INTRODUCTION
After long delay the expedition under Lieut.-General Sir Arthur Wellesley
sailed from Cork on 12th July. Meanwhile the Government had altered its
mind as to the command of the army, and, after Sir Arthur Wellesley had
sailed, entrusted the command of the whole force to Sir Hew Dalrymple.
Under him were, in order of seniority, Sir Harry Burrard, Sir John Moore,
Sir Arthur Wellesley, who thus, after his arrival in Portugal, found
himself as the junior Lt.-General only fourth in command.
On 26th July the fleet reached Porto Roads, and on 1st August and the
following days, the troops were landed at Figueira, in Mondego Bay, not
without difficulty, owing to the surf, which from the open Atlantic beats
with violence on the unprotected coast.
It was not till 9th August that the army was able to move forward.
Difficulties as to transport were almost insuperable, and some guns had
to be left behind. Wellesley had determined to take the coast road,
wishing to pick up on his way towards Lisbon the Brigades of Anstruther
and Acland which had sailed on July 19th, but had not yet arrived. His
impression was that Junot, the French Marshal, had 10,000 troops under
his command, but he had under-estimated these, which amounted in reality
to about 26,000; though it was true that Junot had detached about 7000
under Loison to quell the insurrection in the Alemtejo.
On hearing of the landing in Mondego Bay, Junot hastily recalled Loison,
with orders to join De la Borde, who, with 5000 men, was sent forward to
observe and check the British army, till a concentration of the French
forces could take place. Loison, however, whose force had a long and
weary march, was delayed at Santarem, and, on the day of Roliça, was full
fifteen miles away from the scene of the fight. De la Borde, who left
Lisbon on August 6th, advanced as far as Alcobaça, but fell back on a
position he had selected near Roliça. On August 16th the forces came into
contact, and on the 17th was fought the first combat of the Peninsular
War, which takes its name from Roliça. The action is described in the
letter from Lourinhao. Wellesley after the action moved on still by the
coast-line, neglecting Loison and allowing him unmolested to join Junot
at Cercal. He was anxious to pick up Acland and Anstruther, who were
reported off Peniche. They landed at Porto Novo, at the mouth of the
little river Maceira, 12 miles south of Roliça.
Meanwhile Junot, after many delays, had moved by Villa Franca on Torres
Vedras. It was not until the 20th that he learnt for certain that the
British force was keeping the coast road. On the evening of the 20th
he was ten miles south of Vimiero, where the British army lay covering
the disembarkation of the two Brigades. During the night the French
army marched, and at dawn on the 21st found itself close under the
British position. Followed on that day the Battle of Vimiero, which is
graphically described in the letters.
The victory was won; but to the disgust of the army, and afterwards
of the whole British nation, it was shorn of its glory, and possible
advantages, by the command of Sir Harry Burrard, who landed in the
course of the morning of the 21st, superseding Sir Arthur Wellesley, and
forbidding all pursuit. Burrard himself was shortly superseded by Sir Hew
Dalrymple, and the result which ensued, in the Convention of Cintra, is
too well known to need comment here.
After the battle of Vimiero, William Warre was laid up with an attack of
enteric fever, which brought him to death’s door. He recovered slowly,
and by the month of October was sufficiently well to see active service
again as A.D.C. to General Beresford, who commanded a brigade in the army
of which Sir John Moore was the C.-in-C. General Ferguson had not, as he
had expected, returned from England.
LETTERS
PORTO ROADS, _July 25, 1808_.
MY DEAR FATHER,
We arrived this morning off this place, which was the appointed
Rendezvous. I have not been able to communicate with the shore yet, and
it is very uncertain whether I shall be able to see my friends there, or
land at all. I have just heard a Frigate is going to England, and the
boat is waiting to take my letter, so I have only time to say we are all
well. I think we are to land at Lisbon and attack Junot. This is my idea,
but nothing is known. To express my feelings at seeing the spot of my
birth, the place in which I spent some of the happiest days of my life,
would be impossible, or how tantalised at not being able to communicate.
Should we land, you shall hear further and by first opportunity. At
present they are calling for my letter.
Your ever affectionate son,
WM. WARRE.
