Inquiry into the conduct of General Schuyler.... Burgoyne
appears before Ticonderoga.... Evacuation of that place,...
of Skeensborough.... Colonel Warner defeated.... Evacuation
of fort Anne.... Proclamation of Burgoyne....
Counter-proclamation of Schuyler.... Burgoyne approaches
fort Edward.... Schuyler retires to Saratoga,... to
Stillwater.... St. Leger invests fort Schuyler.... Herkimer
defeated.... Colonel Baum detached to Bennington.... is
defeated.... Breckman defeated.... St. Leger abandons the
siege of fort Schuyler.... Murder of Miss M'Crea.... General
Gates takes command.... Burgoyne encamps on the heights of
Saratoga.... Battle of Stillwater.... Burgoyne retreats to
Saratoga.... Capitulates.... The British take forts
Montgomery and Clinton.... The forts Independence and
Constitution evacuated by the Americans.... Ticonderoga
evacuated by the British.
{1777}
While, with inferior numbers, General Washington maintained a stubborn
contest in the middle states, events of great variety and importance
were passing in the north.
After Sir Guy Carleton had distributed his army, for winter quarters,
in the several villages from the Isle Aux Noix and Montreal to Quebec,
General Burgoyne, who had served under him, embarked for England, in
order to communicate a full statement of affairs in the northern
department; and to assist in making arrangements for the ensuing
campaign. The American army, having been formed for only one year,
dissolved of itself at the expiration of that term, and could scarcely
furnish even the appearance of garrisons in their forts.
The defence of this frontier was assigned to the regiments directed to
be raised in Massachusetts, New Hampshire, and the northwestern parts
of New York; but the recruiting service advanced so slowly, and so
much difficulty was found in clothing and arming those who were
enlisted, that it became indispensable to call in the aid of the
militia; and the plan of the campaign on the part of the British was
involved in so much obscurity that General Washington deemed it
adviseable to direct eight of the regiments of Massachusetts to
rendezvous at Peekskill.
[Sidenote: An inquiry into the conduct of General Schuyler, which
terminates to his honour.]
{May 22.}
The service of General Schuyler in the northern department had been
more solid than brilliant. Dissatisfied with his situation, and
disgusted with the injustice[77] he supposed himself to experience, he
had for some time meditated a resignation, and had been retained in
the service only by the deep interest he felt in the struggle of his
country for independence. So soon as his fears for Ticonderoga were
removed by the partial opening of Lake Champlain, he waited in person
on congress for the purpose of adjusting his accounts, obtaining an
inquiry into his conduct, and supporting those necessary measures of
defence in the north, which were suggested by his perfect knowledge of
the country. At his request, a committee, consisting of a member from
each state, was appointed to inquire into his conduct during the time
he had held a command in the army. The arduous services performed by
this meritorious officer, when investigated, were found so far to
exceed any estimate which had been made of them, that congress deemed
it essential to the public interest to prevail on him to retain his
commission. The resolution which fixed his head quarters at Albany was
repealed, and he was directed to proceed forthwith to the northern
department, and to take the command of it.
[Footnote 77: When the command of the operating army was
given to General Thomas in March 1776, the head quarters of
General Schuyler had been fixed by congress at Albany, and
that resolution remained in force. General Gates was now
directed to repair to Ticonderoga and take command of the
army; and Major General St. Clair was ordered to the same
place to serve under him.]
On his arrival, he found the army of the north not only too weak for
the objects entrusted to it, but badly supplied with arms, clothes,
and provisions. From a spy who had been seized near Onion River, he
obtained information that General Burgoyne was at Quebec, and was to
command the British forces in that department so soon as they should
march out of Canada. That while Ticonderoga should be attacked by the
main army, Sir John Johnson, with a strong body of British, Canadians,
and Indians, was to penetrate to the Mohawk by Oswego, and place
himself between fort Stanwix and fort Edward.
[Sidenote: Burgoyne appears before Ticonderoga.]
General Schuyler was sensible of the danger which threatened him, and
made every exertion to meet it. After completing his arrangements at
Ticonderoga for sustaining a siege, he had proceeded to Albany, for
the purpose of attending to his supplies, and of expediting the march
of reinforcements, when he received intelligence from General St.
Clair, who was entrusted with the defence of Ticonderoga, that
Burgoyne had appeared before that place.
In the course of the preceding winter, a plan for penetrating to the
Hudson, from Canada, by the way of the lakes, had been digested in the
cabinet of London. General Burgoyne, who assisted in forming it, was
entrusted with its execution, and was to lead a formidable army
against Ticonderoga as soon as the season would permit. At the same
time a smaller party under Colonel St. Leger, composed of Canadians,
newly raised Americans, and a few Europeans, aided by a powerful body
of Indians, was to march from Oswego, to enter the country by the way
of the Mohawk, and to join the grand army on the Hudson.
{January 22.}
Burgoyne reached Quebec as soon as it was practicable to sail up the
St. Lawrence, and appeared in full force on the river Bouquet, on the
western banks of lake Champlain, much earlier than the American
general had supposed to be possible. At this place he met the Indians
in a grand council, after which he gave them a war feast. Much of the
cruelty afterwards perpetrated by the savages has been attributed to
this unfortunate officer; but justice requires the admission that his
speech was calculated rather to diminish than increase their habitual
ferocity. He endeavoured to impress on them the distinction between
enemies in the field, and the unarmed inhabitants, many of whom were
friends; and, addressing himself to their avarice, promised rewards
for prisoners, but none for scalps. It was perhaps fortunate for
America, that, in some instances, peculiarly calculated to excite and
interest the human feelings, these feeble restraints were disregarded.
After publishing a manifesto at Putnam River, designed to act on the
hopes and fears of the people of the country through which he was to
pass, he halted a few days at Crown Point, to make the necessary
dispositions for investing Ticonderoga.
{June 30.}
{July 1.}
From Crown Point, the royal army advanced on both sides the lake,
keeping up a communication between its divisions, by means of the
fleet; and on the 1st of July encamped within four miles of the
American works. A strong party was pushed forward to Three Mile Point;
and the fleet anchored just beyond the range of the guns of the fort.
The next day they took possession, without opposition, of the
important post at Mount Hope, which commanded, in part, the lines on
the northern side, and entirely cut off the communication with lake
George.
The weakness of his garrison induced General St. Clair to give up this
post without a struggle. Believing it to be impracticable to support
it without hazarding a general action, he determined to concentrate
his force about Ticonderoga and Mount Independence.
After taking possession of Mount Hope, the British lines were extended
on the western side of Champlain, from the mountain quite to the lake,
so as completely to inclose the garrison on that side. The German
division under Major General Reidisel, which occupied the eastern
shore of the lake, was encamped at Three Mile Point, and had pushed
forward a detachment near the rivulet, which runs east of Mount
Independence.
{July.}
The besiegers laboured assiduously to bring up their artillery and
complete their works. Sugar Hill, a rugged mountain standing at the
confluence of the waters that unite at Ticonderoga, which overlooks
the fortress and had been thought inaccessible, was examined; and the
report being that the ascent, though extremely difficult, was
practicable, the work was immediately commenced, and was pressed with
so much vigour that the batteries might have opened next day. The
garrison was not in a condition to check these operations.
