CHAPTER IV

INTRODUCTION

The beginning of the year 1810 saw the army of Lord Wellington withdrawn

from Spain, and awaiting in Portugal the attack of the French, which

seemed the inevitable. It was destined to wait many months before the

blow fell. King Joseph and his advisers committed the error of invading

Andalusia, the subjugation of which, and the siege of Cadiz, involved the

employment of the larger portion of the forces at their disposal. Before

they could invade Portugal, it was necessary for them to give time for

reinforcements to arrive from France. The Emperor, having concluded peace

with Austria, was now able to spare some of his legions for the complete

conquest of the Peninsula. But the time of waiting was long. Astorga in

the north did not fall till 22nd April; Ciudad Rodrigo was not taken till

9th July.

In July the opposing forces were brought into contact on the 24th in the

Combat of the Coa, in which, owing to the obstinacy of General Crawfurd,

the Light Division was severely handled by very superior numbers and

nearly cut off. Followed the advance of the French army and the siege of

Almeida, which was taken on 27th August.

Meanwhile, during these weary months of waiting, the Portuguese army was

growing in numbers and steadily improving in efficiency and discipline.

The language used concerning it in the letters is full of confidence, and

offers a contrast to the rather despondent tone of the references to it

at the beginning of the previous year.

Major Warre, after a very busy time in August, seems to have been

attacked by his old malady and to have been sent to Lisbon. He thus,

much to his chagrin, missed Bussaco and the retreat to the lines of

Torres Vedras. Early in October he had recovered sufficiently to rejoin

the Marshal at his Headquarters within the lines. But the hard life and

exposure resulted in a very serious relapse, which brought him to death’s

door, and the Medical Board determined that he must be sent home. He

arrived at Falmouth, after a bad voyage of ten days, early in November,

and the last two letters of this year’s series, from Falmouth and Honiton

respectively, indicate a very tedious journey and a precarious state of

health.

LETTERS

LISBON, _Feb. 6, 1810_.

MY DEAR KIND MOTHER,

I was made quite happy, on my arrival three days since at this place, by

receiving your affectionate letter of 29th Decr. and 1st Jany. (I have

also received yours of Dec. 12th)....

I own I think you very much more gloomy than necessary as to public

affairs, and do not agree with you as to Ministers, as I approve much

of many of their measures. Our misfortunes in Spain they neither could

foresee or prevent. Who could imagine the Spaniards would betray those

who went to their assistance? Cowards they are not—that is the soldier.

He is capable of being equal to any in the world. But without Officers,

or of course confidence, without discipline and betrayed by their

Government, what could they do?

Our last accounts, and their enemy being before Cadiz, was as unexpected

as an earthquake, and quite as unaccountable, as that Spain has no army.

They [the French] will find it very difficult to conquer this country,

and though things in Spain are certainly very dispiriting, the game is

not lost. Nothing, however, but a revolution (horrid as the idea is to

humanity) can save it, and that is already begun, I suspect, and I hope

the traitors will fall. I am quite of the opinion that Public safety

is the Supreme Law, and the cant of humanity, when the country is to

be saved, I consider as weak and unmanly. They have paid dearly for a

bigoted adherence to old absurd forms and prejudices. I do not mean

that a revolution and popular Government will now save them. But I am

sure that it is the only thing that can. They are very enthusiastical

and violent, and they abhor the French, against whom their fury will be

directed as well as against their Government and traitors; and in this

tumult some great characters may start up.

As to Flushing, our expedition there was disastrous, but well meant. Who

could foresee that Austria would so soon make peace? And the diversion,

had it continued the war, would have been of great consequence. Besides,

as a soldier, I think we make too much fuss about the loss of men where

a great object is to be obtained. Victorious or beaten we must lose men,

but while we regret their loss individually, we should not as a public

one, in so glorious and just a cause, that of our political existence as

a nation.

I write to Tom some account of our tour, which was very pleasant, though

rapid. We travelled near 200 leagues in less than two months. Nothing can

exceed the beauty of part of the country we went through, and we had only

one day rain, and our inspection of the progress of the discipline of

the Portuguese troops was as pleasant as our most sanguine wishes could

expect.

I am very sorry you had not received the letters I wrote from this in

answer to that you wrote in company from Hendon, which I answered, each

individually. I wrote also to my father and Emily in December, which

letters I hope you have since received, and I only did not write from

Porto, as I intended, from really not having time hardly to sleep or eat,

what between duty and grand ceremonies and rejoicings. Nothing can have

been more honourable or flattering to the Marshal than his reception

in that City, and indeed in every place we have been in throughout the

country, and he deserves it for his unremitted exertions, and Herculean

labour. There exists not a more honourable firm man or a more zealous

Patriot. His failings are mere foibles of a temper naturally warm and

hasty, and great zeal to have everything right, without much patience.

Those who accuse him of severity are either those who have felt it

because they deserved it, their friends, or people wilfully ignorant of

the state in which he found the army. And of how much he has foreborne,

as to myself, I declare I do not know one instance of severity, and [do

know] numberless ones of his mercy, and goodness of heart, where others

would have been less lenient. You see I insensibly fall into politics,

or the shop, so called, but one naturally writes about what one’s mind

is constantly occupied with, and as the subject is not uninteresting I

hope you will not be angry at my writing to a lady on such grave matters

as Politics and Tactics, or rather more properly speaking, on public

concerns.

I was three days at Arouca with dear Clara, who is a most amiable

sensible woman. Her manners and sense are really quite astonishing for

one so constantly secluded from the world. She was quite well. We put the

convent in a terrible fuss by the Marshal’s arrival to breakfast there,

on his way to Vizeu. It was very kind of him to go to pay her a visit,

and he was very much pleased with her.

I have got an order from the Nuncio to remove her where I please, in

case of danger, but it is not quite what I wanted, and I shall try to

get a more general one, and bring her to Lisbon, when necessary, where

my friends the Louriçals will be glad to receive her. The Marchioness

has just lost her sister the Duchess of Laffões, and has the care and

guardianship of the young Duchess and her sister, nieces to the Prince,

a dismal prospect for her, poor thing, in the present state of public

affairs, but notwithstanding she will not allow me to place Clara

anywhere else, and she cannot be with more amiable charming people.

Adieu, as I write to Tom and know that he will see this letter, and you

his, shall say no more, but beg you will give kindest love to my dear

father, with thanks for his letter, from your sincerely affectionate Son,

WM. WARRE.

* * * * *

LISBON, _Feb. 17, 1810_.

MY DEAR FATHER,

I avail myself of Frank Van Zeller’s going to England to thank you for

your very kind attention in sending me the books by John Croft, and it

was odd that I had, not half an hour before, finished the translation

into Portuguese of that on Light Infantry, when yours arrived. It is,

however, not less welcome, as coming from you, and shall supply the place

of the old one in our marches.

The great coat having brought a letter enclosed in it addressed to the

Marshal, it is a doubt whether it is for him or for me. It came directed

to me, and the letter enclosed is very equivocal. At all events it does

not fit me and does him, and therefore he shall keep it, and if it is

intended for me, he can send for one in its place that will fit me. This

sort of great coat, however, is of little use on horseback, as it does

not cover the knees. And as we can carry but little weight on our horses

and but very little baggage, a cloak lined with any warm _but light_

stuff is much better, as we oftener want a cloak to sleep in than to keep

out the rain, and I have latterly practised riding with an oil skin cape

over my great coat, and not minding the rain, so long as I have anything

dry to wrap myself up in, or sleep in, when we arrive. Indeed my cloth

coat gets so soon wet, is so heavy when filled with water, and takes so

many days drying, that I never carry it with me, in order to save both

myself and horse, and I find that we get as used to being wet, and mind

it as little, as we do many other very disagreeable things.

Croft tells me you said something to him about a bear skin, which you

would send me, but I feel equally obliged by your affectionate intention,

and do not wish you to put yourself to the unnecessary expense, as I have

already a very good one, a former present from Tom, and which I recovered

after poor King’s death at Talavera.

I wrote so lately to Tom that I have very little more news to

communicate. Cadiz since the Duque d’Albuquerque got in with 6000 men,

and the sailing of English and Portuguese Succours is, I think, out of

immediate danger, and indeed if the accounts we have from Spain, and the

non-arrival of reinforcements is true, as we suppose, I cannot imagine

that the French army can maintain itself in Andalusia, and the movement

appears to have been a very rash one (though they succeeded in preventing

the Cortes, a great object) and one which they may bitterly repent. It

is, however, impossible to say. They are very clever fellows, and have

too much experience to make any very great faults, and it is impossible

for us to know the secret causes or encouragement which induced them

to take such a step. Even the people who are about a General Officer

Commanding know very little of the motives which weigh in his mind and

make him act, and but very few indeed are capable, at the moment, of

judging of its expediency or propriety, even long after, when results

are known, and time has developed many of the circumstances, and the

real situation in which they were placed. We cannot be too cautious in

blaming or approving the conduct of one entrusted with such a command.

For we can never fully know what passes in his mind (unless greatly in

his confidence), or the numberless combinations he must regard. We can

only form to ourselves an opinion of how far, and with what propriety

apparent, he has deviated from, or adhered to, the certain fixed

principles of war, which are subject to as much modification as the

variety of the ground to which they must be adapted.

They have also advanced a Corps of 6 to 8000 men upon Badajos, in which

Romana is with 6000 men, and a lesser towards Olivença, another upon

Ciudad Rodrigo, which, I hear, is not strong, but am ignorant of their

numbers, or of what garrison is in the place.

These Corps threaten us direct, but I am of the opinion that it is

merely a demonstration in order to deceive and restrain the British and

Portuguese army, by making them jealous of their approach, and collecting

the forces for fear of an immediate attack, as I have a letter from a

friend of mine in Spain who denies that any reinforcements have arrived,

and says he had just spoken with a Spanish Courier, who passed Bayonne

on the 19th ulmo., and reports that no reinforcements had arrived there

at that period, or were any immediately expected, and that the state of

the Public mind in France was far from favourable to Buonaparte. Of this

you may believe as much as you please, combining it with what reports you

have in England. Spaniards more frequently report what they wish than

what is true, as we all well know to our cost.

General Hill’s Corps, British and Portuguese, have been marched towards

Elvas to cover our sick and wounded at that place. The Portuguese troops

are in very high spirits and seem anxious to meet the enemy. They are

in a very improved state of discipline, and promise well. It would be

unfair to doubt them with these qualities. Poor fellows, they fight for

everything that is dear to them. I never saw a Regt. embark in better

style or higher spirits than 20th Portuguese Regt. did for Cadiz a few

days ago. They embarked 1400 strong, and lost only 6 deserted, which does

them and their country great honour. Several men came and enlisted at the

moment the Regt. was embarking, and one fine fellow I enlisted myself as

the Regt. marched off. The son of the Viscondessa de Misquetella also

enlisted at that moment. Everything proclaims an active spring, and I am

very glad of it. The French will, I dare hope, find themselves mistaken

in the Portuguese troops, and though I am not sanguine as to the final

result, unless Spain does more than she has done yet, I am sure the

Conquest will cost them very dear.

Pray thank ... for their affecte. letters by John Croft, whom I was

much astonished to see in Lisbon, and also for the bonnets for Lumiaces

which are much approved. I have also received your letters by Mr Knox

and Stanhope and that from my Uncle Wm., and will, of course, shew them

every kindness in my power, though I regret the state of the Public mind,

which is a bar to much society, and my mixing very little in any society

whatever, will prevent my shewing them as much of it as I could wish. I

have offered them my horses, and will endeavour to ask them here as often

as I can.

Our stay is very doubtful, and of course very much depends upon the

movements of the enemy, nor have I yet an idea as to where our Hd. Qrs.

are to be. Your most truly affectionate,

WM. WARRE.

* * * * *

LISBON, _March 10, 1810_.