I have opened this to say that I have a message from the Commodore,
saying he is sorry it will not be possible for me to land, as they only
wait for Sir A. Wellesley’s return from shore to make sail. They are
making dispositions for the anchoring of the fleet and landing. Spencer
is to join us. I am much disappointed at not landing or communicating
with shore.
A Deos,
_Com as mayores saudades_.[6]
[6] “With greatest regrets,” or, as we should say, “With much love.”
* * * * *
Monday evening, _July 25th, 1808_. Off OVAR.
DEAREST FATHER,
The enclosed is a second time returned to me, and as the _Peacock’s_
boat, by whom it is to go, is delayed a few minutes, I have opened it
to tell you we are making all sail for Figueira, where we are to land
to-morrow morning in order, I understand, to cut off a French Corps
marching to Lisbon to Junot’s assistance, and then to march to Lisbon and
try his mettle. I cannot imagine what Corps is meant, as the annexed is
the official account of their disposition in Spain (minus 18,000 said to
be killed in Spain, and some must have been in Portugal), viz. (?9000) at
St Sebastian, 6000 Pampelona, 15,000 Barcelona, closely besieged by the
Patriots in great force, 10,000 Burgos, 2000 Vittoria, 50,000 Madrid and
adjacent country, 16,000 Lisbon, said to be now reduced to 12,000. I have
no accounts of the state of the country. We made sail to the southward
immediately, and not a single boat came on board. Adieu.
I will write after our landing, if opportunity offers. The most anxious
moment I ever felt was seeing Porto and not being able either to write
or go near. Every house I could see looked beautiful to me who felt how
happy I had been there.
* * * * *
CAMP LAVOS, NR. FIGUEIRA, _Aug. 8, 1808_.
MY DEAREST MOTHER,
I have seized the opportunity of a few leisure moments to write a few
lines just to tell you I am quite well, though a good deal fagged and
burnt by being constantly exposed to the sun, and the exertions, which
my knowledge of the language, and our situation, render indispensable;
though I feel the sincerest pleasure in being in any way useful to my
country or the service, and fully recompensed by it for every fatigue.
We disembarked the first of this month. It took three days to land the
whole army, and had we been opposed from the land I am positive we could
never have effected it, so great is the surf both on the coast and the
bar. However, thank God, the whole army landed without any loss but a
horse or two, and now occupy a position at this place, or rather with our
left to the village and right to the sea, where we have been waiting for
the arrival of General Spencer and his Corps, who arrived, and have been
landing yesterday and to-day, I trust without any loss, though the surf
is very heavy.
We advance to attack Monsr. Junot the day after to-morrow; the advance
guard, under Genl. Fane, to-morrow. It is several days’ march. The
severest part of the business is in these infamous roads and scorching
sun, which with the large train of Artillery and Baggage will oblige us
to move very slow. Junot has in all about 14,000 men, but he cannot long
resist, being about to be completely surrounded by us, about 13 to 15,000
in all, from the North, and by a corps of about 6000 Portuguese; and
from the North bank of the Tagus, from Badajos, by a corps of 10,000 men
from General Castanhos’ army in Spain, I hear, the bravest fine fellows
possible, as is their General, and indeed the whole of the Spaniards in
arms. Nothing can exceed their courage and enmity to the French. Hitherto
their conduct has been most noble, and their praise in everybody’s mouth.
Andalusia is clear of French. Dupont and his army capitulated to be sent
to France with his arms, a curious concession from the Spaniards, who
are so much in want of them. Three armies of French have been taken or
destroyed, and Castanhos is in full march towards Madrid, and every hope
entertained of his success. 8000 of the French who had surrendered were
massacred by the Spanish peasantry, so great is their animosity. All
this is positive information. Castanhos has 45,000 men, 4000 of which
excellent cavalry, and about 23,000 Regulars. He is a very mild man, but
a fine fellow as ever was. Whittingham was in the action with Castanhos;
his conduct most gallant, and his praise universal in the army. He is
appointed a Colonel in the Spanish service, as a proof of the esteem he
is held in. The Portuguese have about 28,000 men in all the kingdom, in
arms of all descriptions, all badly armed, and I fear not so enthusiastic
in the cause (though they boast much) as their neighbours the Spaniards.
