I hear confirms my opinion that our retreat from Spain,

etc., etc., etc., was inconsiderate, and I fear will place us in rather

a disgraceful light. This _entre nous_. The French after they entered

Coruña acknowledged having lost 1000 men killed on the 16th, and of

course more than as many wounded. They spoke highly of the bravery of

our men. This we have from the General’s Italian servants, whom we left

there, and who were in Gurèa’s house when Laborde took up his Quarters

there. This I believe certain, that Buonaparte has returned to Paris, and

taken his Imperial Guards with him.

The Brest fleet 16 S. L. and 3 frigates is out. We were becalmed off Cape

Finisterre only a few hours before they came up bringing the breeze. It

was a narrow escape. Yesterday Sir John Duckworth was off here with 11

S. L. and 2 frigates, and was joined from here by 2 S. L., the _Norge_

and _Conqueror_, and is in pursuit of them. God send he may come up with

them. The issue is not doubtful.

So much for Public News. I send on mere reports, though I do not entirely

vouch for the whole being true. The Portuguese are very anxious for Sir

Arthur Wellesley. They think he would do everything that is possible.

Nothing can exceed the high idea they have of him, and they are right.

I am very sorry to tell you that I hear Alvez had not shipped any of

your wines, and had near 340 pipes on hand. They complain of want of

instructions from you, but could, I believe, if he had exerted himself,

have got freight for most. Ignorant as I am of business, and particularly

of the instructions you may have given him, I feel great delicacy in

writing and giving any orders. He never, I think, can have received my

letter from Coruña. Croft certainly did not. I shall write to him by

to-morrow post, desiring him to give me an account of how your affairs

are, at the same time taking upon myself to desire him, if not contrary

to any instructions he may have received from you, to charter at all

events a vessel to ship off all your wines (if he can get one), but to

wait for convoy unless the business presses very much. Though things

look brighter than I expected, the fate of war is so uncertain, and the

odds are against us, so that I think no time should be lost. I should

have chartered a vessel here, but on consulting with our worthy friend

James Butler, he seems not to think it worth while till I hear from

Alvez, and there is no English ship at present in this port. I have felt

much distressed at this apparent want of foresight, but suppose the last

packet must have brought him your instructions. Nothing can be kinder

than the interest that Wm. Naylor and Butler take in your concerns,

but with great delicacy. It was said on Change at Porto that several

Packets only brought 2 letters from my Uncle to John Benito, which caused

a smile. I write this to you, my dearest Friend, because these sort

of smiles, I fear, do much harm in business. This I heard from other

quarters. Croft is here, but I have not yet met him. My heavy baggage,

which was left here, I will send by the _Amazon_ to England. I write this

by the _Peacock_ sloop of war, though in great haste. I am quite well. I

have so many things to do and think of that I hope I shall not have time

to be sick. I will write again by the first opportunity. In meantime may

God bless and preserve you all. Give my kindest and warmest love to my

dearest Mother, etc., etc., and from Yr. ever most affectionate Son,

WM. WARRE.

The weather is most delightful though very warm. The change from England

is very striking. Adieu.

I hope the wines I ordered from Spain, have or will be sent.

* * * * *

LISBON, _April 1, 1809_.

MY DEAREST FATHER,

In addition to what I wrote to my mother by this Conveyance, the

_Diligent_ Gun Brig, which has been delayed by the Bar, I have merely

time to communicate the very disastrous news of the taking of Porto by

the French. We have as yet received no particulars, and only know that

the Bishop, and one British officer, Captn. Arenschild of Artillery, the

G. Legion, were arrived at Coimbra.

From the complete state of insubordination of the populace of that

city, this event we have for some time foreseen, and in the state of

indiscipline and insubordination of the Portuguese army, any assistance

we could have sent would have, I much fear, only added to our loss,

as they would have been also hurried away by, and as intractable as,

the mob, who, cruel and sanguinary to an excess against themselves or

prisoners, are always timid and cowardly. They have assassinated many

people there, amongst others Oliveira the former Governor, who was in

gaol. They also murdered nine or ten French prisoners, and let all the

felons loose. Such was their wretched state that they would obey no one,

and rendered it highly dangerous to attempt any plan to secure a retreat,

in case of accidents, as you would risk being murdered. I therefore fear

our loss in men and arms very great, but we have no details.

The Mob, some days before, broke into a magazine of arms, which they

plundered, and then seized the Fort of St Johns, allowing no ship to go

out. I have therefore every reason to fear your ship with wine, which was

loaded, was unable to get out. The Captain had moved over to the other

side of the water, which is however within shot. The wines in the Lodges,

if they have, as I hope, destroyed the Bridge, are still safe, for bad

as this news is, I have still hopes that Soult and his division are in a

bad scrape, and weaker in numbers than generally supposed. The Provinces

behind him are in a state of insurrection, and I trust Silveira will get

into their rear, as he is now disembarrassed by the taking (by him) of

the Fort of St Francisco at Chaves, with 870, added to 200 in Chaves,

when he before entered, who were sick, upwards of a thousand, and 300

killed. He has also taken more mules, horses, artillery, etc., etc., than

were in the place when taken by the French, and his own loss trifling.

Galicia is certainly in a state of complete insurrection and full of

enthusiasm and spirit. They have summoned Vigo, and given the French

garrison only 24 hours to decide in. Tuy is also surrounded and expected

to fall. Thus the retreat or communications of Soult’s Corps (of whose

numbers we are ignorant, but cannot believe exceed 15,000 men) are pretty

well cut off, and, unless supported by the Corps, which threatens us by

the banks of the Tagus, and at present besieges Ciudad Rodrigo, will, I

hope, be destroyed.

We have also a report here to-day that the Duke of Albuquerque and Cuesta

have joined and given Victor a beating, which we give little credit to,

as we knew of Victor’s precipitate retreat from pursuing Cuesta towards

the South, and being followed by that General, whose retreat was a very

masterly movement, and I suspect had really drawn the French into a _cul

de sac_, which they discovered before it was intended they should, but

late enough to enable their rear to be turned. Urbina, it is said, is

advancing towards Madrid. If Austria would but declare, everything might

yet go well.

Our friend Whittingham has distinguished himself very much, and been

thanked in orders by the Spanish General, I am not sure which. He was

quite well with the Carolina army. The people here are quiet at present,

though not much pleased with the inactivity of the English force. They

are great fools, and know nothing about the matter, though I myself wish

our people would make a movement. Adieu, in great haste, with kindest

love to all at home, ever yr. most affectionate Son,

WM. WARRE.

Major P.F., Aide-de-Camp.

* * * * *

_April 7, 1809._

MY DEAR FATHER,

I take the opportunity of Fred Crofts going in the _Amazon_ to send you

receipts for my Staff pay. I also yesterday drew on you, dated 5th inst.,

to Dr Deane or order £56, 10s, amount of a Spanish horse bought of him,

and which by providing me with two horses renders it unnecessary you

should be at any trouble about buying me any, as the General having given

me one, I have now 3, which is enough.

Croft will tell you all the news and all about me, which it is out of my

power to do now myself, as Croft will tell you. We leave this to-morrow

for the army at Thomar, which the Marshal is going to take Command of.

By the _Amazon_ I have sent all my heavy baggage, five cases, etc., and

some sweetmeats, which pray send to Ferguson to present to Mrs Ferguson

with my best respects. I have also sent some chains directed to my

Mother, which she will be so good as to distribute as directed. I am most

anxious to hear from you and will write myself on the first opportunity.

As I have only time now to beg my kindest love, and assure you I am ever

most Affectionately Yours,

WM. WARRE.

* * * * *

HDQRS., THOMAR, _April 27, 1809_.

MY DEAR FATHER,

Many thanks for your very affectionate letters of the 10th, 7th, 5th

April, which I received all together, and which were most pleasing to me,

whose happiness so much depends upon your approval of my conduct.