The situation of St. Clair was now at its crisis. Only the ground
between the Eastern run and the South River remained open; and this he
was informed would be occupied the next day, so that the investment
would be complete. The place must be immediately evacuated, or
maintained at the hazard of losing the garrison when it should be no
longer tenable.
Between these cruel alternations, General St. Clair did not hesitate
to choose the first; but deeming it prudent to take the advice of a
council of war, he convened the general officers, who unanimously
advised the immediate evacuation of the fort.
[Sidenote: Evacuation of Ticonderoga and Mount Independence.]
{July 5.}
Preparations for the retreat were instantly commenced. The invalids,
the hospital, and such stores as could be moved in the course of the
night, were put on board the batteaux, which proceeded under the guard
of Colonel Long, up the South River to Skeensborough; and, before day
on the morning of the 6th of July, the main body of the army directed
its march to the same place.
In the hope of making considerable progress before his retreat should
be discovered, General St. Clair had ordered the troops to observe the
most profound silence, and, particularly, to set nothing on fire.
These judicious orders were disobeyed; and, before the rear guard was
in motion, the house which had been occupied by General De Fermoy was
in flames. This served as a signal to the besiegers, who immediately
entered the works. The main body of the retreating army was rapidly
pursued by Generals Frazer and Reidisel, while General Burgoyne, in
person, followed the detachment under Colonel Long.
{July 6.}
The bridge, the boom, and those other works, the construction of which
had employed the labour of ten months, were cut through by nine in the
morning, so as to afford a passage for the Royal George and Inflexible
frigates, as well as for the gun boats, which engaged the American
galleys, about three in the afternoon, near the falls of
Skeensborough.
[Sidenote: The American army evacuate Skeensborough and retire to fort
Anne.]
In the mean time, three regiments had disembarked at some distance
from the fort, with the intention of attacking it by land, and cutting
off the retreat of the garrison, as well as that of the detachment in
the boats and galleys. This manoeuvre being discovered, the works and
batteaux were set on fire, and the troops retired to fort Anne. On
this occasion, the baggage of the army, and a great quantity of
military stores, were either destroyed by the Americans, or taken by
the British.
Knowing that he could save his army only by the rapidity of his march,
General St. Clair reached Castletown, thirty miles from Ticonderoga,
on the night succeeding the evacuation of the fort. The rear guard
under Colonel Warner halted six miles short of that place. Having been
augmented by those who from excessive fatigue had fallen out of the
line of march, it amounted to rather more than one thousand men.
{July 7.}
[Sidenote: Colonel Warner attacked by General Frazer and obliged to
retreat.]
The next morning at five, they were overtaken and attacked by General
Frazer with eight hundred and fifty men. The action was warm and well
contested. In its commencement, two regiments of militia, which lay
within two miles of Colonel Warner, were ordered to his assistance.
Instead of obeying these orders, they consulted their own safety, and
hastened to Castletown. Had these orders been executed, the corps
which attacked Warner would probably have been cut to pieces. While
the action was maintained with equal spirit on both sides, General
Reidisel arrived with his division of Germans, and the Americans were
routed.
In this action, Colonel Francis, several other officers, and upwards
of two hundred men were left dead on the field; and one colonel, seven
captains, ten subalterns, and two hundred and ten privates were made
prisoners. Near six hundred are supposed to have been wounded, many of
whom must have perished in attempting to escape through the woods
towards the inhabited country. The British state their own loss at
thirty-five killed, among whom was one field officer, and one hundred
and forty-four wounded, including two majors, and five inferior
officers. It is scarcely credible, notwithstanding the difference in
arms, that in a well contested action, the disparity in the killed
could have been so considerable. It is the less probable, as the
pursuit was not of long continuance.
To avoid that division of the British army which had proceeded up the
North River, St. Clair changed his route; and directed his march to
Rutland, to which place he ordered Warner also to retire. At Rutland
he fell in with several soldiers who had been separated from their
corps, and, two days afterwards, at Manchester, was joined by Warner
with about ninety men. From this place he proceeded to fort Edward,
where he met General Schuyler.
After taking possession of Skeensborough, Burgoyne had found it
necessary to suspend the pursuit, and to give his army refreshment.
The troops were in some disorder; distinct corps were intermingled,
and his detachments were far apart from each other. He determined
therefore to halt a few days at that place, in order to reassemble and
arrange his army.
{July 7.}
[Sidenote: Colonel Long evacuates Fort Anne and retires to Fort
Edward.]
Colonel Long having been directed to defend fort Anne, the ninth
regiment of British, under Lieutenant Colonel Hill, had been detached
against that place. It being understood that the Americans were in
some force, two other regiments, under Brigadier Powell, were ordered
to support the first party. Before the arrival of this reinforcement,
Colonel Long attacked the ninth regiment, and a sharp skirmish ensued,
in which the British kept their ground, and the advantage was claimed
by both parties. Hearing that a reinforcement was approaching, Long
set fire to the works at fort Anne, and retired to fort Edward.
{July 7.}
At Stillwater, on his way to Ticonderoga, General Schuyler was
informed of the evacuation of that place; and, on the same day, at
Saratoga, of the loss of the stores at Skeensborough. He had heard
nothing from General St. Clair; and was seriously apprehensive for
that officer and his army, which, after the junction of Colonel Long,
consisted of about fifteen hundred continental troops, and the same
number of militia. They were dispirited by defeat, without tents,
badly armed, and had lost great part of their stores and baggage. The
country was generally much alarmed; and even the well affected
discovered more inclination to take care of themselves than to join
the army. In this gloomy state of things, no officer could have
exerted more diligence and skill than were displayed by Schuyler.
Having fixed his head quarters at fort Edward, he employed to the
utmost advantage the short respite from action which Burgoyne
unavoidably gave. The country between Skeensborough and fort Edward
was almost entirely unsettled, was covered with thick woods, and of a
surface extremely rough, and much intersected with creeks and
morasses. Wood creek was navigable with batteaux as far as fort Anne;
and military stores of every description might be transported up it.
He obstructed its navigation by sinking numerous impediments in its
course, broke up the bridges, and rendered the roads impassable. He
was also indefatigable in driving the live stock out of the way, and
in bringing from fort George to fort Edward, the ammunition and other
military stores which had been deposited at that place. Still farther
to delay the movements of the British, he posted Colonel Warner on
their left flank, with instructions to raise the militia in that
quarter. The hope was entertained, that the appearance of a
respectable force, threatening the flank and rear of the invading
army, would not only retard its advance, but would induce General
Burgoyne to weaken it, in order to strengthen the garrison of
Ticonderoga.
While thus endeavoring to obstruct the march of the enemy, Schuyler
was not less attentive to the best means of strengthening his own
army. Reinforcements of regular troops were earnestly solicited; the
militia of New England and New York were required to take the field,
and all his influence in the surrounding country was exerted to
reanimate the people, and to prevent their defection from the American
cause.
[Sidenote: Proclamation of Burgoyne and counter-proclamation of
Schuyler.]