As to what the English papers say, do not believe a word of it. I never
read such a parcel of nonsense.
General Ferguson’s staff here occupy an old fellow’s house, where we
are comfortable enough, from Mrs Wm. Archer of Figueira’s attention in
sending us out everything we can want. Otherwise I know not what we
should have done, as Figueira is 4½ miles off, and not a thing eatable
or drinkable (besides the rations) nearer. We are up in the morning at 3
A.M., and, what with visiting the outposts, or line, and guards, 7 or 8
hours a day on horse or mule back, so that we are quite ready to lie down
3 in a small room (for which luxury we are not a little envied), at nine
o’clock, and sleep as sound as on the finest down beds in the world, but
for turning out now and then in the night, to interpret or some other
trifle (from nobody speaking the language but me in the Brigade), which
now consists of the 66th, 40th, 71st Highlanders, all tried Regiments on
service, and longing to meet these so much vaunted Frenchmen....
From your ever most affectionate son,
WM. WARRE.
The General desires kindest remembrances. He is the best man almost I
ever met.
* * * * *
LOURINHAO, 12 miles from PENICHE (SOUTH),
_August 19, 1808_.
I have just time to tell you I am well and quite safe. We had a very
sharp action the day before yesterday, at a strong position at Roliça,
near Obidos. The French were strongly posted at first in the plain, and
then retired to a mountain almost inaccessible. But what could resist
the gallantry of our brave fellows? They clambered up exposed to a
tremendous fire, and drove them for several miles, killing a great many
and taking two pieces of cannon. Our army lost about 500 men in killed
and wounded, and a very large proportion of Officers. The 29th Regt.
suffered most, and lost 19 Officers killed and wounded, the Col. (Lake)
among the former. The 9th also suffered, and my poor friend Stuart badly,
I fear mortally, wounded. Capt. Bradford of 3rd Guards, and a Lieut. R.
Dawson[7] killed, a fine gallant fellow. Our Brigade having been sent to
turn the right, arrived rather late, and were scarcely engaged. We lost
a few men—5 or 6—and poor Capt. Geary of the Artillery, after firing 4
shots at the enemy in most masterly style.
The French fought most gallantly, and their retreat does honour to their
military character. They were inferior to us greatly in numbers. First
commanded by Laborde, who it is said is badly wounded, and then by Junot,
who arrived from Lisbon, though his column did not get up in time. Their
loss from every account is nearly 1000. General orders to-day thank 9th,
29th, 5th, and Rifle corps for noble conduct. Though obliged at times to
climb on hands and feet, nothing could restrain their impetuosity. Poor
Stuart fell calling to his officers to see that his young Regt. did their
duty, and not to mind him. Poor, dear friend, I fear he cannot live. We
marched to this place yesterday to cover the landing of the troops under
Genl. Anstruther, and have just received orders to advance towards Lisbon.
The French retreated, all night of the action, by the new road. I wish we
had pursued them, but feel every confidence in Sir A. W.
Hitherto we have had a most harassing march in the sun, and suffered much
from the heat, though all healthy and in high spirits. We shall give the
French a good dressing wherever we meet them, and in 3 or 4 days shall be
in Lisbon victorious....
[7] 45th Reg., carrying the King’s colours.
* * * * *
VIMIERO, _August 22nd, 1808_.
MY BELOVED PARENTS,
Since I wrote to you a few days ago by Col. Brown we have had a most
glorious and memorable day for England. The French attacked us yesterday
in our position with their whole force, near 15,000 men. The attack was
expected at daybreak, and would have been so, had they not been delayed
by the roads. We had laid by our arms about 2 hours, after turning out
before daybreak as usual, when the 40th, part of General Ferguson’s
Brigade, had their picquet driven in, and beat to arms.
Our noble General, of whose gallantry and conduct it is almost impossible
to give an idea, was soon on the mountain, our quarters being about ½
mile off in a small town, Vimiero. From thence we could perceive the
enemy advancing to attack the centre of the army, and a strong column
marching to turn the hill on which the General’s Brigade was, with
Cavalry and Artillery; but as they had to make a considerable round, we
had full time to prepare.