MY DEAREST MOTHER,

We have been unexpectedly delayed in Lisbon some days owing to the

dreadful storms we have experienced for the last 8 days, during which it

has rained in torrents, and blown almost a hurricane. Great damage has

been done in the River, and for several days and nights we have heard

nothing but signals and guns of distress in the River even above Lisbon,

though I have not yet heard of many lives being lost. I comforted myself

with the idea that it will fill our Rivers for us, and render all the

fords impassable. We are likely to remain a day or two longer in Lisbon

and then go to Coimbra, which for the present will be the Marshal’s Hd.

Qrs. The enemy has latterly been very quiet, and we have had very quiet

winter quarters, a luxury very rare in the present system of warfare.

This, however, cannot now last long, and I hope ere long some movement

will be made on one side or the other.

The supineness of the Spaniards is truly distressing. Poor devils, they

have been most shamefully betrayed by their Government, and public

confidence appears in that country quite lost. It is really mortifying,

for they are an enthusiastic and spirited people, and have shown on

_some_ occasions that they are not deficient in individual courage.

I wish they were in half the state of discipline and organisation of

the Portuguese, and the French would not then find it an easy task to

maintain themselves in that country with their present force; and nothing

but the French being perfectly well informed of the real state of that

unfortunate nation could have induced them to make the rash movements

which they have, for, in any other point of view, they appear much allied

to absolute folly.

With regard to this country much is to be said, but my motto is “Nil

Desperandum.” Our Commanders are very clever, and of course know better

than anybody how they can defend the country, and every Officer who feels

like a soldier should not form, or at least communicate, theories of his

own, but make up his mind to share their fate, be it what it may.

To put my mind at rest I have obtained an order to remove dear Clara to

the Convent of the Esperança at this place. This from the Nuncio who has

also written a very kind letter to the Bishop of Lamego to facilitate

the business. These I gave to the Patriarch a fortnight ago, and he told

me to set my mind at rest, and that he would arrange the whole business

for me in the best manner. She will be within reach of the Marshal’s

protection in case I should be at a distance in time of need, should it

come to that extremity, and my friend the Marchioness of Louriçal has

promised to treat her as if she belonged to her family, and it is to her

exertions and friendly interference that I am indebted for having her

admitted into this convent, which is the best, and the Lady Abbess a

friend of hers. Should they be forced to embark, of which I see however

no present probability, she will take her with her, and even should that

not be easy, I feel confident I can depend upon the Marshal’s friendship

and protection, therefore pray tell my dear Father, that he may set

his mind quite at rest, and she is truly deserving of all our love and

affection.

My stay in Lisbon this time has been anything but amusing. There has

been very little gaiety, and my time fully employed with my friend John

Campbell in compiling a set of regulations for the Cavalry, the last I

hope I shall be bothered with, for I know from experience that we may

write out our finger ends, and nobody thank one, even if we were to put

the regulations into Hexameter and Pentameter verse!

Pray give my kindest love to my dear Father, etc., and remember me most

kindly to all my friends. Ever, my dearest kind Mother, your truly

affectionate Son,

WM. WARRE.

I have not heard from any of you for some time.

* * * * *

COIMBRA, _March 21st, 1810_.

MY DEAR FATHER,

We arrived here yesterday from Lisbon after a rather tedious and rainy

journey, and have for the present established our Hd. Qrs. here, but for

how long it is impossible to say, or where we shall go when we do move.

Both must depend entirely upon the enemy, who have given us a much longer

period of tranquillity than I expected. The bubble, however, must soon

burst, and I expect to hear daily of their making some movement, for we

have very good reason to suppose they are much distressed by the want of

provisions, a want they are not likely to mend by entering this country,

in itself considerably exhausted, and where every means will be taken to

place what is remaining out of their reach, or destroy it, in case we

should be forced to retreat.

I am anxious that the campaign should begin; and to be able to judge of

what our Portuguese will in reality do. I confess I have very great hopes

of them. Their discipline is most wonderfully improved, perhaps fully as

good as necessary for active service, and only wants confirming. I fear

their relaxing, when they get out of the immediate control of British

Officers, before the enemy, and the class of their own Officers, though

very much improved and mostly young men, have scarce experience and

firmness enough to control them as we could wish. Their pay, which has

in some cases been more than doubled, gives them the means now of living

like gentlemen and with respectability. In some cases it is better than

ours in proportion, and since the service becomes an object, they will,

we must hope, exert themselves, that they may not be deprived of it,

which they certainly will without remorse, if they misbehave at all.

Our cavalry is also getting into a very respectable state, and now

very tolerably mounted. I saw the 4th commanded by Lt.-Col. Campbell,

Augustus’ brother, manœuvre at Lisbon at a gallop extremely well,

certainly beyond anything Portuguese Officers had any idea of, and they

are certainly equalled by the 1st Brigade, and Madden’s the 2nd, which

is mounted on mares, and I doubt will be able to bear the work equal to

the other. It is an experiment, and my private opinion is that it will

not succeed. Two Brigades of very fine infantry, the 1st cavalry, and 3rd

Brigade of Artillery, are with Genl. Hill on the Frontier of Alemtejo,

and I believe several other Brigades will be attached to the British Army

in the Beira, and I think it most probable that some English Regts., as a

reserve, will be attached to Marshal Beresford’s Corps d’Armée. But where

we are to go, or what to do, I am perfectly ignorant.

I shall be much obliged to you to send me out a map of Spain and

Portugal, published by Fadan, and compiled by Nantiat. It appears to be

the best extant, and I am in want of a good one, so much so that you

will much oblige me by sending it out by the very first opportunity, and

Col. D’Urban, our Quarter-master General, begs me to procure him one

also. They must be pasted on canvas and in strong cases. I have just been

calling on General Payne, who asked very kindly after you.

The Spaniards have attacked the French at Caçeres and at Valverde and

beat them, killing at each a General, one of Division. Though these

affairs are of no great consequence in themselves, they may revive the

dormant enthusiasm and patriotism of the Spaniards, but I confess I

have very slender expectation of it. At Valverde it was done in a very

slovenly manner, for they completely surprised the French, and the

French General was in bed, but they amused themselves murdering a few

unfortunate devils whom they first met, and let him get away with some

Dragoons. At Caçeres had their Cavalry behaved as well as their Infantry

they would have taken or destroyed all the French, who prepared to

receive them, but were completely beaten and followed for about a league.

Believe me ever most truely your affectionate Son,

WM. WARRE.

There has been a little trifling outpost work beyond Almeida on the

Agueda. We had one Hussar killed. But this is of no consequence and leads

to nothing.

_March 23, 1810_, W. W.

* * * * *

COIMBRA, _March 30, 1810_.

MY DEAREST BROTHER,

The last two days have been fertile in happiness, as in them I have

received all the letters from my dear family. Yours of the 5th is this

instant arrived. The breeches, etc., by Col. Brown I have received and

not before they were wanted. I am much amused by the cause, though sorry

for the fright you are all in. We cannot ourselves see any reason for

this dread, and are spending our time pleasantly enough in peace and

quietness, so much so that we are all sighing for a more active scene.

Now I confess I do not think this far distant, but that the result is

to be so disastrous to us I do not believe. I cannot think where the

people in England get their information, certainly not from Portugal. It

must be from “Bony,” or it would not be given such disastrous colours,

alarming our beloved families without any reason. You know my opinion of

the ultimate result of the contest, unless something unexpected turns up

in the north, or in Spain. But we are only at the beginning, and there is

a great deal to be done before we are forced to embark yet, if it should

ever come to that.

What most annoys me is our British House of Commons, particularly the

late Debates. Bonaparte can never want spies or intelligence, while

that House tells our exact force and dispositions. I love the liberty

which distinguishes their discussions, but abhor the folly which makes

each side sacrifice the interests of their country to their villainous

party interest. They will tell the force, station, expence, of your

armies; they will foment discontent and distrust, treat your allies

with disrespect, and (with regard to what they said of Portugal) with

falsehood, to vex Ministers and get themselves in, and _vice versâ_, for

I think one as bad as the other.

I am much delighted with your account of my Mother, whom pray tell that

she need not be in the least alarmed about her tall son, who will take

great care of himself for her sake, and that at present he cannot see

any danger except of growing too fat, from having little to do and good

living, and I will write to her by the next Packet.

I cannot tell you what will be done with the Portuguese troops, who are

really in very high state of drill and appearance, and, I have no doubt

myself, will do their duty. For I do not know very well myself; at all

events, my private opinion is that it would be folly to leave them for

the French, but these are after considerations, and no doubt when it

comes to that push, proper measures will be taken....

* * * * *

HD. QRS., MANGO ALDE, _May 3rd, 1810_.

MY DEAREST FATHER,

It is indeed difficult to express to you the pleasure with which I read

your very affectionate kind letter of the 8th of April. The approbation

you express of my conduct (founded on the flattering accounts of my

friends always willing to gratify a parent’s feelings) is the greatest

reward I can ever wish for.

I avail myself of a courier, which the Marshal is sending to Lisbon,

to write these few lines and to inform you that soon after my return

from Porto to Coimbra, the Marshal went over to Vizeu, but I remained

behind to rest my horses. But on the 26th, owing to some movement of

the mounseers upon Ciudad Rodrigo, our army received orders to march

immediately, which they did on the 27th, on which day I arrived at Vizeu,

and found, to my great satisfaction, that the Marshal, who, I heard, was

ill, was nearly recovered, and only suffered from a very severe cold.

We remained there till the 1st, giving time to our troops to arrive,

and then moved the Hd. Quarters to this place, and to-day, the 3rd

May, we move on the Fornos d’Algodres, where we expect to remain a few

days. This, however, must depend on the movements of the enemy, or Lord

Wellington’s plans, and I am as ignorant of the intentions of the one as

of the other. I conjecture that if they persist in the siege of Ciudad

Rodrigo, an action is inevitable. Our Army is in the highest spirits—and

we all wish it. Notwithstanding the very unfavourable weather we have

had, as it has rained incessantly during the whole of their march, the

Portuguese troops are in the highest spirits, and seem anxious to prove

the good effects of their discipline and reorganisation.

English Hd. Qrs. are at Celorico and the Army in that neighbourhood

advanced as far as Gallegos. The French are about Tamames, St Espiritu,

and advances before Cd. Rodrigo. Ballesteros, in the Sierra Morena, has

been beaten, but not routed, “_que milagre_.”[19] Genl. Hill made a

forward movement at the end of last month in order to disengage O’Donnel

the Spanish General, who was at Albuquerque. But on the French retreating

he returned to Portalegre. Their Germans and Italians desert in great

numbers. I have seen several parties of them who are remarkably fine men,

and very well clothed, but they complain of never being paid, and that

the French treat them like canaille. Nor have they enough to eat. Many

more would desert, but they are afraid of the Spanish and Portuguese

peasantry, who murder every thing that wears a French uniform. Yesterday

23 went through from Braganza. They were Prussians taken at Jena and

forced to serve. They told me they had rather serve us than the enemies

of their country. I never saw finer men.

I now come, my dear Father, to a part that interests us more nearly,

and I am very sorry to tell you that dear Clara has (notwithstanding

the trouble I was at in preparing everything for her removal) refused

to quit the convent. I have written to her in the strongest manner,

and urged the propriety of this temporary inconvenience in the most

forcible language, telling her how impossible it will be for me, should

real danger occur, to break my trust by warning her even distantly, my

principal reason for wishing to remove her, but all in vain. The nuns

do all they can to prevent her, and every intrigue is used. It is their

interest _they fancy_ that she should remain, and you know the power

those silly women have over her mind. She is, I fear, unwell with the

agitation, and when Frè Bernardo went to bring her away, she pleaded

illness not to see him, and he came away as he went. I am much vexed and

annoyed at her resistance, but can do no more. It places me in a most

unpleasant situation. I, however, enclose hers and the Abbess’ answers to

my letters, and from them you will be able to judge of what I have had to

fight against. I really believe, poor thing, that she is ill, and dare

not press her farther, and trust only that neither herself or any of her

friends may have reason to repent her folly.

I am very much obliged to you for the maps of the Tagus, Spain, and

Portugal. The latter I much wanted.