While at Skeensborough General Burgoyne issued a second
proclamation[78] summoning the people of the adjacent country to send
ten deputies from each township to meet Colonel Skeene at Castletown,
in order to deliberate on such measures as might still be adopted to
save those who had not yet conformed to his first, and submitted to
the royal authority. General Schuyler apprehending some effect from
this paper, issued a counter proclamation, stating the insidious
designs of the enemy. Warning the inhabitants, by the example of
Jersey, of the danger to which their yielding to this seductive
proposition would expose them, and giving them the most solemn
assurances that all who should send deputies to this meeting, or in
any manner aid the enemy, would be considered traitors, and should
suffer the utmost rigour of the law.
[Footnote 78: Remem.]
The evacuation of Ticonderoga was a shock for which no part of the
United States was prepared. Neither the strength of the invading army,
nor of the garrison had been understood. When therefore intelligence
was received that a place, on the fortifications of which much money
and labour had been expended, which was considered as the key to the
whole northwestern country, and supposed to contain a garrison nearly
equal to the invading army, had been abandoned without a siege; that
an immense train of artillery, and all the military stores, had either
fallen into the hands of the enemy, or been destroyed; that the army,
on its retreat, had been attacked, defeated, and dispersed;
astonishment pervaded all ranks of men; and the conduct of the
officers was universally condemned. Congress recalled all the generals
of the department, and directed an inquiry into their conduct.
Throughout New England especially, the most bitter aspersions were
cast on them and General Schuyler, who, from some unknown cause, had
never been viewed with favour in that part of the continent, was
involved in the common charge of treachery, to which this accumulation
of unlooked-for calamity was generally attributed by the mass of the
people.
On the representations of General Washington, the recall of the
officers was suspended, until he should be of opinion that the service
would not suffer by the measure; and, on a full inquiry afterwards
made into their conduct, they were acquitted of all blame.
In a letter of St. Clair to the Commander-in-chief, stating his
motives for evacuating Ticonderoga, he represented the strength of his
garrison, including nine hundred militia, who would consent to stay
but a few days, at only three thousand effective rank and file, many
of whom were without bayonets. The lines required ten thousand to man
them properly. He also affirmed, that his supply of provisions was
sufficient for only twenty days, and that the works on the Ticonderoga
side were incomplete, with their flanks undefended. He justified his
having failed to call in a larger reinforcement of militia, by the
scarcity of provisions, the supply on hand not having been procured
until General Schuyler had resumed the command in the department; and
attributed his not having evacuated the place in time to preserve his
army and stores, to the prevalent opinion that there was not a
sufficient force in Canada to attempt so hardy an enterprise, and to
his not being at liberty to adopt that measure but in the last
necessity.
A court of inquiry justified his conduct, and he retained the
confidence of the Commander-in-chief.
On learning the distressed state of the remnant of the army, General
Washington made great exertions to repair its losses, and to reinforce
it. The utmost industry was used to procure a supply of tents;
artillery and ammunition were forwarded from Massachusetts; the
remaining troops of that state were ordered to that department; and
General Lincoln, who possessed, in a high degree, the confidence of
the New England militia, was directed to raise and command them.
General Arnold, so often distinguished for his gallantry in the field,
was ordered to the northern army, in the hope that his presence and
reputation might reanimate the troops; and Colonel Morgan, with his
corps of riflemen, was detached on the same service. Through the
present dark gloom, Washington discerned a ray of light, and already
cherished the hope that much good might result from present evil. "The
evacuation of Ticonderoga and Mount Independence," said he in a letter
of the 15th of July, to General Schuyler, "is an event of chagrin and
surprise, not apprehended, nor within the compass of my reasoning.
This stroke is severe indeed, and has distressed us much. But,
notwithstanding, things at present wear a dark and gloomy aspect, I
hope a spirited opposition will check the progress of General
Burgoyne's arms, and that the confidence derived from success will
hurry him into measures that will, in their consequences, be
favourable to us. We should never despair. Our situation has before
been unpromising, and has changed for the better. So, I trust, it will
again. If new difficulties arise, we must only put forth new
exertions, and proportion our efforts to the exigency of the times."
On receiving a letter from General Schuyler of the seventeenth,
stating the divided situation of the British army, he seemed to
anticipate the event which afterwards occurred, and to suggest the
measure in which originated that torrent of misfortune with which
Burgoyne was overwhelmed. "Though our affairs," he said in reply to
this information, "have for some days past worn a dark and gloomy
aspect, I yet look forward to a fortunate and happy change. I trust
General Burgoyne's army will meet, sooner or later, an effectual
check; and, as I suggested before, that the success he has met with
will precipitate his ruin. From your accounts, he appears to be
pursuing that line of conduct which, of all others, is most favourable
to us. I mean acting in detachment. This conduct will certainly give
room for enterprise on our part, and expose his parties to great
hazard. Could we be so happy as to cut one of them off, though it
should not exceed four, five, or six hundred men, it would inspirit
the people, and do away much of their present anxiety. In such an
event, they would lose sight of past misfortunes; and, urged at the
same time by a regard for their own security, would fly to arms, and
afford every aid in their power."
After allowing a short repose to his army, General Burgoyne proceeded
with ardour to the remaining objects of the campaign. The toils and
delays which must be encountered in reaching the Hudson were soon
perceived. He found it necessary to open Wood creek, and to repair the
roads and bridges which Schuyler had broken up. Such was the
unavoidable delay of this difficult operation, that the army did not
arrive on the Hudson, in the neighbourhood of fort Edward, till the
fourteenth of July. At this place it was necessary again to halt, in
order to bring artillery, provisions, batteaux, and other articles
from fort George.
[Sidenote: Burgoyne approaches Fort Edward and Schuyler retires to
Saratoga.]
[Sidenote: From thence to Stillwater.]
The time afforded by this delay had been employed by Schuyler to the
utmost advantage. Some reinforcements of continental troops had
arrived from Peekskill, and the militia had been assembled; but his
strength did not yet afford a reasonable prospect of success in a
contest with the enemy opposed to him. On this account, as Burgoyne
approached fort Edward, Schuyler retired over the Hudson to Saratoga,
and soon afterwards to Stillwater, not far from the mouth of the
Mohawk. At this place, General Lincoln, who had been detached to take
command of the militia assembling at Manchester, was ordered to rejoin
him, and he fortified his camp in the hope of being strong enough to
defend it.
{August 15}
At Stillwater, information was obtained that Burgoyne had evacuated
Castletown; so that the only communication with Ticonderoga, whence
nearly all his supplies were drawn, was through Lake George; and that
the garrison of that important place had been reduced to three hundred
men. In consequence of this intelligence, the orders to General
Lincoln were countermanded, and he was directed with the militia of
Massachusetts, New Hampshire, and of the Grants, making, as was
understood, a total of between two and three thousand men, to place
himself in the rear of the British army, and cut off its communication
with the lakes. Here too he was informed that Colonel St. Leger, with
a large body of Indians, in addition to his regulars, had penetrated
from Oswego, by the way of the Oneida lake and Wood creek, to the
Mohawk, where he had laid siege to fort Schuyler, and had totally
defeated General Herkimer, who had raised the militia of Tryon county,
in order to relieve the fort. The importance of protecting the
inhabitants from the savages, and of preventing a junction between St.
Leger and Burgoyne, and the consequent loss of the country on the
Mohawk, determined Schuyler, weak as he was, to detach Major General
Arnold with three continental regiments to raise the siege. The army
was so enfeebled by this measure, that its removal to a place of
greater security became necessary, and it was withdrawn to some
islands in the confluence of the Hudson and the Mohawk, where the camp
was deemed more defensible. Burgoyne had now marched down the east
side of the Hudson, and his advanced parties had crossed the river,
and occupied the ground at Saratoga.