You will long before this arrives have heard of the melancholy fate of

Oporto. It did not in the least surprise me. I was sure it would be taken

the moment it was attacked in earnest; the inevitable consequence of

insubordination and anarchy. I hope you had ensured your property.

I was of course delighted to use every exertion in my power, and am very

much indebted to Mr Villiers for his friendly assistance. Long before

the crisis he offered me a transport or more to go round and bring away

the property, which I refused in consequence of letters from Pedro Alvez

stating that one ship was arrived, and another daily expected, and

fearing that the expense of chartering them would be lost. At the same

time I was unaware of how little resistance would be made at Braga, and

the Passes of Salamonde, etc. Since that Mr Villiers wrote, as did also

Noble, very strong letters to Capt. Loring of the _Niobe_ to render every

assistance, but these were too late and have since been returned to me,

as also one you wrote to Chiappe with some accounts, which I opened, and

have ready to deliver when an opportunity, I trust not very remote,

shall enable me, as also those you send me now.

We expect to march immediately to drive that miscreant Soult out of

Porto. The General went two days ago to Lisbon to meet Sir A. Wellesley,

and as soon as he returns this evening or to-morrow, we shall all

advance. I was left here to continue to form the Algarve Brigade, the

finest in the service, and who march to-morrow morning.

I have every hope that Soult has committed himself by his rapid advance,

and since detached Corps, one of which 7 to 8000 have attacked Silveira

at Amarante two days successively. He has defended himself bravely as

did the Regt. No. 9 (Peña Macor) commanded by Major Patrick, who came

over with us, and who is, poor fellow, I fear, badly wounded, after

distinguishing himself very much. Silveira expected to be attacked next

morning, and will, I fear, not be able to resist, as the Militias and

Ordenança had abandoned him.

Victor has called everything to him near Merida, from Salamanca, and even

Zamora, which looks as if he was close pressed, and leaves our Eastern

frontier unmenaced for the present.

Cuesta has certainly reassembled 20,000 Infantry and 5500 horse and has

pushed forward his advanced guards. If the Spaniards can reassemble their

armies in so short a time after being dispersed they must in the end

destroy the French, unless they receive great succours, which I believe

impossible.

My friend Col. D’Urban, who was in the battle of Medellin, assures me he

never saw any troops behave better than the Infantry, or worse than the

Cavalry, of Cuesta’s army. And I think this was, as well as the loss of

the army, in a great measure owing to Cuesta’s bad order of battle, in

the extended line without any reserve whatever, his Cavalry in the first

line advancing with the Infantry at their pace, and his having allowed

the enemy to pass the Bridge of Medellin and deploy before he attacked

them. He committed the same fault at Rio Seco, and suffered for it. It

appears an infatuation, and as unaccountable as Victor’s not attempting

to pursue the Spaniards, who fled in confusion, even with his Cavalry,

which leads me to suppose he must have suffered more than we are aware of.

The enemy have occupied Valença de Tuy without resistance, Vianna, Ponte

de Lima, Penafiel, and desolated these unhappy countries. On this side

their posts are at Ovar and on the Vouga, and our advance on this side of

that river, under Col. Trant. They have constant skirmishes which signify

nothing except wasting ammunition. In Porto itself there are not above

800 or 1000 men, and they are organising a Portuguese Legion, for which

they have got some men.

I was in a state of the greatest anxiety about poor dear Clara, to whom I

had written several letters without receiving an answer, till yesterday,

when, by a letter from my worthy friend Bettrão, I heard she with the

rest of the ladies had quitted the convent on the news of the approach

of the French, and their entering Porto, and had travelled on foot over

the mountains to Mesão Frio, and then to Ancede, where she now is with

another nun, a friend of hers, with some of Frè Bernardo’s relations

who have afforded her every protection, and he has written to them to

give her every assistance. She was quite well, he tells me. I immediately

despatched John Benito by the extra post, with a letter to her and 15

Pieces, besides an order for 15 more, in case of necessity, desiring him

to stay with her as servant, and to remove her as a guard, in case of

absolute necessity towards Lisbon, where I intend to place her with Sʳ

Lucas de Siabra’s family, if she is forced to fly, till I can make some

proper arrangement. If danger should not press, she is to stay where she

is, till I can get away to see her myself and make other arrangements. At

present the chances of war are so uncertain that I think she is better

out of the convent, the marked objects of vengeance to these unprincipled

invaders. Frè Bernardo, to whom I have sent John Benito, (in whom I have

every confidence from his attachment to our family and honesty), will

give him the orders he thinks necessary, and he will stay with her as

her servant, and in case of removal guard, till I can make any other

arrangement.

I have got three pretty good horses and therefore, unless you have

already sent them, do not think it worth while being at the expense of

sending out any more.

The Portuguese troops immediately under the instruction of British

officers are coming on very well. I could have wished we had been allowed

more time, but even now have great hopes of some corps. The men may be

made anything we please of, with proper management, and, wherever I have

had authority, I have soon settled the little mean jealousies and tricks

of the officers, and without, I hope, gaining much ill will. I endeavour

to combine inflexible firmness with politeness of manner. I know it is

the only way to make these fellows respect you, and the mass of officers

is miserable indeed. This, however, will in time be altered. Merit is the

great recommendation with the General, not grey hairs and number of years

service, however much to be respected, for these Subalterns, some of whom

should be anything but soldiers.

I am very happy to hear the 23rd are coming out to this country, and

should like much to join them, if I could with propriety. It is a fine

dashing service, but this I fear is impossible, and I begin to learn

the necessity of commanding my wishes and feelings. At all events I

completely agree with you that it would be folly to quit the Dragoons,

when I have two years longer to serve as Captn., and God knows what

changes may occur in that period.

Every officer I have heard speak on the subject is much dissatisfied with

the new C. in C., particularly those who most know him; and, setting H.

R. Highness’s morality aside, he did incalculable good to the army, and I

am sure we cannot have a better, at least that I know of, and this is the

opinion of, I believe, the majority of the army.

By the new regulations of service we shall have Brigadiers at 60 years of

age, and Generals in night cap and slippers, prudent and inactive as they

formerly were, and as the Portuguese are. It is surprising that people

can suppose a man unfit to command, till he has attained an age at which

enterprise and activity generally cease. I should not be surprised to see

some years hence advertised in the papers of the day restorative cordials

for Generals taking commands, or patent easy-chairs for foreign service,

addressed to the Generals of the British army.

I am much obliged to you for your kind attention to Custine’s letter,[12]

and the advance of 10£. I would not wish you to commit yourself in

cashing his bills to any considerable amount. He was once in Germany very

civil to me, and I am happy to be able to repay him. I should have been

better satisfied with the _parole d’honneur_ of a gentleman, than that

of a French officer, which goes very little way in my opinion. He is a

prisoner, and in distress, poor fellow. I therefore in moderation will be

very happy to afford him some assistance, and I hope he will not deceive

the idea I have formed of him.

I have just heard that the 3rd and 4th heavy Dragoons are arrived and

landed at Lisbon.

My Boots, etc., will be a valuable acquisition to me, and which, as well

as the plans you are so good as to send, are arrived.

Pray give my kindest love to all at Home, from, my Dearest Father, your

ever Affectionate and Dutiful Son,

WM. WARRE.

I wrote two days ago to my mother, and suppose the letter will go by the

same conveyance as this. Adieu.

[12] See Memoir, and p. 101.

* * * * *

LISBON, _13th July, 1809_.

MY DEAR FATHER,

Though I wrote to you a very long letter by last Packet, and am now

somewhat prest for time, I will not delay thanking you for your

affectionate letters of 20th of May and 1st of June, which did not reach

me till yesterday, having travelled to Porto and back again after me, and

in it my uncle Wm’s. very kind letter of 20th May, for which pray thank

him with my kindest love, and tell him I will answer very shortly, as

also Hardy’s, whose entire recovery gives me the sincerest pleasure, and

I hope soon to hear that he has got a ship. At a time when so much is

doing in all parts of the world, I know it must be irksome to him to be

unemployed.