I am not surprised at Wilson’s not mentioning the Marshal, who has no

reason to be pleased with him. Nobody will deny him courage and talents

as a Partizan, but to those who know facts, the attempt at thanks in the

House are more adapted to make him appear ridiculous, than to do him

honour. He can never want a trumpeter while he lives, and no man better

knows the _art de se faire valoir_. He must really be a clever fellow,

to have, with 700 undisciplined Portuguese, checked 30,000 French,

terrified them much, and at the same time covered upper and lower Beira,

Almeida, Ciudad Rodrigo, and ensured the retreat of English detachments,

which the enemy never attempted to impede. Many other of his deeds,

mentioned by the Hon. member, we never heard of. He is a very good fellow

as a companion, and a very able light troop Officer, and if he would

not attempt to be more than he really is, would be more respected. His

conduct to the Marshal I can never approve, and he himself must feel

lowered in his own estimation by it.

I have been obliged to leave a horse I gave 80 guineas for lame at

Coimbra, and am reduced to two. On my return to Lisbon, however, whenever

that period arrives I shall be able to buy another without drawing on

England at all.

Pray give my kindest love to dear Mother, etc. Adieu my dearest Father.

Ever your most obliged and most sincerely affectionate son,

WM. WARRE.

The Marshal desires to be most kindly remembered. H. Brown, who, poor

fellow, has been very unwell at Lisbon, desires me in all his letters to

say as much.

_P.S._—Ciudad Rodrigo is a wretched place, considered as a fortified

town, perhaps _à l’abri_ of a _coup de main_, but I think would not

stand a regular siege for a week. Our neighbourhood may encourage the

inhabitants however, while it checks the assailants, and they may do

wonders as many other Spanish towns have. I fear Astorga has fallen,

though I do not know it for certain. We have lost a few men at Cadiz and

Col. le Febre our Chief Engineer, while evacuating an advanced work,

which the enemy had nearly demolished with their artillery.

[19] What wonder!

* * * * *

EXTRACT FROM LETTER TO SISTER.

FORNOS D’ALGODRES, _May 9, 1810_.

We have had our Hd. Qrs. at this place for some days, nor do I for the

present see much chance of our moving. It is a miserable little place,

and in the whole of this house there are but half a dozen panes of glass

in one window, and we are three in a small room, through the ceiling of

which we receive light enough to save us the trouble of opening the

window. It is, however, better than many we have had, and shall have, and

therefore we are quite contented. Besides the house is full of Senhoras,

pretty enough, if they would wash their faces and comb their hair, but

you know Fidalgas and Fidalgos d’Albea have a right _ab origine_ to be

as filthy as they please, so long as they have finery and tinsel. I am

much amused with the airs and affectation of these _grands du village_,

who however, we must confess, are very kind and civil, and, to their no

small and _our_ very _great annoyance_, dine and breakfast with us _à

l’Anglaise_.

We went last week over to Celorico the English Hd. Quarters, and

staid two days, on one of which we went over to Guarda and reviewed

two Portuguese Regts. under torrents of rain, such as I never before

recollect. Indeed, for the last three months this weather has been

constant, as in that time we have not had three fine days. It looks

better to-day, and for the sake of the troops I sincerely hope it will

settle. I was much flattered by Lord Wellington’s reception and kindness

to me, and respect him too much to be indifferent to his good opinion.

He appears confident and in spirits, and all his army are in the finest

order, as are indeed comparatively our Portuguese, who have all shown

great spirit in this hasty advance, and the greatest wish to meet the

enemy.

I forgot to mention to you our family consists of six or seven grown up

young ladies, all of whom firmly believe that your letter was from a

love, as I walked into my room to read it, and seemed much pleased at the

receipt of it. They rally me very much about a _Minha Carida_, and I do

not deny I love you very much! I have a Valet de Chambre, a Portuguese,

one of the finest gentlemen I know, but not a bad servant, if he was less

affected, and less fond of his ease. He is a much greater man than I am.

I have also a man from the 23rd, a very decent quiet groom and very fond

of his horses.

With kindest love, believe me, etc. etc. etc.,

WM. WARRE.

* * * * *

HD. QUARTERS, FORNOS D’ALGODRES, _15 May 1810_.

MY DEAR FATHER,

I wrote to you a few posts ago from Mangoalde, informing you of the very

bad success I had in my attempt to remove dear Clara to Lisbon. After

having everything arranged I am sorry to say that the agitation and

distress it occasioned her was the cause of a slight fever. Poor thing!

such is the effect of superstition and popish influence, and I have been

much alarmed about her. However she is much better, indeed, I hope,

by this time quite recovered. My situation with regard to her is very

unpleasant. I dread urging the business or committing myself by writing

very strongly to her; and still, in prudence, I cannot be happy while

she remains there. There is certainly no immediate cause of dread of the

enemy, but a battle may decide much, and I know too much of war ever to

wish any person that is dear to me to be even distantly exposed to its

chances. I am therefore anxiously waiting to know your wishes about

how I am to proceed. I much fear her health would suffer materially by

insisting on her removal, and on the other hand, when there shall be any

immediate cause of alarm, how can I risk alarming a whole Province by

informing her of it. How difficult it is sometimes to reconcile private

feelings to public duty! The latter, however, is imperious.

I have been much flattered lately by Ld. Wellington’s reception of me,

and lately remained two days at his Hd. Qrs. at Celorico 2 leagues from

here. He has applied to me to procure him one Hghd. of very fine old

Port. He does not care about the price, and wishes me to get you to

take care of it for him in London. At Oporto it is impossible to get

any old wine, and I therefore told him I would write to you, and beg

your assistance. It is, I suppose, for some very particular purpose,

and I shall therefore be glad to know how far you can assist me. It may

be _bem empregado_,[20] and may lead to an acquaintance on our return

to England between you and a man of first-rate abilities. He says he

thinks you ought to get one for him in return for his having taken away

my snuff-box, though I am sorry to confess he has not made me leave off

that vile custom, though he made me promise not to carry a box, to the no

small annoyance of my friends on whom I must trust for my supply.

I have received the price of the Pipe of wine shipped by you for Sir

David Dundas, and delay sending it, in the first place, till I can get a

bill, and in the next, that having received it in six Milfour pieces, I

can scarce bring myself to part with them, as they are very scarce, and

Dollars most inconvenient to carry about. I will write to Mr John Bell,

who pays us, to buy a bill for the number of Dollars, and remit it to

you, or will buy one myself, if I can, before next packet.

Our accounts from the French army are that they are very sickly; in

Salamanca are about 2000 sick, who die 30 or 40 of a day. Their troops

are also much dissatisfied, particularly the Germans and Italians, who

compose the chief part, and those desert very fast, and would much

more, if they were not exposed to be murdered by the Peasantry, whether

deserters or prisoners. It is really horrible, and defeats the exertions

which are making to entice them to fly from their oppressors, and they

are willing enough but for these difficulties. Some have come over horses

and all. I never saw handsomer or finer looking men. They all agree in

complaining that they are never paid, and but indifferently fed, and that

they are constantly harassed and marched about. From the accounts we

have, the French force immediately before us may be of 30,000 men, more

or less, and certainly sickly. The constant rains which have continued

for the last 3 months have been much against them. It is pretty sure

now that they intend to attack Ciudad Rodrigo, which is a place of no

strength, and their heavy artillery is on its march to that place, which

has been summoned in a very imperative manner. Masséna is reported

to have arrived to take the command of the whole of this army. I am

most anxious to know what steps Lord Wellington will take to prevent

the reduction of Ciudad Rodrigo. It is of, I consider, the greatest

consequence that it should be protected, if possible. It is a sort of

outer door to our house, and, in the possession of the enemy, would

enable him to establish his Magazines, Hospitals, etc., nearer to our

frontier than we could wish. Ld. Wellington and Marshal Beresford know

best however, and I shall feel confident of the propriety of whatever

they do. I shall rejoice very much at quitting this miserable village,

where we are very badly off.

Our troops as well as the English are well, and in high spirits,

though in my opinion these cantonments in small detached villages are

greatly detrimental to their discipline, of which, however forward and

astonishing, they cannot have acquired yet that habit which will admit of

any relaxation. I am, however, confident that where they are commanded

by British Officers they will behave well, and that, at the end of

the Campaign, they will have acquired a character as Troops. It will

indeed be heart-breaking to poor Marshal Beresford if they do not. His

exertions have been Herculean and indefatigable, and their good effects

felt in every branch of the Legislature, and has even now done enough

to establish his character as a very superior, strong-minded, clever

Officer, and should his labours be crowned with the success they deserve,

he will become one of the most eminent men in England, and have deserved

more of this country than they can ever repay. I cannot sufficiently

admire the firmness and understanding with which he has overcome

difficulties, which would have disheartened and overturned the plans of

most, even very superior men. He is just the man for this particular

service. Waters passed through this place yesterday with General Stewart.

He is quite well, and gave me great pleasure by the accounts he gave me

of all the dear family. By him I received the chart of the Tagus, for

which I am very much obliged to you, as also for the drawers, which I

fear are somewhat too small for me, but must do.

I feel considerably distressed at the accounts from England. I always

felt that we had nothing to fear against our foreign enemies whilst

united amongst ourselves, and have long observed the struggles of a

particular and very infamous set of men, to sap the public confidence

in their Government and Constitution, for it is at that they now strike

direct, and neither the respectability of the King, nor the critical

situation of the country, can prevent these fellows from endeavouring

to create confusion and a revolution, in which the mob are to have the

lead, for by that alone can such designing unprincipled miscreants be

countenanced or exalted to any power. I consider the question as no

longer one of opposition against Ministers; that I should not mind. It is

in the very nature of our constitution. But the question is now whether

the country is in such a distressed situation from unhappy political

circumstances—whether the want of unanimity of Ministers, and the state

of mind of the dregs of Society, are in such a state, that Sir F. B.[21]

and his gang can expect to be able to overturn the constitution, and

raise themselves upon the wreck of their country. I have no patience that

such fellows have so long gone on without punishment, and the seeds of

civil discord once sown, there is no knowing where it may end. There are

never wanting factious, needy men to foment it, who, having nothing to

lose but their lives, would sacrifice their country to gain something in

the appearance of power. Respectability is out of the question.

Adieu. Pray now and then send me the general opinions of the day. To us

at this distance they are highly interesting. Pray give my most affecte.

love to my dear mother, etc., etc., etc., and believe me, Ever my dear

Father Your most affectionate son,

W. W.

_P.S._—

FORNOS D’ALGODRES, _May 23rd, 1810_.

Masséna is just arrived to take the command of the army of Portugal now

between Ciudad Rodrigo and Salamanca, which consists of Ney, Soult, and

Mortier’s Divisions. He is one of B.’s best generals. I dare say he will

shortly attempt something, but we are too well prepared to fear much his

first attack, but how far we shall ultimately be able to resist numbers

upon numbers, unless Spain assists us, is another question.

[20] Well employed.

[21] Sir Francis Burdett.

* * * * *

HD. QUARTERS, FORNOS D’ALGODRES, _May 23, 1810_.

MY DEAR ELLEN,

As you desire to hear from me immediately I will not lose a moment in

thanking you for your dear letter of the 15th and 24th April, and for

your affectionate kind wishes on my birthday....

We have been in this Quarter near a month and most heartily tired of it.

It is a miserable little village on the side of a very high mountain,

opposite to the famous mountains of the Estrella, and about a mile from

the river Mondego, and 8 from Celorico the Hd. Qrs. of Lord Wellington.

I have lately changed my abode, as in the last the rain ran in upon my

bed, and we were three in a very small room with one window without a

pane of glass. Indeed in the whole of the Marshal’s Quarters there are

but 6 in one window. We only had one bason and one jug, and you may

imagine the squabbling as to who was to wash first. I have deposed some

silkworms from my present room, and have at least the luxury of being

alone, and having a broken pewter bason, none of the cleanest, to myself.

There’s luxury for you! The rain however, which has been incessant for

the last 3 months or more, has found its way in, and runs in tolerable

streams in four parts of my dismal abode. My bed escapes, and my bason

and some broken jars catch water. Therefore I am rather well off.