[Sidenote: St. Leger invests Fort Schuyler.]
On the 3d of August, after a message vaunting of his strength, and
demanding a surrender, which was answered by a declaration that the
fort would be defended to the last extremity, St. Leger invested fort
Schuyler. The garrison amounted to six hundred men, all continental
troops, who were commanded by Colonel Gansevoort. The besieging army
rather exceeded fifteen hundred, of whom from six to nine hundred were
Indians.
On the approach of the enemy, General Herkimer, who commanded the
militia of Tryon county, assembled them in considerable numbers, and
gave information to the garrison, about eleven in the morning of the
sixth, of his intention to force a passage that day through the
besieging army. Gansevoort determined to favour the execution of this
design by a vigorous sortie; and upwards of two hundred men, to be
commanded by Lieutenant Colonel Willet, were drawn out for that
purpose.
[Sidenote: Herkimer, advancing to the relief of the fort, falls into
an ambuscade, and is defeated with loss.]
Unfortunately St. Leger received information the preceding day of
Herkimer's approach, and, early in the morning, placed a strong party,
composed of regulars and Indians, in ambuscade on the road along which
he was to march. His first notice of it was given by a heavy discharge
of small arms, which was followed by a furious attack from the Indians
with their tomahawks. He defended himself with resolution; but was
defeated with great slaughter. The general and several of the field
officers were wounded; and many others, among whom were several
persons of distinction, were killed or taken prisoners. The loss was
estimated at four hundred men. The destruction was prevented from
being still more complete, by the very timely sortie made by
Lieutenant Colonel Willet, which checked the pursuit, and recalled
those engaged in it to the defence of their own camp.
As soon as Gansevoort understood that Herkimer was advancing, the
sortie which he had planned was made. Lieutenant Colonel Willet fell
on the camp of the besiegers, and routed them at the first onset.
After driving them, some into the woods, and others over the river, he
returned to the fort without the loss of a man.
Burgoyne had received early intimation of the arrival of St. Leger
before fort Schuyler; and was aware of the advantage to be derived
from an immediate and rapid movement down the Hudson. But the
obstacles to his progress multiplied daily, and each step produced new
embarrassments. Not more than one-third of the horses expected from
Canada had arrived; and Schuyler had been active in removing the draft
cattle of the country. With unremitting exertion, he had been able to
transport from fort George to the Hudson, a distance of eighteen
miles, only twelve batteaux, and provisions for four days in advance.
The defectiveness of his means to feed his army until it should reach
the abundant country below him, presented an impediment to his farther
progress, not readily to be surmounted. The difficulty of drawing
supplies from fort George would increase every day with the increasing
distance; and the communications, already endangered by a considerable
body of militia assembling at White Creek, could be secured only by
larger detachments from his army than he was in a condition to make.
These were strong inducements to attempt some other mode of supply.
[Sidenote: Colonel Baum is detached to seize the magazines at
Bennington.]
It was well known that large magazines of provisions for the use of
the American army were collected at Bennington, which place was
generally guarded by militia, whose numbers varied from day to day.
The possession of these magazines would enable him to prosecute his
ulterior plans without relying for supplies from Lake George; and he
determined to seize them.
To try the affections of the country, to complete a corps of
loyalists, and to mount Reidisel's dragoons, were subordinate objects
of the expedition.[79] Lieutenant Colonel Baum with five hundred
Europeans, and a body of American loyalists, was detached on this
service.
[Footnote 79: Letter of Burgoyne.]
To facilitate the enterprise, and be ready to take advantage of its
success, Burgoyne moved down the east side of the Hudson, and threw a
bridge of rafts over that river for the passage of his van, which took
post at Saratoga. At the same time Lieutenant Colonel Brechman, with
his corps, was advanced to Batten Hill, in order, if necessary, to
support Colonel Baum.[80]
[Footnote 80: Letter of Burgoyne.]
On approaching Bennington, Baum discovered that he should have to
encounter a much more considerable force than had been suspected. The
New Hampshire militia, commanded by General Starke, had reached that
place on their way to camp; and, uniting with Colonel Warner, made in
the whole about two thousand men.
Perceiving his danger, Baum halted about four miles from Bennington,
and despatched an express for a reinforcement. In the mean time, he
strengthened his position by intrenchments.
Lieutenant Colonel Brechman was immediately ordered to his assistance;
but, such was the state of the roads that, though the distance was
only twenty-four miles, and his march was pressed unremittingly from
eight in the morning of the 15th, he did not reach the ground on which
Baum had encamped, until four in the afternoon of the next day.[81]
[Footnote 81: Ibid.]
[Sidenote: Is attacked in his intrenchments by General Starke, and
entirely routed.]
In the mean time, General Starke determined to attack him in his
intrenchments. So confident were the provincials belonging to this
party, of the attachment of the country to the royal cause, that the
American troops, while making their dispositions for the attack, were
mistaken for armed friends coming to join them. On discovering his
error, Baum prepared for the contest, and made a gallant defence. His
works however were carried by storm, and great part of his detachment
killed, or taken prisoners. A few escaped into the woods, and saved
themselves by flight.
[Sidenote: Brechman advances to Baum's aid, is attacked by Colonel
Warner, and defeated.]
Brechman arrived during the pursuit, and obtained from the fugitives,
the first intelligence of the disaster which had befallen them. He
immediately attacked the parties of militia who were engaged in the
pursuit, and gained some advantage over them. Fortunately for the
Americans, Colonel Warner[82] came up at this critical juncture with
his continental regiment, and restored, and continued the action,
until the main body of the militia re-assembled, and came to support
him. Brechman in turn was compelled to retire; but he maintained the
engagement until dark, when, abandoning his artillery and baggage, he
saved his party under cover of the night.
[Footnote 82: Gordon.]
One thousand stand of arms, and nine hundred swords were taken in this
battle. General Burgoyne represented his loss in men at about four
hundred; but thirty-two officers, and five hundred and sixty-four
privates, including Canadians and loyalists, were made prisoners. The
number of the dead was not ascertained, because the action with
Brechman had been fought in the woods, and been continued for several
miles.
The British general therefore must have included in his estimate of
loss, only his European troops.
This important success was soon followed by another of equal influence
on the fate of the campaign.
Fort Schuyler had been fortified with more skill, and was defended
with more courage, than St. Leger had expected. His artillery made no
impression on its walls; and his Indians, who were much better pleased
with obtaining plunder and scalps, than besieging fortresses, became
intractable, and manifested great disgust with the service. In this
temper, they understood that Arnold was advancing with a large body of
continental troops; and, soon afterwards were told that Burgoyne and
his army had been totally defeated; a report probably founded on the
affair at Bennington. Unwilling to share the misfortune of their
friends, they manifested a determination not to await the arrival of
Arnold. The efforts of St. Leger to detain them being ineffectual,
many of them decamped immediately, and the rest threatened to follow.
[Sidenote: St. Leger abandons the siege of Fort Schuyler, and retreats
to Ticonderoga.]