Sir A. W. (who commanded, Sir H. Burrard not having landed) ordered up
several Brigades, and made the most masterly disposition. The centre of
the army, from which we were divided by a deep valley, was soon attacked
with great vigour, but they received such a check, that we had soon the
glory of seeing the French staggered and then relax in their attack. At
this time General Ferguson’s Brigade, and those under General Spencer,
who commanded this wing, were briskly attacked, but our noble General
in about ½ hour after the fire commenced ordered his Brigade to charge,
leading himself in a manner beyond all praise (it is enough, too, that
the Commander-in-Chief considers him to have most contributed to the
completest victory that could be obtained without cavalry to follow it
up). The French gave way, and were followed with three cheers by the
whole Brigade. A part rallied, but the 36th and 71st charged them with
an irresistible impetuosity, led on by our brave General, and drove
them from their guns, of which they took four, with as many tumbrils.
The victory was now certain, though they again rallied once more, and
were again dispersed by the 71st. Our Artillery completed the triumph of
this glorious day. To speak of the conduct of any body would in me seem
presumptuous. Every soldier seemed a hero. The fire for some time was
tremendous, and the field strewed with our brave fellows in charging the
guns. My horse, a beautiful, nice creature, I had received but a few days
before from Porto, which cost me 38 Moidores, was shot in several places
and fell dead. I got on another belonging to a Dragoon, but so tired he
could not move; and when I had the cloak shot away from before me, I
thought it high time to dismount and join the 36th, who were advancing,
and with them I had the honour to remain during the rest of the action.
The loss of the French is very great, upward of 1200 killed and wounded
left on the field, besides prisoners. Our army lost about 500 in killed
and wounded, and a good many Officers. The only one you know is little
Ewart, shot through the leg, not dangerously I hope. The French army was
commanded by Junot, Laborde, Loison, Charlot, Brennier. The two latter
were taken with a great many Officers, and thirteen pieces of cannon.
We could adore Ferguson for his bravery and skill and coolness in a fire
like hail about him. His orderly, a very fine trooper of the 20th Drns.,
was shot close to me, and I fear cannot live. My poor friend Stuart
of the 9th died two days ago, after the fight at Roliça, universally
lamented—to me a loss I have not yet recovered. I was much attached
to him. I have not time to write any more particulars. I am very much
fatigued, having been yesterday till past 5 P.M. collecting the wounded
English and French, and conducting them to a place of safety from the
Portuguese cowards, who won’t fight a ⅟₁₆ of a Frenchman with arms, but
plunder and murder the wounded, poor wretches. Had I time I could tell
you such things of these countrymen of mine,[8] that you would not wonder
at my despising them and having unpleasantly changed my opinion of their
character.
I am very happy to tell you none of our Staff were killed. I have
suffered a good deal all night and to-day from a bowel complaint, but
am better. I wish we had advanced to-day and followed up our victory,
without giving them time to rally from a check they are so little used to.
Adieu; God bless you all. Kindest love to them, from your most
affectionate son,
WM. WARRE.
[8] William Warre was born in Portugal.
* * * * *
BUENOS AYRES, LISBON, _17 Sept. 1808_.
MY DEAREST FRIENDS,
I should be most ungrateful did I let another opportunity pass of
thanking you for your very kind letters of 25 July, 1st Aug., 3 Sept.,
which latter I received yesterday, and am, believe me, most sensible to
the praise and approbation of friends so infinitely dear to me.
You will long before this have heard of the dreadful illness and narrow
escape I have had since the action, the extreme weakness occasioned by
which alone prevented my writing to you and my uncle William by the
_Donegal_, who went home as one of the escort to the Russian Fleet. I
never suffered so much in my life as during those 14 days I was at the
worst, though the fever left me on the 4th or 5th day for a time. I had
very slender hopes I should ever again see my beloved family and friends.