At the General’s, my last Quarter, we had 7 or 8 grown up young ladies,

_des grands du Village_, the most affected stupid misses I ever met with

in _any barbarous country_. They never were three miles from home, and

ape notwithstanding from hearsay what they fancy great people should

do. They think me I believe very proud, and the young ladies are mighty

shy. I am not, however, quite safe from the attacks of a maiden aunt of

30 to 40 with little cat’s eyes and bad teeth. I think she will find I

am bomb-proof to her kind looks and sighs. She has already begun to try

what disdain will do, to my great joy and amusement. You would be much

entertained to see us assemble at breakfast and dinner, near 20 people.

We have succeeded at last in making them wash their hands and faces, and

if we remain long enough no doubt will also attain the desideratum of

combing their hair, even for breakfast, or rather before breakfast, and

once or twice a week, oftener than on Sunday morning.

Public news I have none to tell you, except the arrival of Masséna

to command the army of Portugal, which is between Ciudad Rodrigo and

Salamanca. He is a very clever enterprising Officer, and will soon give

us something to do, I have no doubt, but we are not at all afraid of him,

as our troops both English and Portuguese are in the highest spirits, and

the latter so much improved that they hardly know themselves again. I

have no doubt they will do their duty, but should wish to break them in

by degrees....

Ever yr. most affectionate Brother,

WM. W.

* * * * *

EXTRACT FROM A LETTER OF THOMAS WARRE

LONDON, _June 20, 1810_.

MY DEAR FATHER,

I write these few lines to inform you I this morning received a long

letter from William, from Fornos d’Algodres, _June 6th_, the same place

they were in before. He is very well and writes in very good spirits.

They have had dreadful bad weather by continual rains.

The French have invested Ciudad Rodrigo closer, but William thinks

before they attack that place, they will drive in our advance corps,

General Crawfurd’s Division, which overlooks their operations, and should

they succeed in driving them in, Beresford’s forces must retire to

concentrate. But William does not expect they will succeed, not being in

sufficient force. He still speaks favourably of the native troops, who

are kept a good deal on the alert. They have lately had great feasting.

Ld. Wellington on the 4th inst. gave a dinner to Beresford, which was

returned by him, and all went off remarkably well.

William has again written to poor Clara, but fears nothing he can urge

will induce her to move at present. I lament it exceedingly....

On getting to Throgmorton St. I found a few lines from Capt. Hardy. The

date is 28th of May off Fernesen in the Gt. Belt. He merely says that he

is quite well, and that they are proceeding on to the Baltic, that is the

_St George_, _Formidable_, _Stately_ and _Resolution_, and that nothing

had occurred worth noticing.

* * * * *

EXTRACT FROM A LETTER OF THOMAS WARRE

HENDON PLACE, _July 8, 1810_.

[I deferred writing to you as I expected to find letters in town from

Wm., which we did of _13th June_.]

He wrote as usual in great spirits, but the crisis of their fate

approaches. The French had completed their bridges across the Agueda,

so Cd. Rodrigo was invested, but their heavy artillery had stuck in the

mud near Tamames, somewhere between Salamanca and C. Rodrigo. They have

three Corps d’Armée, viz.: Junot, Ney, and Regnier’s, which is opposed to

Genl. Hill to the Southward. Their force he supposes to be 60 to 70,000,

very sick and discontented. Much will depend on their first sweep, but if

the Portuguese troops fulfil the promise they give at present, he has no

doubt they shall give them a good licking. Ld. Wellington’s Hd. Qrs. were

at Celorico. The front of the allied army extended from Pinhel to Guarda.

Adv. gd. at Gallegos, 2 leagues from C. Rodrigo and the advanced Picket

at Marialva, close to the French outposts. I saw Col. Ross yesterday.

He has exchanged into the 48th; both Batts. of which are in Portugal in

Genl. Hill’s Division. He had seen a letter from Ld. Wellington to one of

Mrs Ross’s Brothers. He writes in great spirits. My Father likewise saw

a letter yesterday from General Off. of high rank, who said that their

position was an excellent one, and that the C. in. C. has made the most

judicious arrangements. All this is very good as far as it goes, but I

shall look for the next arrivals with much anxious impatience.

* * * * *

HD. QRS., FORNOS D’ALGODRES, _June 20, 1810_.

MY DEAR FATHER,

I am sorry to tell you that the Marshal has not yet received any answer

from the Government respecting the admission of Rice and Grain free

of duty; and I begin to fear that their usual narrow and absurd policy

opposes more obstacles to this very desirable object than was at first

expected. Indeed, if so, nothing can be more absurd, as although the

harvest promises very well, particularly Rice and Barley, owing to the

uncommon lateness of the season, the Indian corn is in most places but

just sown, and in many not yet. Much must therefore depend upon the

dryness of the latter end of the Autumn, and before that I think the

scarcity will be so great, that they will be forced, though late, to open

their ports, and give every encouragement to importation, or starve.

The men and oxen have been kept away from their agricultural pursuits,

to attend the armies with their carts, and this has delayed and impeded

very much the ploughing, and hoeing, and reaping, as has also in some

degree the very great consumption of cattle. The moment the Marshal gets

an answer I will write to you, and to Porto to Pedro Alvez, which I have

not done hitherto, because in the first place I could tell him nothing

decisive, and in the next, it appeared to me prudent that it should be

kept quite a secret that such an allowance in point of duties was in

agitation.

The weather has at last set in very hot, which I hope will increase

the great sickness of the French, who have been mostly exposed to the

continued rains we have had till now. Our people, both English and

Portuguese, are getting into the most satisfactory state of health,

having been under cover and quiet.

The Enemy continues almost _in statu quo_. They have completed their

bridges over the Agueda at Val d’Espino, and covered them by a small

_tête de pont_. By their means the investment of Ciudad Rodrigo is

completed. Their heavy Artillery and Mortars are, I believe, still fast

in the mud half-way to Salamanca, but this hot weather will now soon

enable them to bring them up. After which I have no idea that Ciudad

Rodrigo can hold out a fortnight, from its construction, which is

completely irregular and very defective, besides being in some degree

commanded at about 800 yards. This will probably be the prelude to our

play, and then we shall all become actors. They seem very shy of us, and

I do not believe have as yet completed their preparations, or collected

a sufficient force to attack us. Their foreigners continue to desert in

considerable numbers, and more would I am sure come over, but for the

steps the French have taken to prevent them. Our advanced Picquets have

frequent skirmishes with them, which lead to nothing but wounding a few

men and horses on each side.

We went over two days ago to Francozo to inspect a Portuguese Brigade

with Lord Wellington, and afterwards to Minucal (?) to see the 16th Lt.

Dgns., who are in very fine order, and made a most excellent review. At

Francozo we visited the Nuns. The Porteress gave Lord Wellington, etc.,

etc., leave to enter, and some of us rambled all over the Convent. I

never saw more poverty, misery, and dirt, except indeed some of the cells

which were tolerably neat. Most of the Nuns were in the Choro at prayers,

and not a little astonished at seeing a large party of men appear at the

door from the inside. There were some pretty girls enough, but they were

so long at Prayers, that we could not stop to speak with them, and had

the full and free range of their abode. This visit of the great people

will furnish conversation, I dare say, for years!

The price of Indian Corn at Montemor Velho, which regulates for Coimbra

and all that neighbourhood, was last week at 11 Testoons[22] the

Alqueire. It had been at 12 T. the fortnight before.

Believe me ever, my dear Father, Your most sincerely affectionate son,

WM. WARRE.

[22] Testoon = about 5d. Alqueire = about 3 Imp. gallons.

* * * * *

TO HIS BROTHER

HD. QRS., P.A. FRANCOSO, NR. PINHEL, _June 27, 1810_.

MY DEAR TOM,

We removed our Hd. Qrs. here two days ago and the English Hd. Qrs. to

Almeida, on account of the very interesting situation of Ciudad Rodrigo,

and to be within reach of immediate information respecting any movements

of the French Army, which becomes every day more interesting. Their heavy

Artillery being arrived, they on the evening of the 24th commenced a

brisk fire on the place, which was returned with great vivacity by the

besieged, and continued until 10 o’clock on the 25th in the morning, when

a most tremendous explosion took place in the French lines from their

Powder Magazine blowing up, (N.B. has since been ascertained to have been

in the town), and immediately after two lesser explosions (which were

in the French lines). The quantity of Powder must have been very great,

as it was seen at this place by several of our officers, nearly 40 miles

off, and at Almeida, half-way between this and the Ciudad Rodrigo, the

shock was very strongly felt, and Governor Cox writes that it shook the

whole place. Certain it is that the French batteries ceased firing and

the Spaniards continued for two hours after.

If their loss is what we suppose from these circumstances, it will be a

most serious loss to them, as I know not how soon they can replace it

in Spain, and will probably delay their attack upon us for 6 weeks or

2 months, a great point gained for us, whose object is by gaining time

to complete the discipline of our Army, etc., and who are getting very

healthy. These, however, are the effects we wish for, and, like other

people, we are very apt to fancy the probability of what we wish for,

though at the same time you must not imagine that we are the least afraid

of them even now. We know that their army is very sickly. They average

deaths 46 to 50 a day, are in want of everything, and their intercepted

letters show that they are very much disgusted. The Spaniards carry on a

desultory and most destructive warfare. They scarcely dare move out of

their Quarters without risking to be assassinated, and their losses in

this way and by desertion are very great in every part of Spain.

They drive in our Picquets now and then. They have a great superiority

of Cavalry, but nothing of any consequence has taken place. But if the

greatest part of their powder is not destroyed, we may expect something

every day. I cannot think they will let Crawfurd with the advance

Guard remain so near them. Their and our vedettes are 400 to 500 paces

from each other and we overlook their camp, which is very extensive, I

suspect more so than they have any occasion for, considering the number

of men they have. They are quite up to all this sort of humbug. If our

Portuguese do as we expect, we are not uneasy as to the result, and if

we lick them what a glorious day for Old England! I like this place

better than Fornos, though we are not very well off either, and have a

large Brigade of Infantry with us in the town. I am very well, the only

annoyance is my face, which as well as my lips always peel and are very

sore. By the end of the campaign I daresay we may pass ourselves off for

Portuguese Indians, or any other tawny gentry you please. Adieu, etc.

* * * * *

FRANCOSO, _July 9, 1810_.

_July 2._—Hardinge and myself left Francoso about 6 in the evening

to visit the advanced guard and outposts of the Army under Br. Genl.

Crawfurd stationed in front of Gallegos, in New Castile, with his Hd.

Qrs. at Almeida, about 4 miles in the rear. We arrived late in the

evening at Pinhel, where we remained the night. Next morning set out

after breakfasting with our friend Major Murphy of the 88th, (the Bishop

of Pinhel being absent from Pinhel,) having dined at Francoso the day we

left it for Almeida, the direct road to which we missed, and proceeded

by an almost impassable path down to the Coa, which here on either side

presents a most formidable position, totally impracticable for cavalry

and artillery except over the bridge and high road leading to Almeida

from Freixedas, Guarda, Pinhel, etc. According to the reports of its

whole course from its confluence into the Douro to near Alfaiates, with

the exception of two leagues beyond Almeida towards its source, it

presents, from the very great steepness and rocky soil of its banks,

a most formidable barrier to any army attempting to advance towards

Vizeu, Celorico, Guarda, or Francozo, from the neighbourhood of Ciudad

Rodrigo. It is, however, liable to be turned by Sabugal, or Castello

Branco, and opposed to a superior army its great extent is a very serious

inconvenience, as any part of the line being forced must oblige the rest

to retire.

While Almeida, which is about a mile and a half from the river on the

Spanish side, holds out, I consider any attack by that road as not to

be feared. Though the greatest part of the descent to the bridge is out

of sight of the town, the enemy’s movements would be very much impeded

in attempting to advance. Considering all circumstances, the great

superiority of the enemy and nature of a great part of our troops, I have

much doubt in my own mind of any position being attempted to be defended

on the Coa, as a general one for the Army, but this a few days must show,

and I am no way in the secret.