The time for deliberation was past. The camp was broken up with
indications of excessive alarm. The tents were left standing; and the
artillery, with great part of the baggage, ammunition, and provisions,
fell into the hands of the Americans. The retreating army was pursued
by a detachment from the garrison; and it was stated by deserters,
that the Indians plundered the remaining baggage of the officers, and
massacred such soldiers as could not keep up with the line of march.
St. Leger returned to Montreal, whence he proceeded to Ticonderoga,
with the intention of joining General Burgoyne by that route.
The decisive victory at Bennington, and the retreat of St. Leger from
fort Schuyler, however important in themselves, were still more so in
their consequences. An army, which had spread terror and dismay in
every direction, which had, previously, experienced no reverse of
fortune, was considered as already beaten; and the opinion became
common, that the appearance of the great body of the people in arms,
would secure the emancipation of their country. It was too an
advantage of no inconsiderable importance resulting from this change
of public opinion, that the disaffected became timid, and the wavering
who, had the torrent of success continued, would have made a merit of
contributing their aid to the victor, were no longer disposed to put
themselves and their fortunes in hazard, to support an army whose fate
was so uncertain.
The barbarities which had been perpetrated by the Indians belonging to
the invading armies, excited still more resentment than terror. As the
prospect of revenge began to open, their effect became the more
apparent; and their influence on the royal cause was the more sensibly
felt because they had been indiscriminate.
[Sidenote: The murder of Miss M'Crea.]
The murder of Miss M'Crea passed through all the papers of the
continent: and the story, being retouched by the hand of more than one
master, excited a peculiar degree of sensibility.[83] But there were
other causes of still greater influence in producing the events which
afterwards took place. The last reinforcements of continental troops
arrived in camp about this time, and added both courage and strength
to the army. The harvest, which had detained the northern militia upon
their farms, was over; and General Schuyler, whose continued and
eminent services had not exempted him from the imputation of being a
traitor, was succeeded by General Gates, who possessed a large share
of the public confidence.
[Footnote 83: See note No. IX. at the end of the volume.]
[Sidenote: General Gates takes command of the Northern Army.]
When Schuyler was directed by congress to resume the command of the
northern department, Gates withdrew himself from it. When the
resolution passed recalling the general officers who had served in
that department, General Washington was requested to name a successor
to Schuyler. On his expressing a wish to decline this nomination, and
representing the inconvenience of removing all the general officers,
Gates was again directed to repair thither and take the command, and
their resolution to recall the brigadiers was suspended until the
Commander-in-chief should be of opinion that it might be carried into
effect with safety.
Schuyler retained the command until the arrival of Gates, which was on
the 19th of August, and continued his exertions to restore the affairs
of the department, though he felt acutely the disgrace of being
recalled in this critical and interesting state of the campaign. "It
is," said he, in a letter to the Commander-in-chief, "matter of
extreme chagrin to me to be deprived of the command at a time when,
soon if ever, we shall probably be enabled to face the enemy; when we
are on the point of taking ground[84] where they must attack to a
disadvantage, should our force be inadequate to facing them in the
field; when an opportunity will, in all probability, occur, in which I
might evince that I am not what congress have too plainly insinuated
by taking the command from me."
[Footnote 84: The islands in the mouth of the Mohawk.]
If error be attributable to the evacuation of Ticonderoga, no portion
of it was committed by Schuyler. His removal from the command was
probably severe and unjust as respected himself; but perhaps wise as
respected America. The frontier towards the lakes was to be defended
by the troops of New England; and, however unfounded their prejudices
against him might be, it was prudent to consult them.
Notwithstanding the difficulties which multiplied around him, Burgoyne
remained steady to his purpose. The disasters at Bennington and on the
Mohawk produced no disposition to abandon the enterprise and save his
army.
{September 14.}
[Sidenote: Burgoyne encamps on the heights of Saratoga.]
It had now become necessary to recur to the slow and toilsome mode of
obtaining supplies from fort George. Having, with persevering labour,
collected provision for thirty days in advance, he crossed the Hudson
on the 13th and 14th of September, and encamped on the heights and
plains of Saratoga, with a determination to decide the fate of the
expedition in a general engagement.
General Gates, having been joined by all the continental troops
destined for the northern department, and reinforced by large bodies
of militia, had moved from his camp in the islands, and advanced to
the neighbourhood of Stillwater.
[Sidenote: He attacks Gates at Stillwater.]
{September 19.}
The bridges between the two armies having been broken down, the roads
being excessively bad, and the country covered with wood, the progress
of the British army down the river was slow. On the night of the 17th,
Burgoyne encamped within four miles of the American army, and the next
day was employed in repairing the bridges between the two camps.[85]
In the morning of the 19th he advanced in full force towards the
American left. Morgan was immediately detached with his corps to
observe the enemy, and to harass his front and flanks. He fell in with
a picket in front of the right wing, which he attacked with vivacity,
and drove in upon the main body. Pursuing with too much ardour, he was
met in considerable force, and, after a severe encounter, was
compelled, in turn, to retire in some disorder. Two regiments being
advanced to his assistance, his corps was rallied, and the action
became more general. The Americans were formed in a wood, with an open
field in front, and invariably repulsed the British corps which
attacked them; but when they pursued those corps to the main body,
they were in turn driven back to their first ground. Reinforcements
were continually brought up, and about four in the afternoon, upwards
of three thousand American troops[86] were closely engaged with the
whole right wing of the British army commanded by General Burgoyne in
person. The conflict was extremely severe, and only terminated with
the day. At dark, the Americans retired to their camp, and the
British, who had found great difficulty in maintaining their ground,
lay all night on their arms near the field of battle.
[Footnote 85: Letter of Burgoyne.]
[Footnote 86: The accounts of the day stated that the
Americans were commanded by General Arnold, but General
Wilkinson says that no general officer was in the field.]
In this action the killed and wounded on the part of the Americans
were between three and four hundred. Among the former were Colonels
Coburn and Adams, and several other valuable officers. The British
loss has been estimated at rather more than five hundred men.
Each army claimed the victory; and each believed itself to have beaten
near the whole of the hostile army with only a part of its own force.
The advantage, however, taking all circumstances into consideration,
was decidedly with the Americans. In a conflict which nearly consumed
the day, they found themselves at least equal to their antagonists. In
every quarter they had acted on the offensive; and, after an encounter
for several hours, had not lost an inch of ground. They had not been
driven from the field, but had retired from it at the close of day, to
the camp from which they had marched to battle. Their object, which
was to check the advancing enemy, had been obtained; while that of the
British general had failed. In the actual state of things, to fight
without being beaten was, on their part, victory; while, on the part
of the British, to fight without a decisive victory, was defeat. The
Indians, who found themselves beaten in the woods by Morgan, and
restrained from scalping and plundering the unarmed by Burgoyne, who
saw before them the prospect of hard fighting without profit, grew
tired of the service, and deserted in great numbers. The Canadians and
Provincials were not much more faithful; and Burgoyne soon perceived
that his hopes must rest almost entirely on his European troops.
With reason, therefore, this action was celebrated throughout the
United States as a victory, and considered as the precursor of the
total ruin of the invading army. The utmost exultation was displayed,
and the militia were stimulated to fly to arms, and complete the work
so happily begun.