I have now been on shore a week, and so much recovered and gaining so
much strength that I am able to take a walk every day a short way, and am
getting my flesh again, though still very thin, the disorder having left
me a perfect skeleton. I even yesterday paid a visit to some friends of
the Barnardo Bettrão’s, and sat there a considerable time. To the Friar
(Frè Barnardo), one of the family, I am indebted for the most friendly
attention and kindness. He has been most anxious to procure me every
comfort and supply every want I could have in my situation.
I think of going to Cintra next week for a few days, for change of air
and quiet. As soon as I am able to undertake the journey, I shall go
to Porto, as Genl. Ferguson is going to England for a short time on
particular family business. I have determined to remain behind, as I
consider myself bound to join my Regt. should I return to England, and
have great doubts whether they would allow me to return, which would be
provoking, if there was anything to be done, and I am the more inclined
to do this, as from the Government of this country having written to beg
my worthy kind friend in the _Albany_ to come over, I have great hopes of
embracing him once more at Maçarellos.
I feel great “_Saudades_,”[9] notwithstanding, at being obliged to
postpone the happiness of seeing you all, after such a narrow escape, but
trust the time is at all events not very far distant, and that we shall
yet talk over dangers past with additional accounts to tell and battles
to fight over, for I hope they will not leave so fine an army idle at
such a time....
You ask me for some account of the battle. I will give it you nearly in
the same words as I have written to my friends and Uncle William. After
having had all the fag and labor, it is hard not to have been able to
partake in the least of the exultation and joy of the victory, or enter
into the rejoicings of this place, for eight days illuminated, and every
heart elated at the French having left it. The last division embarked two
days ago, but have not sailed. The 1st and 2nd, I believe, have.
The Natives have murdered every straggler or unfortunate Frenchman they
met behind the column, and, but for very strong English guards and
patrols, would destroy every person who supported them, and their houses.
It is cowardly in them now, but when we hear of the ferocious cruelties
and insolence, of the system of robbery and plunder and murder, almost
incredible had we not seen such proofs of it, we cannot wonder at the
fury of this naturally passionate and revengeful people.
Now to the battle. We had received information on the evening of the
20th that the enemy intended to attack us next morning, but this was
generally discredited. We were as usual every morning under arms an hour
before daybreak, and remained after daybreak longer than usual, when, not
perceiving anything of the enemy, the troops were dismissed, and Genl.
Ferguson and his Staff again retired to our straw at a house about ½ a
mile from Camp at the town of Vimiero. About 8 I was woke by a Serjeant,
who told me our picquets of the 40th on the left were driven in and
the enemy advancing. I ran to tell Genl. Ferguson, and we were soon on
horseback and on the hill on the left, from whence we had a full view of
the French Army, on its march to attack us in two strong columns. The
strongest and principal attack was on our centre, and the other against
the hill, and left of our position, which was separated from the centre
by a deep valley covered with vineyards, occupied by our light troops,
and to the top of which Genl. Ferguson ordered his Brigade to advance to
await their attack.
Sir A. Wellesley arrived soon after, as I had been sent to tell him of
the attack, and perceiving the intention of the Enemy, ordered Genl.
Bowes’ and Genl. Ackland’s brigades to support Genl. Ferguson’s; and
made his dispositions in the most cool and masterly style, as from our
commanding situation we could see all the movements of the French and of
our own army. Our light troops in the centre, consisting of the 60th 5th
Batt. (Riflemen) and 95 Rifle Corps, supported by the 50th, were by this
warmly engaged and with various success, though they behaved most nobly;
but were at last forced to retire before the French column, who advanced
with the utmost confidence to the attack, expecting, as we have since
heard, that we should have given way immediately, but were so warmly
received that they retired.
They made several attacks, and endeavoured to turn both flanks of the
centre, but were received on their left by the 97th, who charged them and
drove them through a wood, and on their right by the 52nd 2nd Batt. and
50th, and 43rd 2 Batt., who defeated them also, though very unequal in
numbers, and very hard pressed by the French columns.
The enemy suffered so much that they soon retired in confusion. Our
Artillery was excellently well served, and they were pursued by our
handful of Cavalry of the 20 Dgns. and some Portuguese Dgns., but who,
venturing too eagerly in pursuit, the French rallied, and our people
extricated themselves with great difficulty, losing a great many Officers
and men, among the rest Col. Taylor killed.