We crossed the Coa at a very bad ford called Veia, about a mile below

the bridge, and arrived at Almeida, waited on Governor Cox; and, after

walking round the works (which from their nature I do not at all envy

him the defence of, considering the troops he has, mostly Militia,)

continued our march to Fort Conception to see our friend Lt. Col. Sutton,

who had been appointed Governor, when there was an intention to defend

it. But since the great superiority of the enemy rendered it impossible

to attempt to relieve the brave Spaniards in Ciudad Rodrigo, it has

been resolved to blow it up, and it has for that purpose been mined all

round. When the enemy seriously advance this beautiful Fort will be

entirely destroyed. It is a thousand pities. I never saw a more complete

or perfect fortification with every part bomb-proof, even stabling for

200 horses. Its outworks are admirably adapted to defend the approaches,

which are all round a perfect natural glacis to several hundred yards. Of

the necessity of the measure I am no judge, but fear it will much vex the

Spaniards.

We arrived about 3 o’clock at Almeida, and dined with Genl. Crawfurd,

with whom after dinner we rode out to look at the French posts beyond the

little river Azara, over which there is a bridge of stone leading to the

village of Marialva, and about a mile beyond Gallegos. Along this line

were about 3 squadrons of the German 1st Hussars doing the outpost duty,

their reserves in Gallegos. I went down to the bridge and endeavoured to

persuade two French Officers to come down and speak to me. They were,

however, very shy, and only came near enough for me to tell them that

some friends of theirs, who were taken prisoners near Chaves a year

and a half ago, were well. I observed they were constructing a wooden

bridge a short distance to the left of the former, and from the exhausted

appearance of the Forage on the other side, their having removed the

cars from blocking up the stone bridge, and certain reports of deserters,

it appeared very probable they would drive in our posts next morning, the

4th July. They had there and near Carpio about 5 or 6 Regts. of Cavalry

and some Infantry, 4 to 5000 men I should guess in all. Our Infantry,

consisting of the 43rd, 52nd, Rifle Corps, and two Portuguese Caçadores

Battns., one very good and the other very bad, were stationed in the

woods in front of Alumeda, about 3 or 4 miles in our rear.

At daybreak they crossed the little river Azara over their two bridges,

and drove in our Picquets. They had 12 squadrons and 2 Brigades of

Infantry, but our three squadrons were supported by a troop of Horse

Artillery, which kept them in check and enabled our little body to

retreat in safety on the Infantry though close pressed and skirmishing

very sharply the whole way. It was the prettiest thing, _en fait de

guerre_, I ever saw. The retreat was very well conducted. Their Artillery

could not come up till near the end of the affair, and ours killed a

great many of their men and horses, while our Cavalry were in comparative

safety. Their numbers enabled them constantly to turn our flanks, and the

superiority of our horses as often to get out of the scrape.

A party of the German Hussars under Capt. Kranckenberg behaved

particularly well, charging at the passage of a small bridge a very

superior number of the enemy, though supported by four Squadrons within

pistol shot on the other side. It was very well done. Two French Officers

were severely wounded and some men, and one prisoner was taken, though,

poor devil, he was covered with wounds, 6 in the head, and his arm

nearly cut off, also run through the body, and wonderful to say, he is

expected to recover. The French seemed much irritated at this check, and

kept up a very brisk fire up the road we retreated by, within about 50

yards from us. Nor were they sparing in abuse, and confident of still

cutting us off, when we arrived at our Infantry which checked them, and a

Squadron of their 3rd Hussars coming unexpectedly on the 3rd P. Caçadores

(an excellent Corps commanded by Lt.-Col. Elder) received a very warm

salutation which dispersed them. The Battalion behaved very steadily and

well, and give us hopes of the Portuguese troops, on whose conduct the

issue of this Campaign must in a great measure depend.

The Division commenced its retreat towards Fort Conception covered

by the Cavalry, whom I here quitted, having offered myself to act as

aide-de-camp to Genl. Crawfurd. The Infantry returned in very good

order through Alumeda towards Fort Conception, and General Carrera with

his Spaniards, who were in our rear, by the fords of Algardon to a

very strong position covering the roads that way. These Spaniards are

remarkably fine men, about 3000 well clothed, though not uniformly, and

armed. I did not, however, think much of their discipline or regularity.

Hardinge placed them, and seemed to be much pleased with General

Carrera’s appearance and manner.

The French gave up the pursuit about half a league from Fort Conception,

and retired again to Gallegos, on this side of which place they

established their vedettes, having attained, what I suppose was their

intention, a new ground to forage on, and having reconnoitred our force,

to ascertain whether or not Lord Wellington had come up with the army.

Our loss was about 4 or 5 men wounded and as many horses. That of the

French, so far as we could see, and have since heard from deserters,

several Officers and about 30 or 40 men killed and wounded. After halting

about two hours near the Fort, our advanced guard took up a position at

Val de la Mula, on the Portuguese frontier, with the Cavalry about a

league in front, leaving a space of about a league between their vedettes

and ours. And this ended this little affair which Hardinge and myself

had so much wished to see, and which was certainly very instructive. _Au

reste_ a great deal of firing to very little purpose. A strong proof

of how ineffectual the skirmishing of Cavalry is, except to cover the

retreat of larger bodies, and prevent the columns being fired into. Our

people and theirs were constantly within 30 yards of one another firing

with no effect, though neither party had any idea of fear. When it can

possibly be avoided the less powder wasted this way the better. The best

arm for Cavalry is the sword or sabre, a well broken horse and firm

presence of mind, reserving the pistol or carbine merely for the purpose

of vedettes, or covering some movement.

At Val de la Mula Col. Pakenham asked us to breakfast and afterwards to

dinner, and during the whole of our stay we are much indebted to his

civility, as also to Capt. Rowan and Wm. Campbell, brother to Augustus,

who prevented our ever wanting a meal or forage for our horses during

our stay. General Crawfurd was also very civil to us. While retreating

he sent me with some letters to Governor Cox at Almeida, whom, however,

I was fortunate enough to meet at Val de la Mula, which saved me a very

tiresome ride, and enabled me to return immediately, but everything

was over, and I was so tired that I was very glad to lay down in the

guard-room of the Fort, which was evacuated, to take a nap, which was not

of long duration, as I had taken possession of the mattress of a Spanish

shepherdess of no very gentle nature, who was so clamorous and violent

in claiming her property, that I was forced to yield it up for fear I

might not escape so well from her gentle paws, as I had from the French.

Besides, poor things, I could not but pity them. It was most distressing

to see them abandoning their habitations, and flying away from the

miscreants, loaded with what little property they could carry away,

crying and lamenting, followed by their helpless children, while the men

drove away their cattle, and all uncertain where they might find a place

of safety. In Portugal the natural animosity which exists so violently

on the frontiers, and which even the similarity of their misfortunes and

distress cannot do away, they had but a dismal prospect of meeting with

a friendly reception. I pitied them from my heart, to relieve was not in

my power. How little does the independent happy English Peasant know how

to value the peace and security in which he lives! And how would those

miscreants who preach discontent and faction through the country, giving

them ideas of wants and liberties which are incompatible with society and

government, how would they blush if they were to witness the sufferings

and oppression which these poor people undergo! They would see that in

England alone the peasantry are now happy and free, and would see their

own infamy in sowing the seeds of discord and civil dissension among that

happy people, when every mind should be united and heart joined to resist

the oppressor of mankind! If reform is necessary let us wait for moments

of peace with foreign enemies, when we do not risk, by dividing amongst

ourselves, the entire ruin of the most perfect fabric of government that

ever existed, even with all its faults, and give every advantage to our

enemies by exposing as some of our Senators do, by way of opposition to

Ministers, or to get themselves in, our forces, intentions, weakness,

faults, etc., etc., in fact, for the sake of a popular speech in the

House, tell the enemy everything they ought most to conceal, even the

stations and exact numbers of the troops, of ourselves, or of our allies.

This conduct leads us half way to our ruin, and we shall repent it when

it is too late.

On the 5th, early in the morning, Hardinge and myself rode out beyond

Alumeda, towards Gallegos, till near the enemies posts, to see what

damage we had done them the day before and what they were about. We found

in the road two of their dead and some horses, evidently from the effects

of our Artillery, as they were much mangled, and we also saw some more

to the right and left of the road at a distance. A very large flight of

vultures of very large size were flying about them, and on the ground,

which added much to the disgust of the scene, and after ascertaining

the positions of their vedettes, we hastened to return. Being but

indifferently mounted, and at a great distance from our outposts, we

were very much afraid of being cut off by some of their patrols, and,

returning through Alumeda, I was just observing to Hardinge that we

should look very foolish if we were to be taken, when I turned my head

and saw a French Hussar close to us. Hardinge had not even his sabre,

having broken it the day before, and I saw nothing was to be done but to

charge him, for which purpose I drew my pistol and galloped at him, when

he surrendered, a no very glorious prize, as his horse was so tired that

he could not move out of a very slow pace, and it was with difficulty

and anxiety we got him into one of our picquets. He was a French lad,

and told me he had deserted that morning, owing to the ill-treatment of

his chief, and the want of everything they experienced in their Camp,

and said he intended to go to England and work at his trade, a cabinet

maker, as he had a cousin there, whom he intended to enquire for at the

_Commune_ (police office), though he had not heard of him for 4 years.

I have great doubts of his being a deserter at all, and rather think he

was as much surprised to see us, as we were to see him. He is quite a

Frenchman, and contradicted himself twenty times!

We arrived at our quarters at 8 o’clock, and breakfasted with Col.

Pakenham. After which we set out, 5 in number, well armed and mounted,

to reconnoitre the enemy on our left, and proceeded without meeting any

as far as Villa de Porco and Barcilha, from the heights above which we

distinctly saw with our glasses Ciudad Rodrigo, which was keeping up a

very heavy fire, and defending itself as if it were manned by heroes. Let

them now surrender when they may. They have done their duty, and it is

heartbreaking to think we can in no way assist them.

At Barcilha our party divided. Hardinge, Col. Pakenham, and Capt. Cotton

went by the right, and Capt. Shaw, A.D.C. to Genl. Crawfurd, and myself

agreed to go and visit Villar de Ciervo, and all that line, and ascertain

whether the French had occupied all those places, or Villar de la Egoa,

where there are some excellent fords over the Agueda, and which, being in

rear considerably of our left on the 4th, gave Genl. Crawfurd no small

anxiety. We met nothing, and returned about 4 to dinner, having suffered

only from the extreme heat, which fagged me a good deal, being rather

bilious, and prevented my accompanying them in the evening, instead of

which I paid a visit to my friends in the 52nd, whom I was very glad to

see looking as well as ever I saw them at Shorncliff, though perhaps with

less pipeclay.

Next day was spent nearly in the same way. In the morning we rode out

reconnoitring to Alumeda, dined afterwards with General Crawfurd, and set

off on our return to Pinhel, 4 leagues, where we arrived late at night

and slept, and next day came home, after a most delightful trip, and

having just seen what we wished and expected. The retreat of the advanced

guard had for some days appeared inevitable, and it was to see how it

would be conducted that we went over.

The desertion continues from the French in great numbers, 8 to 12 of a

day while we remained with the advance guard, and they all agree in

stating that their Army is badly off for provisions, and the foreigners

much disgusted, and would desert in greater numbers but for the vigilant

means that are taken to prevent. Junot and Ney with their Corps are

before C. Rodrigo, and I believe also Masséna, as are also the traitors

Alorna, Pampeluna, Sancos Mezeude, against whom no measures are taken by

this Government, and we know they are supplied with money, etc., from

their estates in this country, which are not sequestered or disturbed. So

much for weakness and infatuation! The count Doidga(?) has been declared

infamous and his offspring for three generations, and his property

sequestered. He is a poor wretch and can do no harm, though not less a

traitor, while these scoundrels, with arms in their hands, known traitors

before the Prince embarked, and treated by him with great lenity, are

suffered to attack their native country with impunity. It is most

disgusting.

I do not think the French will attempt anything till C. Rodrigo falls,

which, notwithstanding their heroic conduct, cannot be long delayed.

It will enable the French to establish their magazines and hospital.