We were to have left this place yesterday to join the army assembled

about Guarda, etc., and to advance into Spain as an army of observation,

but business has prevented the General, and we only set off to-morrow

morning, and proceed direct to Guarda, where we shall remain but a few

days, I suppose.

Most of the English officers who came over to join the Portuguese army

have accepted the Pay. I have however refused it, as I cannot see any

credit in serving them for the pittance of Pay, particularly when I

know they are so poor they cannot pay their own Officers. Besides, I

consider that receiving Pay invalidates in some measure my claims on

future promotion in my own service, and in some degree deprives me, I

consider, of the right of quitting this when I choose. I am ready, as I

told the Marshal, to exert myself for the service of this Country without

being any weight or charge to them. They have certainly some claims to

my service from the kindness my family has for a long series of years

experienced, and if H.R.H. hereafter chooses to reward me in the end,

he can do so, without my being an expense to his Government, and, if he

does not, I am pretty tolerably indifferent, and shall be satisfied with

having done my duty. I certainly very much dislike this service and their

mean intrigue and absurd presumption, which shades their good qualities,

and would therefore avoid any possible reason for my being kept with it

longer than suits my convenience and I consider my duty requires. I hope

you therefore will approve of my having declined any emolument for my

services.

The conduct of the English Government in refusing the step of rank to

those Officers who have come out, or, being here appointed, have joined

the Army, is very extraordinary. They now have only an additional step in

the Portuguese, and the pay of both. I am astonished any British officer

will come out on these terms.

I will write to you whenever an opportunity occurs. In the meantime,

my Dearest Father, give my kindest love to all at Home, and believe me

Affectionately Your Dutiful Son,

WM. WARRE.

I do not send the certificate of horses lost at Coruña, as we have

written home for the printed form, when I shall know how it is to be

filled up. Adieu.

* * * * *

LACEBO, _10th August, 1809_.

MY DEAR FATHER,

An unfortunate accident of having dislocated the knuckles of my right

hand, and having broke one of the small bones, obliges me to apply to

my friend Captn. Souza to serve as an amanuensis. It being now nearly a

month since the accident happened, I am afraid you will be very anxious

to hear from me. I am in other respects perfectly well, and so far

recovered from this, that I but yesterday returned from travelling night

and day to the English Hd. Quarters post and back again. I have not yet,

however, quite the use of my hand.

You will long before this have heard of the battle of Talavera perhaps

the most glorious ever gained, if we consider the disproportion of

numbers. Not having had the good fortune to be present I can give no

further particulars than you will have seen by Sir Arthur’s despatch. The

attacks were most vigorous and repeated by upwards of 40,000 men in heavy

columns, first against the left, then the right, and afterwards along

the whole British line which was occupied by about 19,000 men. Nothing

however could overcome the steadiness and gallantry of our troops. After

having been engaged the 26th and 27th, the greatest part of the night

between the 27th and 28th, and from daybreak till night that day, the

enemy was completely repulsed, leaving 11,000 killed and wounded on

the field, and the next morning retired 4 leagues to Sebola. Our loss

was also very considerable, about 4500 killed and wounded. You will be

sorry to hear that the 23rd lost half their men in a charge, and among

a great many officers wounded are Capt. Howard badly, Drake ditto. He

was taken and afterwards released by the enemy, Allen wounded and taken,

D. W. Russell slightly, Frankland slightly, Lieut. Anderson badly, and

226 men killed and wounded. I saw Col. Seymour and Dance, who are quite

well. The Regt. was ordered to charge two columns of the enemy, who were

deploying, but who unfortunately had time to form square without there

being time for the order being revoked, and they unfortunately persevered

in attempting an attack which it was impossible should succeed.

The British army as usual has been deprived of the fruits of their

glorious victory; for Soult, Ney, and Mortier, having penetrated from

Castille to Placencia with 34,000 men, added to the impossibility of

placing any dependance upon the Spaniards, who during and after the

battle of Talavera had remained, except their Artillery, entirely

spectators, with 20,000 men, exposing the British army to finding

itself between two fires, besides entirely cutting off its retreat and

communications with Portugal, obliged Sir Arthur to retire by the bridge

of Arçobispo to the other side of the Tagus; that of Almaraz was already

occupied by the enemy. Cuesta, who was left at Talavera to keep the army

of Victor in check, I suppose not feeling very confident in his troops,

set off after Sir Arthur, thus abandoning all such of our wounded, who

could not crawl along the road, to the enemy, who however, it must be

confessed, on all occasions have treated the English prisoners with great

humanity.

We have moved forward with the Portuguese army to occupy the strong

passes near this place, and assist, as far as we may be able with our

small force of 12,000 men, the British and Spanish armies, the former of

which occupies a position on the South Bank of the Tagus at Almaraz, the

latter at Arçobispo. The names of these passes are Perales and Gata and

are at four leagues distance from Coria. The French have advanced towards

Talavera from Placencia. Our army are in very good spirits, and will, I

have no doubt, maintain their character better than their neighbours, in

whom, you know, I never had much confidence.

I am happy to tell you that Jack Prince is well, also Genl. Fane. Poor

Milman is badly wounded, as is Sir W. Sheridan.

I am much obliged to you for the boots and my glass, which I have

received, and which I was in great want of.

I will write to you again the moment I am able, and in the meantime I

have only to add that I remain, my dear Father, with love to all at home,

Your very affectionate Son,

WM. WARRE, _A.D.C._

I beg you will believe my hand is really of no consequence and nearly

well, nor do I find it a bit the worse for a ride of fifty hours _de

suite_ to the British Head Quarters and 36 back, and I am otherwise in as

good health as I ever was.

LOS HOYOS, _August 13_.

I have been unable to forward this letter before to-day and have merely

to add that my hand is much better. We continue near these passes,

though we made the other day a movement to Salteros, but retired again

to the same position, and established our Head Quarters at this place.

I believe Soult’s, Ney’s, etc., army are moving again into Castille by

Baños without deigning to take notice of us. The cowardly Spaniards have

suffered the enemy to pass the bridge at Arçobispo with very little

resistance, and now occupy the passes in which I left the British army,

on its right flank.

Every day convinces me more strongly that the fate of these countries

depends entirely upon Austria, of which, you may well imagine, we are

most anxious for positive accounts. We have had a French bulletin with

accounts of an armistice, and other rumours of a peace. But as they have

all come from the French, I trust unfounded. I hope you will let all

your arrangements, with regard to Portugal, depend upon the successes in

Germany.

Yrs. most affectionately,

WM. WARRE.

* * * * *

SALVATERRA, _August 18, 1809_.

MY DEAREST MOTHER,

I take the opportunity of being able to write to give you some account of

myself and our proceedings. My hand, as you will see by my being able

to write, is nearly well, though still weak. I suffered a good deal from

it, from not applying the proper remedies, and supposing I had merely

dislocated two of my knuckles, for my hand and arm had swelled so much,

from travelling day after day in the excessive heat, that it was not

till I arrived at the English Head Quarters express a month after, and

consulted an English surgeon, that I discovered that one of the small

bones in the back of the hand was broken. Nature, however, has joined

it, and I trust in a few weeks I shall be entirely as strong as ever.

It has been a serious inconvenience, particularly when near the enemy,

and expecting to be engaged. Except in writing, however, it never has

prevented my duty, though I confess sometimes, after a sleepless night, I

could almost have cried from pain and vexation.