While part of this was going on, we were spectators of the fight from the
hill, and the account I gave of the rest of what passed in the centre is
from what I can collect. The column that was to attack us had a round to
make, and did not arrive till long after the centre was engaged. They
advanced in column—cavalry, infantry, artillery—with great confidence,
and were well received by our light troops. As soon as they were within
reach Genl. Ferguson ordered his Brigade to charge them, which was done
with all the intrepidity and courage of British soldiers, and the enemy
retired before us, keeping up a sharp fire. A part of them rallied, but
Genl. Ferguson hurraed the 36th, a very weak though fine Regt. to charge,
which was done in great style three successive times, till, as they were
very much thinned, and in some disorder from the rapid advance, I was
sent back to hasten the support which was far behind, the gallant little
Regiment forming to rally again under cover of a hedge of American aloes
though much pressed. I just returned in time to join the 71st, who were
charging 6 pieces of the enemy’s cannon that were retiring, and the fire
at this time from the enemy was really tremendous.
The enemy attempted to rally and advanced with drums beating, but the
71st charged them so manfully that they retired in confusion, and the
retreat became general.
Thus ended this glorious day, in which the valor and intrepidity of our
gallant fellows was most conspicuous. Their appearance would have made a
stone feel in such a cause. As to Genl. Ferguson, all I could say would
not be half what he deserved in praise. His gallantry and judgement
decided the day on the left. My only astonishment and that of everybody
else is how he escaped. He was always in advance in the hottest fire
animating everybody by his noble example. I have not seen any return of
the killed and wounded.
The general idea is that we lost about 5 or 600 men, about as many as in
the affairs of the 16th and 17th, when we lost a great many officers, our
fellows storming an almost perpendicular rock in face of the enemy, who
own they were never more astonished. I there lost my dear friend Stuart
of the 9th, one of my oldest and greatest friends. It appears odd to
weep in the midst of an action, but I was so shocked by the sudden change
of a friendly shake of the hand about two hours before, (when our Brigade
parted from them with Genl. Bowes to turn the enemy’s flank), and his
dying in great pain, exclaiming to his officers to see that his young
Regt. did their duty, that the tears ran down my face like a child’s. The
29th had 15 officers killed, wounded, and prisoners in that affair.
The loss of the French in the first affairs must have been from 800 to
1000 in killed and wounded, on the 21st near 4000 in killed, wounded,
and prisoners. Our Artillery, which was extremely well served, did great
execution, particularly the new shells filled with Musquet Balls invented
by Major Shrapnell. The action was over before 2 P.M., and I was left the
whole evening to collect the wounded French, and save them from being
massacred by the natives, who plundered everyone they could. I remained
till evening on this harassing and affecting duty, contemplating all the
miseries and tortures war can inflict on human nature in all shapes. To
this, added to the anxiety and fatigue I had previously undergone in
the sun, and being very unwell before, I attribute the severe illness,
which has prevented my partaking in the general joy and exultation at our
success, but from which I am recovering very fast.
I was much surprised to see D’Aeth, who is a charming fellow. He is going
to Porto in the _Eclipse_, to which he is appointed Acting Commander. I
have given him some letters, which I hope will make it pleasant to him;
but I was much more astonished to see Wm. Archibald, whom I thought
in the _Warrior_ with Spranger. He came and dined with me, and comes
to-morrow to breakfast to take this and some other letters on board a
ship that is to sail for England. He is very well, he says, and very
happy in his ship and Captn., but I think he looks very pale and thin.
He is very much grown. It is some years since I saw him and I should
scarcely have known him again.
I must mention to you two instances of noble conduct in and among many
others I had an opportunity of observing. These are of the two cousins
M’Kayes of the 71st. One of them was Piper to the Regt., a remarkably
handsome fine fellow, and was playing to the men while advancing to
charge, when he was wounded badly in the lower part of the belly and
fell. He recovered himself almost immediately and continued to play on
the ground till quite exhausted. I afterwards saw him in a hovel, where
we collected the wounded, surrounded by them, both French and English.