What the plans for the Campaign are I know not. Everything promises a

very warm one, and I confess I look with some anxiety to the conduct of

the Portuguese troops, on whom much, nay everything, must depend. They

promise well, it is true, in every respect, but still they are very young

troops and never tried. The force against us is very superior. But on the

other hand the greater must be the difficulty of supplying them and means

of transport. We retire on our supplies while they advance from them.

And everybody has great confidence both in Lord Wellington and Marshal

Beresford, and if the native troops fight like men, I have not a doubt we

shall succeed, though the loss must be inevitably great on both sides.

My own idea of their attack is that they will keep their principal Corps

in our front, leave Regnier with his Corps, and keep Hill in check in the

Alemtejo, while with a strong column they endeavour to force the passes

near Castello Branco, or by Sabugal, endeavouring to unite near Thomar.

By this means if Hill retires and crosses the Tagus, either at Villa

Velha or Abrantes, the Alemtejo is left open, and we cannot but feel some

anxiety for the Capital, or rather for the opposite side of the river,

which would occasion great confusion. Hill must then defend the passage

of the Tagus, which abounds in fords as low as Salvaterra, and also

endeavour to check the enemy’s advance by the passes of Salhadas, etc.,

from Castello Branco or Abrantes, and if either of these movements of the

enemy succeed, I should imagine the whole Army must fall back from the

Upper Beira upon our works round Lisbon, that is Torres Vedras, Bucellas,

etc., etc., for fear of its communications with Lisbon and our stores.

Or if they do not attempt Alemtejo, I think they will attempt advancing

in three columns by Castello Branco from Coria and Placencia, and from

Guinaldo, etc., by Sabugal, and in our front by Celorico or Guarda,

endeavouring to unite beyond the Sierra de Estrella. In this case we

shall come into play immediately. Almeida, I think, they will merely mask

by a strong Corps, and leave in their rear. If they succeed, the place

must fall _of course_. If not, there is not force enough in it to annoy

them. These are my own private opinions, and, from the very little means

I have of information, must be considered as mere speculations, and as

such, if erroneous, I may be excused, as I really know not how far they

may agree with any others.

* * * * *

HD. QRS., FRANCOSO, _July 10, 1810_.

MY DEAR FATHER,

I received your letters of 13th, 15th June, on the 1st of this month,

and my having been absent at the outposts alone prevented me writing by

last packet to thank you for the very interesting information you give me

about Ferguson in particular, and the other occurrences of the day, as

also for the affectionate friendship and solicitude on my account, which

would be a sufficient reward in themselves for anything I can ever do.

I send you, annexed, a sort of journal of my proceedings during my

little excursion to the outposts, which was very interesting. It was

written in considerable hurry and just as the things occurred to me. The

opinions also merely speculative, as I have but little means of positive

information. I should therefore wish you to consider it as merely for

your amusement and confidential, and for those few who can feel any

interest in such trifles because they concern me.

Our situation becomes every day more interesting. The heroic defence of

Ciudad Rodrigo has delayed the operations against this country, but I

consider that it is impossible the place can hold out much longer.

What the issue of this contest may be, it is very difficult to guess. The

enemy have certainly from 70 to 80,000 men, and we as certainly Troops

of the Line not so many, though we have other advantages which they

cannot have, particularly the people and the country in our favor. Lord

Wellington and the Marshal appear very confident and in high spirits,

and so does the whole army, who are in excellent order. Our Chiefs know

best the real situation in which they stand, and the confidence every

one feels in them will make the Army do wonders. Much must depend upon

the Portuguese troops. At all events I think prudence would dictate the

removal of all property from this country, and leaving as little to

chance of war in point of business as possible, and although I by no

means wish to croak, when I consider the great superiority of the enemy

in numbers, and the nature of our Troops, with many other circumstances,

I confess I do not feel quite so confident of our ultimate success. But I

shall not form any decided opinion till I see our people tried.

Pray thank my dear mother for her kind letter of the 30th May from

Hendon, and Tom for his of the 19th June, and for Greenwood and Cox’s

abstract of my account. I am a good deal surprised they have not received

my claim for losses. By the account I see they have received no part

of them and suspect they do not much exert themselves, as I know other

Officers have received theirs. By Tom’s letter I observe a warrant has

been issued for £36, 15s., I suppose for my horse shot at Vimiero.

I hope you have had a pleasant trip to Woburn and Holkham. I am always

happy when I hear of your amusing yourself in a way I know to be so much

to your satisfaction.

I have got at Lisbon two Merino Rams and 3 Ewes. They tell me they are

very fine, and my difficulty now is how to send them to you. I write by

to-day’s post to Messrs Bulkeley to beg them to take charge of them for

you, and send them by the first ship to London, and shall inform you of

their answer. If you had no place to keep them yourself, and nobody else

you wish to give them to, pray present them to my uncle Greg with my kind

love. I am, however, a good deal bothered about getting them home, being

myself at such a distance from Lisbon.

Adieu; pray give my kindest love to my dearest mother, and believe me

ever your most truely Affectionate and Dutiful Son,

WM. WARRE.

I will tell Ld. W. about the pipe of wine when I see him, and am much

obliged by your attention about it.

_July 11th._—A very heavy firing and cannonade was heard yesterday

morning at Ciudad Rodrigo, which is a proof that the place still holds

out. Poor fellows, I fear they will pay dear for their heroic gallantry,

since we cannot assist them.

I have been able to hear nothing further about the free importation of

rice and grain, and I fear it will not be allowed from the delay.

* * * * *

HD. QRS., FRANCOSO, _July 25, 1810_.

MY DEAR FATHER,

I have but just time to write you a few lines that neither you nor my

mother may be anxious about me, when you hear of the unfortunate affair

of our Advanced Guard yesterday, at which, however, I was not even

present. The French attacked Br. Genl. Crawfurd’s Division, consisting

of 43, 52, 95, and 1st and 3rd Portuguese Caçadores, about 3000 men,

and some squadrons of Cavalry, with 23 squadrons and about 10 to 12,000

Infantry. I fear there was some delay in retiring across the Coa, and,

being very close prest in their retreat, our brave fellows suffered very

considerable loss, about 300 killed and wounded and 30 Officers. The 43rd

I hear have suffered most, and have 14 Officers killed and wounded, as

also the 95th, of whose loss I am ignorant, except of the death of poor

Capt. Creagh. Col. Nutt of 43rd is killed and Capt. Hull wounded. They

had arrived from England the evening before. The 52nd also lost some men

and Officers, but I have not been able to hear any names, except that of

Lt.-Col. Barclay being slightly wounded in the head. The 3rd Caçadores

under Col. Elder behaved very well, and suffered some loss.

I am sorry I cannot add as much for the 1st, who did not behave so, and

ran off at the very beginning, though their Col. d’Arilez, a very fine

young man, behaved very well, as also some of the Officers. So much for

want of discipline and confidence. I had before expressed my fears about

them. I am just about setting off to enquire into the business, and I

hope a most severe example may be made to prevent the recurrence of such

a horrid disgraceful business. If they will not fight from feelings of

patriotism or honour, they must be made to do so from fear of a more

infamous death, and a more certain one, if they deserve it. It is a

measure of peremptory necessity; though I have much pleasure in being

able to add that in an attack which Regnier made on Salvaterra away to

our right, the 1st Portuguese Cavalry commanded by Col. Pays of Mangoalde

behaved most nobly, charged three times, and as often repulsed the enemy,

and at last completely drove them back, and I believe the French had the

superiority in numbers. Our advance guard having effected its retreat at

all before so very great a superiority is most fortunate, that is across

the Coa, whose banks are tremendously steep, and the road narrow. The

French three times attempted to force the bridge after them but were

repulsed, and lost a good many men on it. The tremendously heavy rains

and storm we have had these last two days had fortunately spoiled the

Fords of the River entirely. Otherwise I much fear our little Corps would

have been entirely cut off and taken.

The English kept possession of the bank till early this morning, when

the whole line was abandoned and our advance established at Carvalhos or

Carvalhal. The French vedettes are on this side the river, and Almeida is

consequently in some degree invested. I scarce believe they will besiege

it, but rather content themselves with blockading and starving it, which

will not be easy, as they have 4 months’ provisions complete. Pray send

Augustus Campbell word that I hear both John and William are well, the

former I am not sure was engaged. Wm. was of course with Crawfurd. I fear

you will be scarce able to read this very hasty scrawl, but I have at

this moment so many things to do in order to get away before late in the

evening to reach Freixedas to-night, that they must serve as my excuse.

You shall hear from me every opportunity. Adieu. Pray give my kindest

love, etc. Yr. ever dutiful and affectionate Son,

WM. WARRE.

* * * * *

LAGIOSA, _August 8, 1810_.

MY DEAREST FATHER,

Many many thanks for your very kind letter from Eastley End of the 16th

July, and for the excellent account you give me of all my friends.

We continue here very quietly, and except the taking of a few prisoners

at the outposts in front, and the peasantry having risen and killed a

good many of the enemy, who straggle into the villages to plunder or seek

for food, nothing of any consequence has occurred since my last.

The French appear to be preparing for the siege of Almeida, but have not

yet established any batteries. From the accounts of all deserters and

prisoners they are much distressed for provisions, particularly bread,

which as the Peasantry all fly from their ill-treatment, they are forced

to thrash out, carry to the mills, and grind and bake themselves. In

some places the Officers alone have bread, in others they sometimes

receive 3 lb. between 8 men. They are also much in want of shoes. A very

intelligent Italian sergeant, who was brought in yesterday, assured

me that their 66th Regt. lost on the 24th Ultmo., in the attack near

Almeida, 500 killed and wounded, and the other two Regiments also a very

large proportion. They therefore must have lost upwards of 1000 men in

all, which is more than we supposed. They continue to desert in great

numbers whenever they have the opportunity.

Our Portuguese troops are behaving very well. The 1st Regt. of Dns. at

Atalaya towards Castello Branco attacked 80 French who were in the town,

killed 25, and took 20 men and horses. Yesterday evening an account

arrived from Bragança that a squadron of the 12th Dns. had been attacked

by a French squadron, which they defeated, took 40 men and horses

Prisoners, and killed all the rest, except 2 Officers and a soldier

who escaped. Many of these Prisoners are badly wounded. The Portuguese

squadron must have behaved very well to have done the business so

effectually, and although these small affairs are of no great consequence

(in themselves), yet they give us very pleasant hopes of what the

Portuguese [troops] will do when more seriously engaged.

I have this instant been to see three French Cavalry, who deserted

yesterday evening. They say they did so because they are starved, and

that 25 of the 3rd Hussars and 8 more of their men had deserted the

day before. These men, who are native French, come over mounted and

completely armed. They say that nothing but desperation could make the

Infantry go leagues from the Army to get food at the risk they run from

the Peasantry, and that their Regt. of the 15th Chasseurs à Cheval have

in 4 months been reduced from 900 to 400 men by sickness (which is very

great in their army) and loss of horses. These men belong to the 6th

Corps, Ney’s, and could tell us nothing about Almeida. Adieu; Believe me

ever yr. most truely affectionate Son,

WM. WARRE.

I hope my father will receive the Merinos safe which I sent him, and that

they will turn out well. I wish him to keep them or dispose of them just

as he pleases.

I send a letter from Clara, which pray deliver to him.

* * * * *

LAGIOSA, _22nd August 1810_.

MY DEAR FATHER,

I intended to have written (you will be amused at this beginning and the

length of the letter, which I write at a gallop, expecting every moment

that the Marshal will mount) you _a long letter_ to-day, but, being on

the move, I have only time to tell you that our Army has again made a

forward movement, and we this day change our Hd. Quarters to Avelans da

Ribeira, to the right of Alberca, which becomes for the present Lord

Wellns. Hd. Quarters. The Army is all on the move, but I am ignorant

of what the intention of our Generals is, whether to cross the Coa and

raise the siege of Almeida, on which place they have not yet that we

know of opened their batteries, or whether by a diversion on this side

favor the disturbances which have been reported to have arisen in Spain.

Whatever it is, it is a forward movement. Everybody is in high spirits.