I dictated a letter to my father from Acebo and Los Hoyos, fearing you

would be very anxious at not hearing from me, which I hope has been

received. We have now made a forward movement to Moralega in order to

straiten the enemy in his foraging. They constantly dislodged a post we

had at Coria, where they came for provisions, nor was it in our power

to prevent them, and the inhabitants, who had not fled, either from

fear or treason, seemed more ready to supply them than us, so much so

in every direction, added to the ignorance and want of arrangement in

our Commissaries, that our troops have suffered greatly from want of

provisions, particularly bread. The selfish unfriendly conduct of the

Spaniards high and low, not giving us any hopes of a supply, Marshal

Beresford has been forced to retreat towards this place, on his way to

Castello Branco, in order to feed his troops, who are in great distress,

without even seeing the enemy, or his making the least forward movement

towards us, except in small foraging parties, to Coria, near where they

have caught a valuable convoy of English hospital stores, I cannot help

thinking, in a great measure from the excessive ignorance and want of

energy in the Purveyor, who was seven days considering whether the French

would come there or not.

As to the conduct of the Spaniards, both to the English and this army, it

has been most shameful. I shall not enlarge on this disagreeable subject.

It is enough to say both armies are very much irritated. They have every

wish that we should fight for them, but do not deign to treat us with

common civility, or our men, when sick or wounded, with common humanity.

They conceal their provisions, drive away their cattle, and when possible

escape themselves, leaving either friends or foes to subsist as well

as they can, complaining however most loudly and bitterly if a single

cabbage is taken without leave. When our men have been starving they

have refused to sell even a loaf, and if they did, at a most exorbitant

price. They will rob your very stores almost in your sight, and, though

every town and village expects you are to stay for its defence, they

will not, except forced, contribute in any way to assist. This is the

complaint, and universal in both English and Portuguese armies, and as

for their soldiers fighting, I never thought they would. They never have.

The French treat them with the utmost contempt. 5300 and odd brave

soldiers of the British were killed or wounded at Talavera without 45,000

Spaniards, who were present, moving in any way to their support; and

since, 3000 wounded of these were abandoned by that old brute Cuesta in

Talavera, contrary to Sir A. Wellesley’s orders or intention, and without

any attack on the part of the enemy.

This obstinate surly old ignorant fellow is, thank God, removed. He was,

to say the best of him, quite superannuated, and so violent and obstinate

that everybody feared him but his enemies.

There never was such folly as sending an army into Spain again. The

character of the Spaniards is so selfish, jealous, and proud, with all

the surliness of Englishmen, and not a spark of their good qualities,

that a foreign army in their country must always risk being abandoned.

They, besides, will not fight for themselves, and it is impossible

England alone can defend them. This picture is perhaps strong, and I

really feel much irritated against them, but I am sure it is the opinion

of almost every individual. The inhabitants fly in all directions at

the approach of the enemy, and whenever your army comes, they fancy the

enemy are coming also. You are therefore unable to procure subsistence,

and of course equally so to defend them. The magistrates fly, to avoid

the trouble of providing you, as everything is concealed. All the towns

we have been in are nearly abandoned, and we have been forced to break

into empty houses for a lodging. In short, war in any shape is a horrid

scourge to the inhabitants.

We are in very low spirits at the bad accounts from Austria. A peace

in that country will decide the fate of these most undoubtedly. We may

prolong the war and sacrifice many lives, but I am convinced that it will

be to no purpose, and even should Sir A.W., who, it is reported, is to be

made Commander in Chief in Spain, and a most clever fine fellow as ever

existed, be able to avert their ultimate destruction, another brilliant

victory, or even more, if the Tyrant overruns Germany, and Austria falls,

cannot alter my opinion, and I shall doubly regret every British life

that is lost after that country makes peace.

Poor Whittingham, who is a Brigadier in the Spanish Service, was shot

through the cheek and hurt severely, while endeavouring most gallantly

to rally a Spanish regiment of cavalry. He is however doing well. I am

much annoyed at not being able to get any account of Harvey. Milman is

badly wounded. These are the only officers I have heard of that you know.

Fremantle is well.

CASTELLO BRANCO, _August 20th_.

We arrived here yesterday, and will, I hope, remain some days to refresh

our poor patient half-starved soldiers, and observe the enemy’s motions.

A strong corps of theirs forced the Pass of Baños defended by Sir R.

Wilson and about 3000 men, Portuguese and Spaniards. They resisted the

whole day, but had no guns, and were forced to retreat to avoid being

surrounded.

It is impossible to judge yet of what the plans of the French can be,

particularly this Corps, which has re-entered Castile and marched

towards Salamanca, leaving 10 or 12,000 men at Placencia; nor have I the

least idea of what Sir A. Wellesley’s intentions are. I over and over

again wish I was with his brave army. It is wretched unsatisfactory work

being with this; nothing but constant vexation and disgust, particularly

of their Officers. The men, poor devils, are patient and obedient, _voilà

tout_, I think, yet the British Officers with the regiments think they

would fight. I am convinced this would depend entirely on circumstances,

and if they do unfortunately get beaten, I fear they will at any rate

not hazard it again. What a different army I was with a year ago! How

gloriously employed where with such soldiers! If Austria makes peace, I

shall soon have the happiness again of embracing my beloved family, for

the game will be soon settled in these countries.

I think the French will move towards Zamora, and threaten Portugal

immediately, to draw away our army from this quarter, and Sir A. W., if

possible, out of Spain, to protect it.

Adieu, my dearest Mother, kindest love to my Father, etc., etc., etc.,

from Your Ever Affectionate Son,

WM. WARRE.

You sent me out last year, which I never got, a new Aide-de-Camp’s coat.

If it is in existence and not lost, pray send it to Lisbon to me, as I

sometimes wear it, and do not wish to make another Portuguese, which is

very expensive.

* * * * *

HD. QRS., LISBON, _Sept. 6, 1809_.

MY DEAREST FATHER,

I wrote to my mother from Castello Branco, as soon as my hand which

I broke would permit me without inconvenience, which I hope you have

received. My hand is now quite well. We left Castello Branco on the 30th.

The greatest part of the army having marched, in different divisions, to

occupy cantonments at Abrantes, Thomar, Vizeu, Coimbra, etc., in order

to be able to feed them and clothe them, so as to be enabled to take the

field again, with some chance of health, as soon as the enemy, who has

also retired into cantonments, shall attempt anything. We know they want

rest as much as we do, and have divided their corps, Soult at Coria,

Placencia, Larza, etc., Marchand at Salamanca, etc., etc., Mortier at

Zamora, Toro, etc. This is the army that was in our front. Of that of

Victor I know nothing. Nor do I even know where Sir A. Wellesley is.

We quitted Spain (Coria, Placencia, etc.), partly from orders from Sir A.

W. partly because we were absolutely starved, and the cursed Spaniards

would do nothing for us, concealed all means of subsistence, and fled

as fast as approached. The French, who have not the same necessity of

temporising as we have, will know how to extract what is left, though we

know from deserters that they are very badly off. At Castello Branco also

the army would not exist many days longer together, and our Commissariat,

and even distribution of what little we had was infamous. There was no

remedy left but to divide the army into corps, station them where they

may be assembled at the shortest notice, and at whatever point we may

be attacked, and meantime employ ourselves in getting them clothed and

disciplined, of which there is much want after all their exertions. The

men, poor fellows, are well enough, very obedient, willing, and patient,

but also naturally dirty and careless of their persons, dreadfully

sickly, and they have a natural softness, or want of fortitude, which

makes them yield immediately without exertion to sickness or fatigue.

The Officers, for the most part, are detestable, mean, ignorant, and

self-sufficient. It is incredible the little mean intrigues, the apathy,

and want of military sentiment, Marshal Beresford has had to work

against. Nothing but a very severe discipline can overcome these, and

which I hope he will follow.