I shook him by the hand and told him I was very sorry to see so fine a
fellow so badly hurt; he answered, “Indeed, Captain, I fear I am done
for, but there are some of these poor fellows, pointing to the French,
who are very bad indeed.” The other a Corporal had taken the French
General Brennier prisoner, who offered him his watch and money, but M’Kay
told him to keep his money, he would have need of it, and took neither. A
rare instance of forbearance in any soldier in action.
I have written till I am so tired, I fear I cannot write more. I will
if possible in the morning, but I wish at all events you would send
my dearest Mother this letter as it gives so much detail, and, having
written so long a one to my uncle William, I cannot write another
account and know she will like to hear all these particulars. If I do not
write to-morrow I will by the very first ship that goes.
_Sept._ 18th.—I am very much better to-day, so much that I intend going
into Lisbon in a carriage.
Yrs. affecly.,
W. WARRE.
Direct to me, care of any resident here to forward it by enquiry where I
am. I know none but Portuguese.
[9] Regrets.
* * * * *
LISBON, _Sept. 29, 1808_.
MY DEAR FATHER,
I wrote a few lines by General Ferguson who went home in the _Plover_,
and by the same ship were also, I believe, forwarded two long letters
with some details of the action, which you will of course see.
The indignation expressed in all the English Papers at the Capitulation
made subsequent to that is scarce equal to what has been felt by every
individual of the Army, whose glory and the gratitude of their countrymen
(their best reward) has been so completely frittered away. This in a
political point of view is the least of its evils. The consequences of
sending to France 25,000 to join Buonaparte in his reconquering Spain and
Portugal, men who have marched, and countermarched all over the country,
may still be most disastrous, for I never can imagine that the struggle
of these countries, (I should rather say Spain, for this country is not
in a state to do anything for itself), is more than begun. The Tyrant
will not so easily give up his point, but will march all his disposable
force, and best Generals against her, unless indeed some unforeseen
diversion in the north, or on the Continent, put some weight in the
balance, in favour of Spain.
As the French retreat and approach France, they come nearer their
supplies, etc., properly their base of operation. While in separate
armies the gallant Spaniards could by numbers surround and cut off their
supplies and communications, and by enthusiasm and impetuosity overcome
them. But the case is far different, when a regular army is collected and
within reach of its supplies, nor have we of late heard of any material
success of the Spaniards. I do not mean by this, that a nation like
Spain urged by such motives for enthusiasm and revenge is not able, if
unanimous, to gain at last and maintain its independence, but that it
must be at the expense of many thousand lives, of proofs of the greatest
fortitude and constancy, not, if, as they are doing in this country, they
totally neglect their army, who instead of learning the very elements
of their duty, of which they are totally ignorant, are employed in
rejoicings and illuminations, or talking big of actions and valour, who
never saw a shot fired.
I live almost constantly with Portuguese, and have had a great deal
of conversation with them. Some of the most enlightened foresee the
consequences of the Government as now established, and the utter ruin of
the Country. They speak sensibly on the subject, and affect to feel its
situation, but no one steps forward to point out the defects.
The Regency as appointed by the Prince in the midst of hurry and
confusion, was as lame a Government as could well be, mostly all old
superannuated Generals, who had never seen an enemy, or lawyers, who
if they knew anything of the jurisprudence of their country, are
entirely ignorant of Politics and Finance. Pedro de Mello is supposed
to understand the interior regulation of the country, its police, and
resources in men, etc., but little of finance. He has been very properly
removed for his conduct during the stay of the French, as were Principe
al Castro, Conde de St Payo, and the Marquez de Abrantes, the latter
being a prisoner in France. To supply these they have chosen the Bishop
of Porto, and the Marquez das Minas, a very young man, of whom I hear
that he has no other merit than that he wears a very gay uniform and
a very long feather. Thus in a country, whose finances are in such a
deplorable condition that they have been obliged to pay the Police Guard
out of the funds voluntarily raised for the support of the Army on
its march, they have not chosen one man who has the least practice or
knowledge in that branch, nor have they attempted to improve the state of
their army.
Their decrees since they came into power are as puerile and weak as might
be expected. In short, all classes call out against the want of vigour
and (the) ignorance of their rulers, though themselves wrapped up in the
most unaccountable apathy and egotism.