The distance to which Junot has removed with his Corps d’Armée, and

Regnier being occupied by General Hill, it leaves only the 6th Corps,

Ney’s, to besiege Almeida, and, if the other Corps are really at such

a distance as not to be able to support it, it would be a shame for us

to let them take that place before our faces. As yet we know pretty

correctly from deserters, who continue to come over in considerable

numbers, that they have only completed the first parallel, and were at

work at constructing the batteries in it. Their heavy guns had arrived

but were not mounted. The garrison keep up a very brisk fire, and the

enemy have lost some men. They press forward very boldly at daybreak,

their light troops close to the place, and fire into the enclosures to

annoy the gunners.

But Br. Genl. Cox, the Governor, by telegraph informs us that he does not

much mind them, and that the garrison is in excellent spirits. Hitherto

the Portuguese have had all the firing on their side. When the batteries

open from the enemy, we shall be better able to judge how resolute they

are. I daresay they will do very well.

I can, however, assure you that the situation of the French in Spain

is most distressing. Officers of rank from Madrid write to France

(intercepted correspondence) that they are reduced to the greatest

necessity. Joseph the usurper, with an army of 250,000 men in Spain,

is only in possession of that part of his kingdom which the Troops

occupy. The supplies from Cordova and Grenada to Madrid are no longer

sure, indeed most precarious. In short, all orders write almost in utter

despair, and conjure Buonaparte to alter his system with regard to that

wretched country. The army have not been paid for ten months, and in

many parts, particularly Almeida and its neighbourhood, are dreadfully

distressed for bread, and all the foreigners ready to desert the first

opportunity. Buonaparte says he can only give them yearly 24 millions

of Francs (1 million sterling), what folly! The tyrant recommends

rigour, which is all in our favour, and his party from Spain write that

if the Emperor cannot be got to alter his plans with regard to the

Spaniards, they cannot with all their force and advantage answer for the

consequences.

Kellerman with all his Divisions of cavalry cannot prevent the excursions

of the Peasantry to the very gates of Valladolid. We have also reports of

great disturbances in Madrid, and the movements of the French Corps make

me believe it.

We have had no affair of consequence since my last to Emily. The Eagle

which Silveira took with the Swiss Battalion at Puebla de Senabria

arrived here. It is an imitation of the Roman Eagles, and I think an ugly

one. It has, however, its effect upon the volatile courage and vanity of

the French. To them a cap of liberty, or emblem of slavery, is equal,

so long as it flatters the self-sufficiency and vain-glory of the grand

nation. The Battalion is gone to Coruña to embark for England. None will

return to France. They will almost to a man enlist with us.

I must again request, my dearest Father, to consider this information

about Spain as confidential for the present. At all events not to mention

my name, though I do not see any harm in your mentioning it, though not

as coming from me.

This is the anniversary of the Battle of Vimiero, and at this time that

day we were warmly engaged. I hope our next day may be as brilliant. Our

army both English and Portuguese is in excellent health and spirits.

I have great faith that our Portuguese will astonish the French most

unpleasantly for them.

Adieu. Kindest and most affecte. love to my dearest Mother, etc., etc.

Yr. ever affectionate and Dutiful Son,

WM. WARRE.

I have written this letter in such a hurry that I fear you will have

considerable difficulty in either reading or understanding, but pray

excuse it, as I have been every moment expecting to be called away.

Adieu, Adieu.

May every blessing and happiness attend you and all my dear, dear family.

_P.S._—I had little idea I should have had time to-day to write when I

wrote this yesterday.

By the enclosed, which I send open, you will see that we have halted two

days. But as I am completely ignorant of what the intentions were of our

chiefs, it would be folly to attempt to account for it.

W. W.

AVELANS DA RIVEIRA, _22nd Aug._

* * * * *

HD. QRS. LAGIOSA, _29th Aug. 1810_.

Many many thanks, my dearest Father, for your letter of the 1st, and

the expressions of your affectionate approbation which will ever make

the greatest pride, as well as the greatest happiness of my life. You

will see that we have again retired to this place, on the unexpected

fall of Almeida, which _we suppose_ surrendered on the 27th. The enemy’s

batteries opened from different sides and very briskly on the night of

25th to 26th. We could distinctly see and hear them firing. On the 27th

I was dining at the outposts with General Slade, when a report arrived

that, no firing being heard for several hours on either side, the place

must have been taken. I hurried up to the Telegraph in front of Freixedas

and from what I could see through the glass I had not a doubt of the

event, as I could see people coming in and out and the rampart crowded

over the gate. Many Officers who were present saw the same. But the next

night a heavy firing was heard, which has confused me a good deal, as I

thought myself positive, and do, of what I saw through a glass, and this

certainly appears a contradiction to it. Next morning Ld. Wellington

and the Marshal went up at daybreak, and I suppose thought there was no

doubt of the place being taken, though still some doubt of when, and

orders were given for the army to retire again, which was done yesterday

and continues to-day, though we do not leave this place, nor, I suppose,

shall till the enemy advance. There was a little skirmishing at the

outposts yesterday, and I am sorry to say Capt. Ligon of the 26th is

wounded in the neck, I do not know whether badly. Our advance vedettes

remain where they were, in front of Freixedas, extending towards Pinhel,

in which place the French are. How long things may remain in this state

it is quite impossible to say. My opinion is that the enemy is not yet in

force to advance. Nor will the state of affairs in Spain allow it for the

present. At all events they must have considerable garrisons and posts

of communication, and by drawing them into the interior, destroying the

means of subsistence, mills, and forcing the inhabitants to fly on their

approach, which they are ready enough to do, I trust we shall be able to

meet them on equal terms, and where we please, to give a good account

of them. I hate grumbling and croaking, and think it most unsoldierlike

in an army such as ours, even were we less strong. We must trust to the

_fortune de la guerre_, and the abilities of our Generals. I wish that

every English Officer thought the same and wrote less nonsense to their

friends at home.

As to Almeida, it is quite an enigma, how it came to yield so soon. No

breach can have been made, and from the opinion I have of General Cox,

I much fear either he was killed, or the garrison forced him to this

step. As, however, we know nothing but on conjecture it is as prudent and

liberal to suspend our judgment. A week more or less must at all events

have brought us to this, and it is a most ridiculous idea to despond at

the event, as if it altered our situation.

On the 22nd there was a very gallant little affair at Ladoeiro between

Castello Branco and Salvaterra. Capt. White of the 13th Lt. Dns. with a

troop of that Regt. and a troop of the 4th Portuguese Cavalry (our friend

John Campbell’s Reg.) attacked 60 French Cavalry, and without the loss

of a man or horse, took 50 men, 7 corporals, 3 sergts., and 2 Officers.

The Capt. and some men endeavoured to escape on foot, but were afterwards

killed by the Peasantry. So that not one went back to tell the tale, and

the French, thinking the whole had deserted, sent out another party in

search of them. They had 7 or 8 men wounded, and Capt. White speaks very

highly of the gallantry and good conduct of Cornet Raymundo Oliveira and

the Portuguese Troop, who charged in very great style and tumbled the

Mounseers over in a minute.

I am quite delighted that you are pleased with my having got the Merinos,

which I am sorry to say missed their passage to London owing to a

mistake. They are in the care of Messrs Bulkely, who have promised to

forward them by the first opportunity. Should I be able to procure any of

a very good breed, I will, you may depend, never forget you. I am quite

vexed I did not get 15 when I got these, which I hear are very fine, but

I was then quite at a loss how I should get them home.

I received a very kind letter from Col. Ross from Sarzedas. He was quite

well, and I am happy to hear is coming into the Portuguese service, where

he will, I expect, command a Brigade. I have said everything in my power

to the Marshal about him, and I have no doubt he will do everything for

him. Mrs R. and the children, he tells me, are at Weymouth. Pray thank

Tom for his letter which I will answer on the first opportunity. Also

pray tell my Uncle Wm. with my kindest love that I have received a letter

from the Honble. A. C. Johnstone with his letter enclosed, requesting me

to procure him a letter from the Marshal to the Marquis de la Romana,

which I have done, and in very strong terms, and I shall be happy to hear

it has answered his purpose. Should he come into our neighbourhood, I

will shew him every attention in my power, as he may depend upon, I will

to any friend he may recommend to me. Adieu, my dearest Father; pray give

my kindest love to my beloved Mother, Emily, etc. Yr. ever dutiful and

most truely affectionate son,

WM. WARRE.

I am astonished at Greenwood not having received my Coruña losses. The

Board of Claims is dissolved; I think it very hard.

I have this moment seen a letter from Guarda stating a French Colonel

to be arrived there a prisoner, and that a Lieut.-Col. was killed. They

were, it is said, reconnoitring with Masséna at Naves d’Haver, and missed

their way in the fog and rain, which was not improbable, as I never saw

such tremendous thunderstorms as we had yesterday and the night before.

The same letter also says Almeida is taken, and the Governor reported to

be killed.

* * * * *

6 IN THE EVENING, _August 29, 1810_.

MY DEAR FATHER,

I have since writing this morning heard the official account of the

surrender of Almeida, and the fact is this. On the morning of the 27th

a shell fell near the principal magazine as they were in it and making

cartridges, the door being open the whole blew up with an explosion

that destroyed a considerable part of the town, and of course created

the greatest confusion in the place. Cox, finding all his ammunition

gone, except a few rounds, sent to propose surrendering in case the

garrison might be allowed to join our army, which in consequence of the

intervention of the Marquez D’Alorna, Pampeluna, and other Portuguese

traitors, was refused by Masséna. Cox declared he would not surrender

under other conditions, and recommenced the fire till next morning (the

28th) when every cartridge being used he was forced to surrender as

Prisoners of war. As the garrison marched out and were formed on the

glacis, it was offered them to either march prisoners to France, or enter

the service of Napoleon. To a man they refused the former (_sic_)[23]

(except one Major of Artillery who had been before tried as a Traitor), a

most noble act on the part of a garrison mostly Militia, which strongly

shews the spirit of the people. I also much rejoice in my friend Cox

having got off with honour and credit to himself and the British nation.

The French Colonel and some men who were taken with him, passed through

this since I wrote. He belongs to the _Gendarmerie_ and is a handsome

looking fellow, though he has a very sneaking appearance. He as well as

his companions were wounded. The Lt.-Col., his friend, was killed. We

last night took 9 Dns. prisoners at Freixedas which the French occupied,

and have since again abandoned. Adieu. Yr. most affecte. Son,

WM. W.

I am writing as hard as I can, so pray excuse the difficulty you will

have in reading this Postscript.

The Major of Artillery Barretto, who proved a traitor, was sent by Cox as

a flag of truce. The scoundrel told all he knew, and never even returned

to the place. I suppose he found it too warm a berth, and was devilish

glad to get out of it. A traitor is almost always a coward. He flies from

a greater hoping to find a lesser danger with the enemy, or from the same

reason that a man robs or murders, from natural vice or villainy. What

miscreants are Alorna, etc., etc.

[23] There is some confusion here; to make good sense “the latter” should

be read. But see Oman, vol. iii., p. 275.

* * * * *

EXTRACT FROM LETTER, DATED HENDON PLACE, _Oct. 2, 1810_.

HENDON PLACE, _Oct. 2, 1810_.

No arrivals, and of course no news from dear William. Lord W. had

retreated towards Vizeu. We presume things were going on as usual on the

11th, as Paris papers to the 23rd are in town, and they hear at Paris in

eleven days from the army.

* * * * *

EXTRACT FROM LETTER, HENDON PLACE, _16th Oct. 1810_.

HENDON PLACE, _16th Oct. 1810_.

I give you joy of the glorious news. How delightful it is that the

Portuguese have behaved so nobly. They have shown Bony’s ‘spoiled child

of Fortune’ what they can do when well organised and commanded. Some of

the Regts. were commanded by Portuguese. It will give dear William great

satisfaction, though he will be sadly disappointed at not being there.

He had been afflicted with his old complaint—was gone to the rear to

recover. I do pity him not sharing in the glory when he has partaken so

much of the fatigue, and General Beresford’s army having borne the whole

brunt of the action makes it doubly mortifying as such an opportunity may

not again offer. I long for letters from him, but fear we have no chance

till the Packet arrives. Capt. Burgh told Papa he was quite recovered.