Should however Austria fall, and France turn her whole force this way, I

fear the ruin of these countries could but be for a short time delayed,

and at the expense of many lives. The events in Germany, as I before

wrote, should decide your conduct with regard to this. I merely venture

an opinion in a military point of view. I confess in this last campaign I

felt not the least wish to see the Portuguese troops engaged. If we had

been beat, we were lost, and the state of our men from hunger, fatigue,

want of proper clothing, made me feel but slender hopes of the contrary.

We were, however, most anxious to afford every assistance in our power

by a diversion in favour of our gallant noble countrymen with Sir A. W.,

and in such light would have regretted no loss, and certainly dared any

danger.

We came from Castello Branco to Abrantes in one day by Niza, in a day

nearly 20 leagues, or 70 odd English miles. It was dreadfully hot, and

I think I never suffered more from fatigue and heat. We left Castello

Branco at 12 at night, and I rode my own horse to Niza, where, however, I

got a tired post mule, who could only get half way to Gaveon, and made me

walk a great part of the way. In consequence it was near 7 P.M. before I

got into Abrantes. The rest had arrived at two. We left that next day in

a boat for Lisbon at 5 in the morning, and arrived about 6 next morning.

It was rather a tiresome voyage, nor can I say much for the beauties of

the banks of this famous River. It is also very shallow above Vallados,

so that even in an English flat we were constantly on shore. Just about

Abrantes, (which the Marshal has made very strong) and Santarem, it is

pretty enough. Also near Barcinha and Tancos, where the banks are higher

than they are generally.

Rankin has turned out one of the greatest villains I ever met with. He

had latterly behaved most infamously, and I had reason to suspect him of

stealing, but could bring no absolute proof. I, however, had determined

he should join his Regt. as soon as I should come near it. However at

Castello Branco I detected him in falsifying a ration return from 2 to

12 rations of bread and wine, adding the 1, and turned him off at Niza

to a party of the 23rd. On coming to Lisbon, however, I have discovered

that he has robbed not only me of a great many articles of value, but in

every place we have been he must have done the same, as on examining his

trunk, which, however, a friend of his had removed out of my room here,

and opened, but had not had time to secrete, I discovered a large amount

of Bank Notes and silver and gold, many stolen articles, among others a

spoon belonging to this house, a very valuable gold and agate snuff-box;

and, though he made me buy him clothes just before we left Lisbon, saying

he was quite naked, a large quantity of every kind. I have sent off to

General Crawford who commands at Niza, to have him confined closely, and

shall write to Sir A. Wellesley for a Court Martial on him. I do not so

much mind what I have myself lost, however provoking, but am vexed beyond

anything at his having plundered everybody wherever we went. Though I

have sent up to General Crawford, I have no doubt he has deserted, as he

asked me for money at Niza, stole one of my double barrelled Pistols and

all my shaving things. As a great part of his money is in English Bank

Notes, I should not at all wonder if he had robbed your house. You would

be astonished at the rascality that has come out against him since he was

detected, and that he should have so long deceived us.

I got a letter from Clara the other day. She was quite well. Should

things go worse, I will get an order for her to quit the convent, and act

for the best, as circumstances may occur, and as I think you wish.

_Sept. 8th._—We are just returned from reviewing the Cavalry which has

been for some time organising here, that is reducing some Regiments to

act as dismounted, and from them endeavouring to complete some squadrons

of the others effective. They are tolerably equipped, but I think no

great things, certainly the worst arm of its kind in Portugal. They

will, however, soon be able to march. It has rained incessantly during

the 5 hours we have been out, and I suppose the Marshal staid in it to

accustom them _a não ter medo a chuva_,[13] though I fear in consequence

many will be troubled with _dores de bariga_,[14] a disorder we have

found very prevalent among the officers going to Spain, and for which

we had numberless petitions to go to Caldas, till it became proverbial

for not wishing to serve. It is currently reported some of the wretched

old crook-kneed horses we ran intend to petition for a like indulgence,

fearing their strength will not be sufficient to carry them through the

campaign. It should be granted. The 3 eldest cornets of one Regt. make up

near 180 years age!

Pray give my kindest love to my dear mother, etc., and believe me most

truly, my dear Father, your very affectionate son,

WM. WARRE.

[13] Not to be afraid of the rain.

[14] Stomach ache.

* * * * *

HD. QRS., LISBON, _Sept. 11, 1809_.

MY DEAREST FATHER,

I have been most truly vexed at not receiving your very affectionate

letters of 5th July and 2nd August, annexed with my dear mother’s of 10th

July, till yesterday, late in the evening. The stupid clerks in the army

post-office sent them up to Lord Wellington’s army. I have for some time

past been very fidgety at not hearing, and the three last packets do not

bring me a line from anyone, or they also are gone to the English army

while I am in Lisbon.

I am sorry my letter was so expensive. It was Col. Brown’s brother’s

fault, who told me it would go free. With regard to the affairs of this

country I have nothing new to communicate, and observe from your letter

we are perfectly agreed. Nor shall I say anything further to Pedro Alvez,

as you have given him your orders. Just what I intended to have done, had

not the French army retired into cantonments. Only I will apprise him

with all possible speed, should any unexpected danger arise.

Also about Clara, I had already determined to apply for a permission for

her to quit the convent, which I will do, and act on it as circumstances

may require. I think, however, she is better there as long as she can

be so without risk. With regard to Madeira, I am unable on so short

consideration to give any opinion. I am told there is a most respectable

convent there, but the means of transport, admission, etc., etc., have of

course some difficulty. I should also like to bring it about with her so

that it should appear rather her own wish than ours, which may be done

with a little management. On this subject, however, I will write further

when better informed.

You wish to know my situation in the country, etc., etc. It is simply

this, I have the rank of Major, but neither pay, nor allowances, or fixed

regiment. It was intended to have given those who chose it the Portuguese

pay, that is those who got no rank, by entering it, in their own service.

This I refused, and have already informed you of my reasons, which I

hope you approve. However, since I find we are not to get it, as we

receive English staff pay, and Batt and Forage, I received the other day,

which, however, they threaten to make me refund, (150 f. for horses),

and besides this I neither have nor do receive one farthing from their

Government, or any besides my English pay.

I could indeed make it out very well on my Staff pay, but for my losses

in horses. Within this four months I have paid 80 guineas for one horse.

He is completely lame and at Pinhel; 50 do. for another, left at Lamego,

water in his chest. I have been forced to ride a black horse, which the

General lent me, the whole campaign, as to buying horses at any price

is impossible, except at Lisbon. Here I yesterday bought a mare blind

of an eye, though a very nice one, for 40 gns. In this case, as you

will suppose, with very expensive dress, I cannot save much towards my

majority.

Since Rankin robbed me and was turned off, I have found it impossible to

get a servant of any kind who would look after myself and horses, and am

at last obliged to hire a Valet de Chambre (to avoid paying 800 Reis per

diem to a Valet de place, who does nothing). He is highly recommended,

has the care of everything, overlooks the stable, and finds himself in

everything at 4 moidores a month. I shall not however keep him longer,

when I can get an English groom.

I will send you the statement of losses at Coruña as soon as I can get an

opportunity, and a printed form. The conduct of our Government towards

the young men who entered the Portuguese service, and have exerted

themselves very much, all meritorious young Officers, in not giving them

the step of rank, in consequence of which most will quit it, at this

most critical moment; and their giving rank to men totally out of the

army, as Brigadiers, to come and command English Lt.-Cols. and Majors,

is most extraordinary and disgusting. Beresford’s exertions have been

constant and unremitting and their excellent effect daily visible, but

the Government have behaved shamefully to him in many respects.