General Lincoln, in conformity with directions which have been stated,
had assembled a considerable body of New England militia in the rear
of Burgoyne, from which he drew three parties of about five hundred
men each. One of these was detached under the command of Colonel
Brown, to the north end of Lake George, principally to relieve a
number of prisoners who were confined there, but with orders to push
his success, should he be fortunate, as far as prudence would admit.
Colonel Johnson, at the head of another party, marched towards Mount
Independence, and Colonel Woodbury, with a third, was detached to
Skeensborough to cover the retreat of both the others. With the
residue, Lincoln proceeded to the camp of Gates.
Colonel Brown, after marching all night, arrived, at the break of day,
on the north end of the lake, where he found a small post which he
carried without opposition. The surprise was complete; and he took
possession of Mount Defiance, Mount Hope, the landing place, and about
two hundred batteaux. With the loss of only three killed and five
wounded, he liberated one hundred American prisoners, and captured two
hundred and ninety-three of the enemy. This success was joyfully
proclaimed through the northern states. It was believed confidently
that Ticonderoga and Mount Independence were recovered; and the
militia were exhorted, by joining their brethren in the army, to
insure that event if it had not already happened.
The attempt on those places however failed. The garrison repulsed the
assailants; who, after a few days, abandoned the siege. On their
return through Lake George in the vessels they had captured, the
militia made an attack on Diamond Island, the depot of all the stores
collected at the north end of the lake. Being again repulsed, they
destroyed the vessels they had taken, and returned to their former
station.[87]
[Footnote 87: Remem.]
{September 21.}
The day after the battle of Stillwater, General Burgoyne took a
position almost within cannon shot of the American camp, fortified his
right, and extended his left to the river. Directly after taking this
ground he received a letter from Sir Henry Clinton, informing him that
he should attack fort Montgomery about the 20th of September. The
messenger returned with information that Burgoyne was in extreme
difficulty, and would endeavour to wait for aid until the 12th of
October.[88]
[Footnote 88: Letter of Burgoyne.]
Both armies retained their position until the 7th of October.
Burgoyne, in the hope of being relieved by Sir Henry Clinton; and
Gates, in the confidence of growing stronger every day.
{October 7.}
Having received no farther intelligence from Sir Henry, and being
reduced to the necessity of diminishing the ration issued to his
soldiers, the British general determined to make one more trial of
strength with his adversary. In execution of this determination, he
drew out on his right fifteen hundred choice troops, whom he commanded
in person, assisted by Generals Philips, Reidisel, and Frazer.
The right wing was formed within three-quarters of a mile of the left
of the American camp; and a corps of rangers, Indians, and
provincials, was pushed on through secret paths, to show themselves in
its rear, and excite alarm in that quarter.[89]
[Footnote 89: Remem.]
These movements were perceived by General Gates, who determined to
attack their left, and, at the same time, to fall on their right
flank. Poor's brigade, and some regiments from New Hampshire, were
ordered to meet them in front; while Morgan with his rifle corps made
a circuit unperceived, and seized a very advantageous height covered
with wood on their right. As soon as it was supposed that Morgan had
gained the ground he intended to occupy, the attack was made in front
and on the left, in great force. At this critical moment Morgan poured
in a deadly and incessant fire on the front and right flank.
While the British right wing was thus closely pressed in front, and on
its flank, a distinct division of the American troops was ordered to
intercept its retreat to camp, and to separate it from the residue of
the army. Burgoyne perceived the danger of his situation, and ordered
the light infantry under General Frazer, with part of the 24th
regiment, to form a second line, in order to cover the light infantry
of the right, and secure a retreat. While this movement was in
progress, the left of the British right was forced from its ground,
and the light infantry was ordered to its aid. In the attempt to
execute this order, they were attacked by the rifle corps, with great
effect; and Frazer was mortally wounded. Overpowered by numbers, and
pressed on all sides by a superior weight of fire, Burgoyne, with
great difficulty, and with the loss of his field pieces, and great
part of his artillery corps, regained his camp. The Americans followed
close in his rear; and assaulted his works throughout their whole
extent. Towards the close of day, the intrenchments were forced on
their right; and General Arnold, with a few men, actually entered
their works; but his horse being killed under him, and himself
wounded, the troops were forced out of them; and it being nearly dark,
they desisted from the assault. The left of Arnold's division was
still more successful. Jackson's regiment of Massachusetts, then led
by Lieutenant Colonel Brooks, turned the right of the encampment, and
stormed the works occupied by the German reserve. Lieutenant Colonel
Brechman who commanded in them was killed, and the works were carried.
The orders given by Burgoyne to recover them were not executed; and
Brooks maintained the ground he had gained.
Darkness put an end to the action; and the Americans lay all night
with their arms in their hands, about half a mile from the British
lines, ready to renew the assault with the return of day. The
advantage they had gained was decisive. They had taken several pieces
of artillery, killed a great number of men, made upwards of two
hundred prisoners, among whom were several officers of distinction,
and had penetrated the lines in a part which exposed the whole to
considerable danger.
Unwilling to risk the events of the next day on the same ground,
Burgoyne changed his position in the course of the night, and drew his
whole army into a strong camp on the river heights, extending his
right up the river. This movement extricated him from the danger of
being attacked the ensuing morning by an enemy already in possession
of part of his works.
{October 8.}
General Gates perceived the strength of this position, and was not
disposed to hazard an assault. Aware of the critical situation of his
adversary, he detached a party higher up the Hudson for the purpose of
intercepting the British army on its retreat, while strong corps were
posted on the other side of the river to guard its passage.
[Sidenote: Retreats to Saratoga.]
This movement compelled Burgoyne again to change his position, and to
retire to Saratoga. About nine at night the retreat was commenced, and
was effected with the loss of his hospital, containing about three
hundred sick, and of several batteaux laden with provision and
baggage. On reaching the ground to be occupied, he found a strong
corps already intrenched on the opposite side of the river, prepared
to dispute its passage.
{October 10.}
From Saratoga, Burgoyne detached a company of artificers, under a
strong escort, to repair the roads and bridges towards fort Edward.
Scarcely had this detachment moved, when the Americans appeared in
force on the heights south of Saratoga creek, and made dispositions
which excited the apprehension of a design to cross it and attack his
camp. The Europeans escorting the artificers were recalled, and a
provincial corps, employed in the same service, being attacked by a
small party, ran away and left the workmen to shift for themselves.
No hope of repairing the roads remaining, it became impossible to move
the baggage and artillery.
The British army was now almost completely environed by a superior
force. No means remained of extricating itself from difficulties and
dangers which were continually increasing, but fording a river, on the
opposite bank of which a formidable body of troops was already posted;
and then escaping to fort George, through roads impassable by
artillery or wagons, while its rear was closely pressed by a
victorious enemy.[90]
[Footnote 90: Mr. Gordon, in his history of the war, states
himself to have received from General Glover an anecdote,
showing, that all these advantages were on the point of
being exposed to imminent hazard. "On the morning of the
eleventh, Gates called the general officers together, and
informed them of his having received certain intelligence,
which might be depended upon, that the main body of
Burgoyne's army was marched off for fort Edward with what
they could take; and that the rear guard only was left in
the camp, who, after awhile, were to push off as fast as
possible, leaving the heavy baggage behind. On this it was
concluded to advance and attack the camp in half an hour.