I am getting my strength and health very fast. I removed last week
from the lodgings I was in to the house of a Senhor Manoel Maçedo,
who married Lucas Siabra’s daughter. Nothing can exceed his kindness
and attention. We were going for billets in the town, but having been
introduced to us by Frè Bernardo Bettrão (by us I mean also Major Wilson
97th, who was wounded on the 21st, and we have been ever since together)
he called and insisted upon our coming to his house, and would take
no apology, assuring us that we should go and dine and live where we
pleased. But since we have been in his house he not only feeds us but
any friend who comes to see us. He is a man of very large property, but
only lately married. He is very much attached to everything that is
English. He has lived a great deal in Brazil and shewed me some curious
accounts of the natives of the interior, and a plan he proposed for
their civilization, very well written and with wonderful liberality and
tolerance for a Portuguese. Frè Bernardo Bettrão has been most friendly
and constant in his attention, and introduced me to several of my Uncle’s
friends, who have been very attentive, particularly Lucas Siabra, the
Lieutenant-General of the Police, to whose house we are at all times
welcome. Society in Lisbon, or amusements, there are none. The opera is
closed for want of funds, and in private families, that is the few that
are in Lisbon, people meet of an evening, sometimes with great formality,
but the change, and distrust of difference of opinion, while the French
were here, and petty intrigues, evidently cast a gloom over every
Portuguese.
In the town, but for the strong English Guards and Picquets, the mob
would have murdered, and destroyed the houses of everybody connected
with the French, and even now, if a French deserter, or spy (for I am
informed many have been detected) is found, the cry of “Hè Francez” is
enough, unless some English are near, to have him murdered without mercy,
and many have been murdered.
I intend setting out from this for Porto about the end of next week,
with Frè Bernardo. We shall travel slow as I wish to see Coimbra, and
am not yet equal to long journeys, though quite wonderfully recovered,
considering how ill I was. I will write as soon as I arrive there and
have seen how things are going on. I am very anxious to hear from some of
my dear friends. Except a letter of the 3rd from Hardy I have not a line
from home, though all my friends have heard since, and therefore suppose
my letters are wandering about Lisbon. I have made every enquiry for
them. Having been so little out, nobody knows where I am to be found, and
I fear they are lost, if any came. In future pray direct to the care of
Senhor Carlos Oniel or any of your correspondents, who will easily find
me out. I called yesterday on Madame Mantzoro. She received me with great
politeness and attention, and desired me to remember her most kindly to
you and my Uncle. She and all the family are well.
If the 23rd have sailed, or are to sail, and that Genl. Ferguson should
not return, or be employed elsewhere, pray send me out the things I
wrote for, and also in addition a white Dragoon sword-belt which is in
George Street; and from Hoby, who had my measure, two pairs of long
Regent boots, but these only if 23rd should embark, and the General
not be employed, as if he is, I should hope he would wish to have me
with him anywhere. I long to see him back here. In his absence I am
quite _desamparado_.[10] Adieu, my dear Father. Daily in my own quiet
hermitage, ...
When I think of my own native land,
In a moment I seem to be there;
But alas! recollection at hand,
Soon hurries me back to despair;
“to despair” is too strong, but certainly to great _Saudades_. Pray
remember me to all my friends also in the village, and believe me ever,
Yr. most affectionate and dutiful Son,
WM. WARRE.
_P.S._—Lane the tailor having sent me a coat I cannot wear, it is so
tight, and with Buff lining, I have written to him for the last he shall
ever make for me, though he alone has my measure, and I will thank you
to send it to me to this place, as soon as possible, as I have not a
coat to wear of an evening, owing to this disappointment. Pray direct
your next to Porto, as I shall most probably be there for the next month
or 6 weeks, unless something unexpected happens. We have sent 8000 men
to Elvas and several Regiments into Cantonments at Abrantes, Santarem,
Almeida, etc., etc., which does not look like the armies moving at
present into Spain—to re-embark, there are but few Transports. 4000 Dons
were to sail to-day for Barcelona.
[10] “Unsupported.”
1808-9