As to myself, I perfectly agree with you, though I think not quite so

_desconfiado_ as you suspect. I am much obliged to you for sending

the _encommendas_ and will write to Porto about them. I will make the

Fidalgos pay, or _nada feito_.[15]

I do not yet know when we quit Lisbon. It of course depends much on the

movements of the enemy. You shall hear from me when we do. I believe

our army is getting on very well, but, unless Government will make the

Magistrates do their duty, and most severe examples of what deserters

are caught, it (will be) impossible to keep them together, while they

know that they can return home with impunity when they like. There is

also a disgusting delay in getting anything done, when everything should

be vigour and activity, and I really sometimes wonder at Beresford’s

perseverance and patience. A less firm man would have done nothing with

them.

We look to Germany with the greatest anxiety. The renewal of hostilities

is something, but the consequences are not less a matter of anxiety and

fear than their Armistice. God prosper them. Their cause is that of

Europe.

Adieu. Kindest love to all at home from, dearest friend, your ever

affectionate Son,

WM. WARRE.

[15] _Nada feito_ = no transaction, nothing done.

* * * * *

LISBON, _25 Sept. 1809_.

MY DEAR FATHER,

I avail myself of my friend Bushes going to England to send you my claims

for losses at Corunna, which I will be much obliged to you to endeavour

to recover for me from the Board of Claims which I hear is sitting. Van

Diest can put you in the way, as also to recover for my horse killed at

the Vimiero, which I was informed I had been allowed, at Salamanca, where

I gave in my claim, by order of Sir John Moore, and which having done

precludes my including it in my losses now; and being at a distance from

Hd. Quarters I could never receive it.

I intended to have written a long letter from this to my dear mother by

this conveyance, but have so much to do to-day that it is impossible.

We go to St Ubes, Palmela, etc., to-morrow to visit the posts in that

country, and I fear before we return, in two or three days, the Packet

will have sailed, but she shall hear from me the very first opportunity.

We are getting the army clothed and disciplined with all diligence during

this quiet interval. The French are, I suppose, doing the same, as all

the armies have been for some time in _statu quo_.

We long for a Packet. Never was a more anxious moment. I flatter myself

with the idea that, if the affairs in Austria were favourable to the

French, we should have heard them. Both parties seem to await some

decisive news from that quarter, and the Spaniards, I hear, promise fair.

I don’t believe a word they promise, unless I see more sincerity in them

than hitherto.

I have taken no steps as yet about dear Clara. It is needless to alarm

her or her friends, till we have more certain intelligence and reason to

act, for, whatever I say or do, people draw conclusions from, and judge

of the situation of affairs—and above all things we must avoid appearing

to despond, or give the thing up. I will, however, shortly inform you

of my plans, which I hope you will approve. I am in perfect health and

latterly as idle as any private gentleman need to be. I wish we had

something active going on, and were in the field again. I always think I

like Lisbon best when away, and _vice versâ_. Such is human nature.

Adieu, my dearest Father; kindest love to all my dear friends at Hendon

and elsewhere, from yours ever most Affectionately and Dutifully,

WM. WARRE.

* * * * *

LISBON, _10th October 1809_.

MY DEAR FATHER,

I have to thank you for your very kind letter of 18th September, and

will, you may depend upon it, do everything that my affection can

dictate, or yours wish, respecting dear Clara. I am, however, sorry you

have written to Pedro Alvez who has sent me your letter, as in these

times we cannot be too cautious in giving the slightest reason of

mistrust or despondency. I do not by any means consider the danger as

so pressing or near as you do, and my dear Father will suppose, I am

sure, that if I did I would not risk the safety of one so dear to me.

At the same time I cannot see the use of alarming her unnecessarily,

particularly as being my sister, take what precautions we may and desire

what secrecy we will, it will spread in the country. They will fancy that

I, and consequently the Marshal, think there is danger to be apprehended.

You know the nature of the people, and their malicious propensities

are not improved by the unsettled revolutionary state in which they

have latterly been. It is almost impossible I should not have notice

of the danger approaching in time to remove her to a place of safety,

and subsequently, wherever you may think proper. In the meantime I have

already drawn up a petition to the Regency, which I have no doubt they

will grant, to remove her to a respectable house in Lisbon. And then if

occasion press, I can be at hand to assist her, and we need not at once

send her to England with strangers, contrary to what I know also is her

wish, unless there was absolute danger. I will write to Pedro Alvez, and

wait your further orders. To her I will say nothing till it is time to

act, and you may be quite at rest that I will not risk anything, and I

think I can depend on the Marshal’s friendly assistance.

I am much vexed at ... bill being protested. He is a very brave gallant

officer, was much distressed, and I felt happy in relieving him. I would

have given him the money, raising it as I could, if that was all, for I

admire his conduct as a soldier, but feel much hurt that he should have

deceived me, and have written to him as much, and he will pay the money,

I have no doubt. Genl. ... also had 41 fl. which he has not paid, and I

have written to him, and sent him the account.

I am I confess much surprised at the manner of your letter with regard

to my taking up money at Porto. I went there ill, and had no means of

getting a farthing any other way. Expence with servants was inevitable,

and when I was forced to pay 40 guineas for a horse unexpectedly, I was

unable to remit to Porto, as I told Pedro I should, and desired him not

to send the account home till he heard from me. I do not at the same

time deny that I spent more than I absolutely need, but it was under

particular circumstances, and intended to have been paid by my Bat. and

Forage money, £42 odd I had to receive, which the loss of my horses

prevented. Nor did I imagine at all events even with that expence, I

exceeded my pay, which I hope you constantly receive in England, as I

never receive any here but my Staff pay as A.D.C.

With regard to my Portuguese Commission, I refused the pay of it for

reasons I already stated. From the tenour of your former letters, I was

in hopes you would have approved, and most sincerely regret you do not. I

have a feeling of dislike to taking the pay of any Sovereign but my own,

and, as I am now circumstanced, I merely consider myself as indirectly

serving my own King and country, and they have a right to my services,

however insignificant, without any further pay or emolument, and shall

think myself fully rewarded if Marshal Beresford’s exertions are

successful, and that we can give the cursed oppressors of Europe a good

beating with Portuguese troops. Under certain circumstances I have not

a doubt we should. They are perfectly subordinate and their discipline

progressively getting into a very good state. I hope they will soon be

completely clothed and equipped and as respectable an army under British

Officers as any.

From Spain we have no news. The French appear to wait accounts from

Germany previous to any operation of consequence. The English army

is getting healthy and is in good spirits. I see little of absolute

despondency except in some English newspapers, or discontented Officers,

and most sincerely hope the new Ministry will not discontinue their

exertions for the defence of this country, _if affairs go well in

Germany_.

The approaching rainy season renders the advance of an enemy into

Portugal very difficult, and confines our defence to particular posts.

The British army is, I believe, going into cantonments about Elvas,

Badajos, etc., etc. Ours between Abrantes and Coimbra. The former in a

very good state of defence commands the Tagus and secures our right,

while we are in reach of all the passes of Muradal, etc., and within

reach of the Douro if necessary.

The money for the _encommendas_ I will remit, as also Drafts for two

pipes of wine, sent by your house to Sir David Dundas and Capt. Otter

by desire of Col. Delaney and Major Brown, who will forward the bills

of loading. I am very much obliged by your kind attention about the

_encommendas_; which are much approved, though I think particularly the

hat ornaments tawdry, and such as I would not wear, and Souza’s sabre

of wretched quality and badly finished, which it will be right to tell

Hawkes. I am vexed at it, for the prices are for the best. Rankin I have

had tried by a General Court Martial for robbery. Never was such a scene

of iniquity as I discovered. I fear it will go very hard with him, and

am therefore glad that I only prosecuted for what he stole from other

people, passing over my own losses.

Pray give my kindest love to all at home, and believe me ever, my

dear kind friend and affectionate Father, your most sincerely and

affectionately,

WM. WARRE.

Pray tell my uncle Wm. with my love that I have received his

_empenho_[16] for Corporal of the 6th, and will do what I can for him.

[16] Recommendation.