The officers repaired immediately to their respective
commands. General Nixon's being the eldest brigade, crossed
the Saratoga creek first. Unknown to the Americans, Burgoyne
had a line formed behind a parcel of brush-wood, to support
the park of artillery where the attack was to be made.
General Glover was upon the point of following Nixon. Just
as he entered the water, he saw a British soldier making
across, whom he called and examined." This soldier was a
deserter, and communicated the very important fact that the
whole British army were in their encampment. Nixon was
immediately stopped: and the intelligence conveyed to Gates,
who countermanded his orders for the assault, and called
back his troops, not without sustaining some loss from the
British artillery.
Gordon is confirmed by General Wilkinson, who was adjutant
general in the American army. The narrative of the general
varies from that of Gordon only in minor circumstances.]
A council of general officers called to deliberate on their situation,
took the bold resolution to abandon every thing but their arms and
such provisions as the soldiers could carry; and, by a forced march in
the night up the river, to extricate themselves from the American
army; and crossing at fort Edward, or at a ford above it, to press on
to fort George.
Gates had foreseen this movement, and had prepared for it. In addition
to placing strong guards at the fords of the Hudson, he had formed an
intrenched camp on the high grounds between fort Edward and fort
George. The scouts sent to examine the route returned with this
information, and the plan was abandoned as impracticable.
Nothing could be more hopeless than the condition of the British army,
or more desperate than that of their general, as described by himself.
In his letter to Lord George Germain, secretary of state for American
affairs, he says, "A series of hard toil, incessant effort, stubborn
action, until disabled in the collateral branches of the army by the
total defection of the Indians; the desertion, or timidity of the
Canadians and provincials, some individuals excepted; disappointed in
the last hope of any co-operation from other armies; the regular
troops reduced by losses from the best parts, to three thousand five
hundred fighting men, not two thousand of which were British; only
three days provisions, upon short allowance, in store; invested by an
army of sixteen thousand men; and no appearance of retreat remaining;
I called into council all the generals, field officers, and captains
commanding corps, and by their unanimous concurrence and advice, I was
induced to open a treaty with Major General Gates."
A treaty was opened with a general proposition, stating the
willingness of the British general to spare the further effusion of
blood, provided a negotiation could be effected on honourable terms.
[Sidenote: Surrender of the army under Burgoyne.]
{October 17.}
This proposition was answered by a demand that the whole army should
ground their arms in their encampment, and surrender themselves
prisoners of war. This demand was instantly rejected, with a
declaration that if General Gates designed to insist on it, the
negotiation must immediately break off, and hostilities recommence. On
receiving this decided answer, Gates receded from the rigorous terms
at first proposed; and a convention was signed, in which it was agreed
that the British army, after marching out of their encampment with all
the honours of war, should lay down their arms, and not serve against
the United States till exchanged. They were not to be detained in
captivity, but to be permitted to embark for England.
The situation of the armies considered,[91] these terms were highly
honourable to the British general, and favourable to his nation. They
were probably more advantageous than would have been granted by
General Gates, had he entertained no apprehension from Sir Henry
Clinton, who was, at length, making the promised diversion on the
North River, up which he had penetrated as far as Æsopus.
[Footnote 91: The American army consisted of nine thousand
and ninety-three continental troops. The number of the
militia fluctuated; but amounted, at the signature of the
convention, to four thousand one hundred and twenty-nine.
The sick exceeded two thousand five hundred men.]
The drafts made from Peekskill for both armies had left that post in a
situation to require the aid of militia for its security. The
requisitions of General Putnam were complied with; but the attack upon
them being delayed, the militia, who were anxious to seed their farms,
became impatient; many deserted; and General Putnam was induced to
discharge the residue.
Governor Clinton immediately ordered out half the militia of New York,
with assurances that they should be relieved in one month by the other
half. This order was executed so slowly that the forts were carried
before the militia were in the field.
Great pains had been taken, and much labour employed, to render this
position, which is naturally strong, still more secure. The principal
defences were forts Montgomery and Clinton. They had been constructed
on the western bank of the Hudson, on very high ground, extremely
difficult of access, and were separated from each other by a small
creek which runs from the mountains into the river. These forts were
too much elevated to be battered from the water, and the hills on
which they stood were too steep to be ascended by troops landing at
the foot of them. The mountains, which commence five or six miles
below them, are so high and rugged, the defiles, through which the
roads leading to them pass, so narrow, and so commanded by the heights
on both sides, that the approaches to them are extremely difficult and
dangerous.
To prevent ships from passing the forts, chevaux-de-frise had been
sunk in the river, and a boom extended from bank to bank, which was
covered with immense chains stretched at some distance in its front.
These works were defended by the guns of the forts, and by a frigate
and galleys stationed above them, capable of opposing with an equal
fire in front any force which might attack them by water from below.
Fort Independence is four or five miles below forts Montgomery and
Clinton, and on the opposite side of the river, on a high point of
land; and fort Constitution is rather more than six miles above them,
on an island near the eastern shore. Peekskill, the general head
quarters of the officer commanding at the station, is just below fort
Independence, and on the same side of the river. The garrisons had
been reduced to about six hundred men; and the whole force under
General Putnam did not much exceed two thousand. Yet this force,
though far inferior to that which General Washington had ordered to be
retained at the station, was, if properly applied, more than competent
to the defence of the forts against any numbers which could be spared
from New York. To insure success to the enterprise, it was necessary
to draw the attention of Putnam from the real object, and to storm the
works before the garrisons could be aided by his army. This Sir Henry
Clinton accomplished.
{October 6.}
Between three and four thousand men embarked at New York, and landed
on the 5th of October at Verplank's Point, on the east side of the
Hudson, a short distance below Peekskill, upon which General Putnam
retired to the heights in his rear. On the evening of the same day, a
part of these troops re-embarked, and the fleet moved up the river to
Peekskill Neck, in order to mask King's ferry, which was below them.
The next morning, at break of day, the troops destined for the
enterprise, landed on the west side of Stony Point, and commenced
their march through the mountains, into the rear of forts Clinton and
Montgomery.[92] This disembarkation was observed; but the morning was
so foggy that the numbers could not be distinguished; and a large
fire, which was afterwards perceived at the landing place, suggested
the idea that the sole object of the party on shore was the burning of
some store houses. In the mean time, the manoeuvres of the vessels,
and the appearance of a small detachment left at Verplank's Point,
persuaded General Putnam that the meditated attack was on fort
Independence.
[Footnote 92: Letter of Sir Henry Clinton.]
[Sidenote: Forts Montgomery and Clinton taken by the British.]
His whole attention was directed to this object; and the real designs
of the enemy were not suspected, until a heavy firing from the other
side of the river announced the assault on forts Clinton and
Montgomery. Five hundred men were instantly detached to reinforce the
garrisons of those places; but before this detachment could cross the
river the forts were in possession of the British.
Having left a battalion at the pass of Thunderhill, to keep up a
communication, Sir Henry Clinton had formed his army into two
divisions; one of which consisting of nine hundred men, commanded by
Lieutenant Colonel Campbell, made a circuit by the forest of Deane, in
order to fall on the back of fort Montgomery; while the other,
consisting of twelve hundred men, commanded by General Vaughan, and
accompanied by Sir Henry Clinton in person, advanced slowly against
fort Clinton.[93]
[Footnote 93: Letter of Sir Henry Clinton.]