The French have concentrated their whole force, and were so determined to

carry the day they only brought _Frenchmen_ into the field. They would

not trust their foreigners, who continue to desert in great numbers.

Masséna applied to Lord Wellington for permission to bury his dead, which

was refused, as Ld. W. wanted to ascertain their numbers.—Above 2000

were interred, and the general proportion is 3½ wounded to 1 killed. On

this occasion it is supposed to be much greater, as the French had no

artillery or cavalry, and we played away after them with grape and shot

from our artillery down the hills.

Four of the Pintos are among the wounded or killed. A cousin of theirs is

wounded.

A. E. W.

* * * * *

EXTRACT FROM LETTER DATED HENDON, _25th Oct. 1810_, REFERRING TO W. W.’S

LETTER, _Oct. 6_.

HENDON, _25th Oct. 1810_.

At last we have got letters from Dear William. They are of a very old

date (_6th Oct._) and must have been unaccountably delayed in London, as

the Packet of the 8th has been long arrived and one of the 16th arrived

on Monday. Poor dear fellow, he has had another dismal voyage of pain and

suffering from Figueira to Lisbon, but again met with kind friends, and

is, God be praised, restored to health—in one of the letters he says Jack

Croft joined him as soon as he heard of his being ill at Coimbra, and

accompanied him in a crowded transport of sick and wounded, sharing the

floor and his bearskin, and administered to him and his fellow sufferers

every comfort in his power, and on his arrival at Lisbon took the trouble

off his hands of seeking for a lodging for a poor little fellow under his

protection, who had lost a leg and been obliged to suffer two operations

for it, but is now likely to do well. A son of Sir J. Frederick’s,

Major Stanhope, saw William on the 12th at Belem. He was then so much

recovered that he talked of joining the Marshal (now Sir W. B.) in a day

or two. I suppose you will like to have an extract. The first part of

his letter is all about my mother’s illness, as he had just received my

letters acquainting him of it. He then says he has recovered his strength

and looks so wonderfully fat, every one is astonished at it. “It will,

however, require a fortnight or 3 weeks’ quiet sea-bathing to confirm the

tone of my nerves, which have been a good deal shook by resisting a very

tedious and debilitating illness in hopes of sharing in the glory of my

companions: and it has been a bitter disappointment to have been in the

rear during the late glorious actions, when the Portuguese troops behaved

so nobly. What a pleasure it must be to the Marshal. And he deserves it,

for his exertions (for which success is the best payment) and for his

excellent honourable character. I believe everybody now does him justice

for the honour and rectitude of his intentions. Of the movements of the

army I know little, but believe they are falling back on the positions at

Mafra, etc., which are entrenched and prodigiously strong. If the French

press forward I think a decisive and good battle inevitable, but I do

not think they will, and, if they do, I have not a doubt of the result,

and Nap. will have got into a pretty scrape. If they beat us, we have

equally strong positions at St Juliens, but this God forbid. For the sake

of the poor natives I trust all will be well. They deserve it for their

loyalty and willingness, but I really have great confidence that the

infamous invader will get a complete defeat. The French left 3000 dead

on the field at Busaco. How they could attempt to attack such a position

I know not, nor can I conceive, except that they entirely despised the

Portuguese Infantry. Inganarao says they were mistaken! but we have yet

to give them better proof of it.

Clara is safe and well at Porto, and her obstinacy in staying in the

Convent has caused me great anxiety—

A. E. W.

Major Elliot’s treatise on the defence of Portugal is remarkably well

worth reading, and gives a very just and true and impartial account of

the people and country.

* * * * *

HD. QRS., P.A., CASAL ESCHIN, a mile to the Eastward of

ENXARA DOS CAVALEIROS, 5 l. from Lisbon,

_Oct. 20, 1810_.

MY DEAREST FATHER,

You will see from the date that I am quite recovered, and have joined

the Army and my excellent friend the Marshal, who, to my great joy I

found on my return two or three days ago, quite well notwithstanding the

fatigue he has undergone, I was in such a constant fidget in Lisbon, and

so uncomfortable that I could not remain any longer, particularly as the

weather did not admit of my sea-bathing, which was my principal object in

going to Belem.

I am much disappointed at not hearing from the family last packet. A

packet is daily expected and I trust I shall be more fortunate.

On my return I found our Army in a position as strong as anything can

well be imagined, studded with Redoubts and Batteries, extending from

the front of Torres Vedras to the Tagus at Alhandra, by Bucellas, on

the chain of hills which runs behind Sobral, nearly from the sea to the

river. It is rather an extended one, but a part is so strong by nature,

and by art, that the troops can with great safety in great part be spared

to repel the enemy wherever he may attack, and I feel not a doubt of

his being forced to abandon the enterprize and retreat, or that if he

attack us, scarcely a more desperate measure than the other, he will be

completely defeated and destroyed.

Masséna, as far as my very slender knowledge of these matters goes, is in

a most desperate scrape, and I scarce see how it is possible to get out

of it without the loss of a great part of his army. I cannot account for

his incautious advance, for he has little reason to doubt the conduct of

the Portuguese after the Busaco business, and could scarce be such a fool

as to imagine that because we retired, we were hurrying to embark without

fighting a battle, after having so completely beaten him at Busaco. I

dare say he had no idea of the great strength of these lines. I had none

myself, though I had seen parts of them. But now that he is close to us,

I cannot see how he can avoid fighting us. Even should we be unfortunate,

we have other strong lines to retire to, and we must fight him again. As

for embarking, I do not see how that is to be accomplished, if we are

defeated, and did I feel less confident of victory, and less fearful that

they _will not_ attack us, I should think the game as desperate for us as

for them. However, nothing can exceed the confidence and spirit of our

army, who are very well provided, while we know for certain the French

want entirely for bread, and must soon for meat. At present they have

enough. Their Officers tell them they are to be in Lisbon in a fortnight,

but the reports of their deserters, and their number, sufficiently prove

how little they are believed.

Trant and Genl. Miller and Colonel Wilson advanced suddenly with a large

body upon Coimbra, and took about 5000 sick and wounded, 80 Officers and

a whole company of the Marines of the Imperial guard, who have all except

about 200 arrived at Porto, and are long e’er this embarked. It was a

dashing movement which completely destroys the enemy’s communications

that way with Spain, and has spread the greatest terror and dismay in

the French Army, as well as great disgust at their sick being abandoned,

with so weak a garrison as 300 men. Many of these wretches must die and

have died. Such are the horrors of war, but one cannot pity them, when

we consider the enormities and cruelties they commit everywhere, where

they pass, they are a horde of the most savage Banditti, and, desperately

miserable themselves, they spread terror and desolation wherever they

approach.

We go every morning to a large work near Sobral, in which place they are,

and from whence we see almost all our own position, and what they are

about. Their posts are about ¼ mile from it, and close to ours. Junot’s

and Ney’s _Corps d’armée_ in our front in the different villages, but

most encamped near a large pine wood, and in it, about 3 miles in our

front. And this is their principal force, about 30 to 35,000 men; and

Regnier’s corps is on our right near the Tagus in front of Hill. Ld.

Wellington’s dispositions are very much approved by everybody, and said

to be masterly. As far as I can judge, I think so too.

The greatest cordiality exists between the Portuguese and English troops,

and they are so disposed as mutually to support and encourage each other,

without much being risked by their misconduct should it be so, which

nobody now fears, or could in justice the most captious, after the proofs

they have given of their courage and good will.

J. Croft came yesterday and shared my bearskin with me on the softest

straw I could procure, and this morning he rode at daybreak with me to

the Battery, where I showed him the lions. It was very interesting, as

there were several movements on the part of the enemy, who appeared to be

concentrating their force in the wood I before mentioned, and near it,

fronting our centre. But my own private opinion is that if they attack us

at all, they will attack the left.

Croft afterwards set off again for his son, and as I did not think I

should be able to get back again in time to write, I begged him to

mention that he had seen me and I was well. I have, however, fortunately

returned in time to write this hasty scrawl with a wretched pen and

greasy paper, which must excuse me with you for the difficulty you may

have in reading it.

I have received the second part of the translation on the Defence of

Portugal, but have not had time to read a line yet, for we breakfast at

½-past 4 and dine at six, which, with a good deal of riding, makes us

most ready to avail ourselves of all leisure moments to sleep.

Adieu. I hope my next may be to announce a most glorious victory, of

which I have not a doubt, whenever they attack us, and which from

circumstances I do not think they can long delay, and we are quite ready

to receive them.

Believe me, my dear Father, Ever most gratefully and most affectionately,

Yours,

WM. WARRE.

From some deserters from the enemy’s Cavalry who are come in we hear

that they are practising or rather drilling their men to charge with

the bayonet. It is rather ridiculous at this time of day, after pompous

boasting of having carried everything at the points of their bayonets.

They cannot drill their hearts and minds, and we shall always beat them

at that work, as our fellows’ minds and nerves require no drilling.

* * * * *

FALMOUTH, _Nov. 14, 1810_.

MY DEAR FATHER,

I am very much afraid you will receive this letter before that I wrote

to go by last Packet, and which, owing to a provoking mistake, was left

behind and goes in this. By it you will see that after I rejoined the

Marshal my illness and pains returned with increased violence, and it

was intended to prepare you for what I feared would be the consequence,

my being forced to return home. But still I was most unwilling to quit

my post, and give up at such an interesting crisis, the chance of an

opportunity of making myself known. And this made me bear for upwards of

a fortnight the torture of laying on the ground with but little comfort

and less rest. It could not, however, last long, and my horse falling

with me and on my bad leg and bruising it, forced me to go to Lisbon,

and have a consultation on my case, when after some deliberation it was

determined that I should go home, and I accordingly embarked on board

the _Walsingham_ Packet, and after a very rough and tiresome voyage of

10 days, we are at length arrived at this place, at which I shall be

forced to delay a day or two before I can venture to travel. When I came

on board I was almost a cripple, and suffered an agony of pain beyond

anything I can describe. However I have, thank God, for the last two or

three nights been able to sleep a little, though I am very weak, and the

cold pinches me much. By avoiding with great care catching cold, and by

slow journeys, I trust when I arrive in London that I shall at least be

free from pain. I hope to be able to get to town in about 8 days or less,

if I find I can bear the journey well. Poor Ross is arrived with me and

will remain a few days. He is better, I think, considerably than when he

came on board, but still very weak and low. He goes to Bath, as soon as

he can travel. My last will give you all the news, since which things

remained _in statu quo_ when we sailed. The general opinion was that

Masséna was about to retreat. Loison’s division had passed the Zezere.

With most affecte. love, etc., etc., yr. affecte. son,

WM. WARRE.

* * * * *

HONITON, _Nov. 18, 1810_.

MY DEAR, DEAR FATHER,

I arrived at this place this evening after being three days on the road

since I left Falmouth, and most completely tired of Cornish moors and

Cornish travelling at 4½ miles an hour. I only reached Bodmin instead

of Launceston the first day, and Oakhampton on the next, and though I

intended to have remained this day at Exeter and rested, I resolved,

having lost a day, to push on, and, except I find myself unusually

unwell, shall proceed by short stages to London without halting an

entire day anywhere, and about the 22nd I hope to arrive. I am happy

to say I have borne the journey better than I expected notwithstanding

the weather, which has been much against me. I am, however, a good deal

fatigued, and it is not unlikely I may be forced to remain a day on the

road. I did not send you the reports by the _Stag_ merchant vessel from

Oporto, as considering dates and circumstances they appear to me quite

improbable, not to say quite impossible. That a battle took place so

that accounts reached Porto on the 7th is impossible, (as we sailed on

the 4th, and such a thing was not expected), except indeed we can do

away all improbabilities, those of the French attacking us, and then,

_en militaire_, I do believe their defeat inevitable, and that Ld. Wn.

attacked them I do not believe. Pray give my most affecte. love to my

beloved Mother, I am, etc., etc., Yr. ever affectionate son,

WM. WARRE.

1811.