* * * * *

LISBON, _Oct. 26, 1809_.

Many thanks, my dearest Mother, for your very affectionate letter.

It is still uncertain when we leave Lisbon and must depend on

circumstances. I long for a more active life than this, though far from

an unpleasant one. We yesterday received a pleasing account of the

defeat of a French Division of 12,000 men commanded by Genl. Marchand,

Ney having, it is said, returned to France. They attacked the Duque

del Parque, who was in his position near Tamames, but he completely

defeated them after a very sharp action, and took 300 arms, 1 12-pounder,

1 colour. They left 1200 men dead on the field, and were pursued 4

leagues by the Spanish Cavalry and Light Troops, who killed a great

many more. Their loss is therefore estimated at 2000 or more, as they

retired in great confusion to Salamanca, near 8 leagues. I most sincerely

rejoice the Spaniards should have done this by themselves. It will give

them confidence, and persuade them that with a little perseverance the

invaders can be conquered.

The Spanish cavalry at first ran away, but falling back on their Infantry

Regts. they fired on them and forced them to attack the enemy, when

they regained what they had lost in so infamous a manner. The Spanish

Horse Artillery, which is anything but light artillery, was taken in the

beginning of the action, but most gallantly retaken by their Infantry

with the bayonet, and they throughout appear to have behaved with great

courage. I am ignorant of their force, but know that they had not been

joined by Ballasteros’ Division, which they expect, and will, I hope,

make some use of this victory. It augurs well in young troops, and I

approve greatly of the system of firing on those that misbehave. It

is thus the French Revolutionary Army gained such victories at the

commencement, when indisciplined and badly officered. The Duque himself

appears to have behaved with great valour and conduct, and to have

exposed himself everywhere he thought that his presence might avail.

I know him, and I confess am agreeably surprised, for, though very

gentlemanly, I had little idea of him as a soldier on a great occasion.

Last night about 10 o’clock, just after I had gone to bed, I was alarmed

by a very sharp shock of an earthquake. It lasted several seconds and

was generally felt, even in the playhouse, and occasioned some alarm.

From the long continued heat and dry weather it has been expected. But

the rain seems now to set in. I hope we shall have no more. My curiosity

is completely gratified. It was strong enough to wake me, and lasted

some time after I sat up in my bed, not quite determined what to do.

To-night we are all going to a very grand ball at Mr Villiers’ the envoy,

on his going away, universally respected and regretted. I have the

highest esteem for him and owe him some gratitude for his kindness to

me. A better or kinder man could not be, and he was much esteemed by the

natives. Lord Wellesley is expected here, though this is only what I hear

as a report. Lord Wellington leaves this to-morrow for the army.

I wrote to dear Emily by the last packet about some friends of mine, most

amiable good people, to whom I, as well as every English Officer, owe a

great deal. I am sure you would like them, and I therefore beg you to

second my petition for them to stay with you some time, should they be

forced to quit the country, till they can get settled in some degree in

England previous to going to Brazil.

With kindest love to all, believe me, My dear Mother, Yours

affectionately,

WM. WARRE.

The Ball was very handsome, and also the supper in grand style, which

table many of my Portuguese friends, who dined at No. 3, did not seem to

disapprove.

* * * * *

LISBON, _October 26, 1809_.

MY DEAR FATHER,

As I write to my mother by this conveyance, and tell her all the news,

this merely serves to enclose 1st and 2nd of exchange, for some wine

shipped by your house at Porto for Capt. Otter by the direction of Major

Brown. I have not yet received that from Lt.-Col. Delaney, for a pipe

shipped by his order to Sir D. Dundas, but will remit it as soon as I

do. I also enclose my final account current with Messrs Armit & Borough,

Dublin, and their bill on Hammersley’s for the balance, £53, 18s. 8d.

Greenwood & Cox must therefore have 5 months’ pay of mine in their hands,

and I enclose accordingly a bill for £90, which I will thank you to place

to my credit.

I observe with the greatest surprise, in a letter from my Dear Mother,

that my expences at Porto amounted to £500, nor can I imagine it

possible, and accordingly write to Pedro Alvez for a statement. I should

have thought £100 far beyond the mark exclusive of Genl. ... account, and

... bill for 133 dollars, and I really am completely at a loss to account

for it. It is true I was in one respect at an unnecessary expence, and

gave the servants a present each. Poor devils, they had lost all they

had, and told me, except old Domingos, my uncle’s allowance to them had

ceased, and compassion for their sufferings made me give more than at

the time I thought I could afford.

Rankin previous to his execution confessed having robbed me at different

times to the amount of 40£ or more. Others were perhaps more immediately

guilty than this unfortunate fellow [but] I fear having no other proof

than the confessions of a condemned man, it will be impossible to bring

them to justice. I have fortunately discovered the most valuable part of

the property, and am happy in being able to restore it to its owners. The

sum of money found, and which he confessed to have been in great measure

mine, the Court martial ordered to be given to the fund at Lloyds, as

they were ignorant of the right owners. I have no objection to that, as

I could not wish to possess this money after prosecuting him, but should

have felt as well pleased to have given it myself. The money for the

_encommendas_ I will remit as soon as I can collect the whole.... I have

written to about the protested bill and have no doubt he will pay, though

I fear he is still much distressed. Public news of any consequence we

have none. Lord Wellington leaves to-morrow for the army; when we go is

uncertain. We most anxiously look for news from Austria. It must decide

almost everything.

Adieu, my dearest Father; believe me ever yr. affectionate Son,

WM. WARRE.

* * * * *

LISBON, _Dec. 1st, 1809_.

MY DEAREST MOTHER,

Your affectionate son does allow that you never miss an opportunity of

doing or saying everything that can contribute to his happiness, and that

it is indeed a very agreeable way you have chosen of making up to him for

his anxiety at not hearing from home....

Poor Rankin died very penitent. It was the most afflicting scene I ever

witnessed. Could my exertions have saved him, though duty forced me to

prosecute him, I would have been happy indeed. I am sorry to tell you his

accomplice, and I think instigator to wickedness, has been detected and

tried, and will I fear share the same fate. He is a private servant of

the General’s. I hope Ld. Wellington will think one example sufficient,

and mitigate his punishment. However convinced I am that it was an

imperious duty to society, who can help feeling much annoyed at the idea

of being so instrumental in bringing these poor wretches to justice?

Nature pleads sometimes louder than policy and right, and I regret I ever

knew anything of the matter.

Our departure from Lisbon has been repeatedly postponed for some reason

or other. It was fixed for next Monday, but I believe will not then

take place. A tour round the provinces at this wet season will not be a

journey of pleasure. But it is absolutely necessary we should know the

board on which we are to play our game. We must do our best. The country

possesses many great advantages for a defending army and the business may

be prolonged. Providence, however, must decide the issue as it pleases,

though I certainly think the Peace with Austria, and the late total

rout[17] of the Spaniards, augur ill. No considerable reinforcements

have yet arrived from France. A very large army must be left in Germany.

The season is greatly unfavourable to attack, particularly in this

country, which abounds in Rivers, in winter impassable, and in difficult

passes. All these thoughts leave room for conjecture how long we may

remain quiet. The Spanish army was completely destroyed and by their own

ignorant dispositions, and their obstinacy in persisting in their old

system, and if they continue, it will be so, every time they meet the

French. Never was there a stronger proof of how unavailing courage and

enthusiasm are against discipline and order. Their men are led, and go to

the very mouth of certain destruction, by the ignorance of their generals

and officers, and these are so bigoted to the system they fancy they

know, that nothing but such woeful experience can cure them. I do not

wonder the men run away. I wonder much more they ever go so far, knowing

as they do the ignorance and often treason of their leaders. I send all

the letters open enclosed to you, and beg you will seal and send them.

_Dec. 2nd, Monday._—We certainly leave this on Wednesday next for our

tour to the Northern frontiers and provinces.

I have nothing further to add but my kindest love to my dear Father. I

am, etc., etc., from your ever affectionate Son,

WM. WARRE.

_P.S._—Prior is going on very well, and desires to be remembered. He is a

very good Officer and has a good heart, though very weak in some things.

I have no doubt he will yet make an excellent member of society.

[17] Ocaña.

* * * * *

THOMAR, _Dec. 31, 1809_.

MY DEAR FATHER,

I have to thank you for your very kind letters of the 15th Novr. and 20th

Decr., the latter this moment received, and, as I have a short leisure I

answer it immediately. Marshal Beresford is gone with Lord Wellington to

Torres Novas to see the Algarve Brigade men, and left me to continue my

translation of Instructions for Light Infantry, a tiresome undertaking,

but most necessary, and for the appearance of which I am much hurried.

While in Lisbon Dundas’ Book was translated under my direction, and has,

I am happy to say, already been of essential use, and gained me some

credit.

I have considered my account very carefully and am a good deal surprized

at the amount. Some expences were unavoidable from circumstances such as

horses and mules. My expences at Oporto in 1808 [were heavy], as, though

Genl. Beresford insisted on paying many things, it was impossible for him

to be there in my own house without great expence, particularly as I was

then living as a guest in his family. The expences with Hams and Plumbs

were most thoughtless. Indeed I never dreamt of the expence and thought

they were to be paid for by those who ordered them. Genl. Payne has

repaid me the 41$510 advanced for him at Porto. Genl. Beresford’s 46$085

in 1808 I will enquire about. In short, my dear Father, the expences

for the last few years I feel are very great, and from the unfortunate

turn of business I most sincerely regret it. I am most sensible and feel

how happy you would be and always have been when in your power to make

me the most liberal allowance, and hope for the future this conviction

of your kindness will make me square my expences to my means. Hitherto,

my greatest expences, horses, I have been most unfortunate in. I must

be well mounted to be able to do the duty with Marshal B. Unfortunately

though I have paid very high prices, all my horses and mules have turned

out ill, and even both my last purchases have been unlucky. I bought a

mare strongly recommended with the whole of my last Batt. and Forage

money, but the day we left Lisbon she very near broke my neck, and

falling upon me lamed me for a fortnight, but I am quite well again. The

mule also I bought, when leaving Lisbon, for 100 dollars, and appeared so

fine a one, has swelled in the legs and I scarce know what I shall do to

get my servant on. I hate being obliged instantly to make excuses, but

feel that you have an undoubted right to know why I do not make it out

on my Staff pay. My Regimental pay I intend while I remain in Portugal

shall go towards the bills you pay for me, and unless unforeseen accident

occurs, hope to make it out on my Staff pay, though it will, I know, be

with very considerable difficulty, for our expences are unavoidably not

inconsiderable. With regard to the Maçarellos, I have written to my

Uncle as you wish, and very strongly, and hope you are convinced that I

cannot have greater pleasure than meeting them on every occasion.

With regard to dear Clara I intend asking leave in a few days at Coimbra

to go to see her, and will write to you from Porto, what arrangements

I have made. The Patriarch has promised to obtain the leave for her to

quit the Convent, from the Nuncio, and, you may depend upon it, I will

run no risk as to her safety. My friends, the Marquis and Marchioness

of Louriçal, have offered to give her an asylum should it be necessary,

and I should not wish to have her in a more amiable family, but this is

really a very delicate step to take both in regard to her, who has many

prejudices to overcome, besides her own, not small ones, as to quitting

the Convent, and my official situation in this country. I will, however,

see how the ground lies, and inform you further from Oporto.

I do not with you consider danger so near or that the French will attack

us till the spring. The loss of the battle of Ocaña, though highly

disastrous, and, moreover, the loss of the Duque del Parque’s army, might

have decided much, if the French had forces to follow up their success,

but as it is I think the Dons will have time to recover themselves, and

have (at least we hope so) gained in experience. The causes of their

defeats are very apparent. Their Cavalry are always placed in a situation

where, even if they were brave, which we have no reason to suppose, they

are exposed to certain destruction. Their Officers are even worse than

those of the Infantry, which is decidedly brave and deserves much more

our pity than contempt for their misfortunes.

In the battle at Ocaña, the Genl. in Chief left the field before his

army, and left them to fight it out in their own way, and set off in a

different direction, to avoid even the confusion of his own routed Army.

All the fine squibs in the papers about him are not true. The Duque

del Parque’s army, after having fought most gallantly and effected its

retreat, dispersed in a panic occasioned by some Dragoons galloping in,

and calling out, _vienen, vienen_, when there was not an enemy within

several leagues. So much for their disposition and Officers, who could

never rally them at all. The loss I most regret on these occasions

are the arms, which the fools throw away in their flight, and more

irreparable than men of which they ought to have no want.

The French will have a difficult job to drive us out, both from the

nature of the country, want of provisions and means of transport, and

the very improved state of the Portuguese army, which in itself speaks

sufficiently for Beresford’s exertions, and the propriety of the severe,

or rather firm, conduct he went upon from the first. In many respects he

has been infamously used by both Governments, but I suppose he has the

good of his country and common sense too much at heart to complain or

remonstrate. I think he could not feel annoyed at the appointment of Ld.

Wellington to be Marshal-General and Comr.-in-Chief of the troops while

in the field only, which he is, but the manner in which it was done has

much disgusted us all. His own feelings I know not, and indeed I am not

fond of writing or speaking on these subjects, and merely mention it to

you as my own ideas.

The Portuguese army, notwithstanding the numberless difficulties to which

he is constantly exposed, from imbecility and mean contemptible jealousy

and intrigue, will be a sufficient testimony, I have no doubt, both in

its apparent discipline and conduct before the enemy, whenever it shall

be our fortune to meet him. I confess myself rather anxious for the

trial. It will shew us what Officers are subject to _dores de bariga_

and enable us to get rid of them, and make examples of this worst part

of their army, though now there are really many very promising young

Officers, and the old ones have in great measure been got rid of. Lord W.

as well as every British Officer have been very much, though agreeably,

surprised at the state of our troops. I am inclined to think that had

they justice done unto them in the common comforts, I may say necessaries

of life, clothing and food, they would make as good soldiers as any

in the world. None are certainly more intelligent or willing, or bear

hardships and privation more humbly.

As to Custine,[18] I see not the least occasion for your advancing him a

farthing more. My obligations to him I think quite sufficiently repaid,

and has behaved dishonorably about the bill. Therefore in future I cannot

think you have any occasion to answer his letters.

I am much obliged to you for your kindness to young Lacerda, but I

certainly had no idea of your asking his family to stay in the house.

The Louriçals are the only people I would think of asking so great an

inconvenience for, and for them only for the great friendship they have

shown me, and the very bad health of the Marchioness, and this only had

you been at Hendon. In town I know it is quite out of the question, and

even at Hendon it would not much signify, as we could assist them in

getting a lodging or house. But at all events I hope, whether I am in

England or not, should they be forced out of the country, you will be

very civil to them.

Pray give my kindest love to them and to all, the dear uncle of Hendon

Place, when you meet again, and believe me ever, my dear Father, your

very affectionate Son,

WM. WARRE.

I shall join Marshal B. at Oporto from Arouca, and when they make the

tour of the Northern Province, which would have been very pleasant in

summer. The Marshal desired me to remember him most kindly to you and my

mother, whom pray thank for her kind letter to me, which I will answer

very soon.

NOTE ON BACK.

20,000 gr. coats

20,000 blankets

10,000 jackets

10,000 pantaloons

4500 saddles

4500 bridles

4500 saddle bags

10,000 caps

40,000 half-stockings will be sent

40,000 shirts

40,000 knapsacks

20,000 jackets

20,000 pantaloons

[18] See Memoir.

1810