Both posts were assaulted about five in the afternoon. The works were
defended with resolution, and were maintained until dark, when, the
lines being too extensive to be completely manned, the assailants
entered them in different places. The defence being no longer
possible, some of the garrison were made prisoners, while their better
knowledge of the country enabled others to escape. Governor Clinton
passed the river in a boat, and General James Clinton, though wounded
in the thigh by a bayonet, also made his escape. Lieutenant Colonels
Livingston and Bruyn, and Majors Hamilton and Logan were among the
prisoners. The loss sustained by the garrisons was about two hundred
and fifty men. That of the assailants, was stated by Sir H. Clinton,
at less than two hundred. Among the killed were Lieutenant Colonel
Campbell, and two other field officers.
[Sidenote: Peekskill, together with Forts Independence and
Constitution evacuated by the Americans.]
As the boom and chains drawn across the river could no longer be
defended, the continental frigates and galleys lying above them were
burnt, to prevent their falling into the hands of the enemy. Fort
Independence and fort Constitution were evacuated the next day, and
Putnam retreated to Fishkill. General Vaughan, after burning
Continental village, where stores to a considerable amount had been
deposited, proceeded, at the head of a strong detachment, up the river
to Æsopus, which he also destroyed.[94]
[Footnote 94: Intelligence of the success of Sir Henry
Clinton on the North River was received by General Burgoyne,
in the night after the convention at Saratoga had been
agreed upon, but before the articles had been signed and
executed. The British general had serious thoughts of
breaking off the treaty.]
{October 8.}
General Putnam, whose army had been augmented by reinforcements of
militia to six thousand men, detached General Parsons with two
thousand, to repossess himself of Peekskill, and of the passes in the
highlands; while, with the residue, he watched the progress of the
enemy up the river. The want of heavy artillery prevented his annoying
their ships in the Hudson.
On the capitulation of Burgoyne, near five thousand men had been
detached by Gates to his aid. Before their arrival, General Vaughan
had returned to New York, whence a reinforcement to General Howe was
then about to sail.
Great as was the injury sustained by the United States from this
enterprise, Great Britain derived from it no solid advantage. It was
undertaken at too late a period to save Burgoyne; and though the
passes in the highlands were acquired, they could not be retained. The
British had reduced to ashes every village, and almost every house
within their power; but this wanton and useless destruction served to
irritate, without tending to subdue. A keenness was given to the
resentment of the injured, which outlasted the contest between the two
nations.
The army which surrendered at Saratoga exceeded five thousand men. On
marching from Ticonderoga, it was estimated at nine thousand. In
addition to this great military force, the British lost, and the
Americans acquired, a fine train of artillery, seven thousand stand of
excellent arms, clothing for seven thousand recruits, with tents, and
other military stores, to a considerable amount.
The thanks of congress were voted to General Gates and his army; and a
medal of gold, in commemoration of this great event, was ordered to be
struck, and presented to him by the President, in the name of the
United States. Colonel Wilkinson, his Adjutant General, whom he
strongly recommended, was appointed Brigadier General by brevet.
[Illustration: The Saratoga Battle Monument
_Schuylerville, New York_
_"Nothing bespeaks more strongly the consummate tragedy of Benedict
Arnold's career than the Battle Monument which rises on the banks of
the Hudson to commemorate the victory of Saratoga. In the square shaft
are four high Gothic arches, and in these are placed heroic statues of
the generals who won the victory. Horatio Gates, unworthy though he
was, stands there in bronze. The gallant Schuyler, the intrepid
Morgan, honor the other two. But where is he whose valor turned back
the advancing Saint-Leger? whose prompt decision saved the Continental
position at Bemis Heights? whose military genius truly gained the day?
A vacant niche--empty as England's rewards, void as his own
life--speaks more eloquently than words, more strongly than
condemnation, more pitifully than tears, of a mighty career blighted
by treason and hurled into the bottomless pit of despair. This is
America's way of honoring Arnold in his dishonor."_
--From The Real America in Romance.]
In the opinion that the British would not immediately abandon the
passes in the highlands, congress ordered Putnam to join General
Washington with a reinforcement not exceeding two thousand five
hundred men, and directed Gates to take command of the army on the
Hudson, with unlimited powers to call for aids of militia from the New
England States, as well as from New York and New Jersey.
A proposition to authorize the Commander-in-chief, after consulting
with General Gates and Governor Clinton, to increase the detachment
designed to strengthen his army, if he should then be of opinion that
it might be done without endangering the objects to be accomplished by
Gates, was seriously opposed. An attempt was made to amend this
proposition so as to make the increase of the reinforcement to depend
on the assent of Gates and Clinton; but this amendment was lost by a
considerable majority, and the original resolution was carried. These
proceedings were attended with no other consequences than to excite
some degree of attention to the state of parties.
[Sidenote: Ticonderoga and Mount Independence evacuated by the enemy.]
Soon after the capitulation of Burgoyne, Ticonderoga and Mount
Independence were evacuated, and the garrison retired to Isle Aux
Noix, and St. Johns.
The effect produced by this event on the British cabinet and nation
was great and immediate. It seemed to remove the delusive hopes of
conquest with which they had been flattered, and suddenly to display
the mass of resistance which must yet be encountered. Previous to the
reception of this disastrous intelligence, the employment of savages
in the war had been the subject of severe animadversion. Parliament
was assembled on the 20th of November; and, as usual, addresses were
proposed in answer to the speech from the throne, entirely approving
the conduct of the administration. In the House of Lords, the Earl of
Chatham moved to amend the address by introducing a clause
recommending to his Majesty, an immediate cessation of hostilities,
and the commencement of a treaty of conciliation, "to restore peace
and liberty to America, strength and happiness to England, security
and permanent prosperity to both countries." In the course of the very
animated observations made by this extraordinary man in support of his
motion, he said,[95] "But, my Lords, who is the man that, in addition
to the disgraces and mischiefs of war, has dared to authorize and
associate to our arms the tomahawk and scalping-knife of the savage?
to call into civilized alliance the wild and inhuman inhabitant of the
woods? to delegate to the merciless Indian the defence of disputed
rights, and to wage the horrors of his barbarous war against our
brethren? My Lords, these enormities cry aloud for redress and
punishment. Unless thoroughly done away they will be a stain on the
national character. It is not the least of our national misfortunes
that the strength and character of our army are thus impaired.
Familiarized to the horrid scenes of savage cruelty, it can no longer
boast of the noble and generous principles which dignify a soldier. No
longer sympathize with the dignity of the royal banner, nor feel the
pride, pomp, and circumstance of glorious war that makes ambition
virtue. What makes ambition virtue? the sense of honour. But is this
sense of honour consistent with the spirit of plunder, or the practice
of murder? Can it flow from mercenary motives? or can it prompt to
cruel deeds?"[96]
[Footnote 95: Life of Chatham.--Belsham.]
[Footnote 96: See note No. X. at the end of the volume.]
The conduct of administration, however, received the full approbation
of large majorities; but the triumph these victories in Parliament
afforded them was of short duration. The disastrous issue of an
expedition from which the most sanguine expectations had been formed,
was soon known, and the mortification it produced was extreme. A
reluctant confession of the calamity was made by the minister, and a
desire to restore peace on any terms consistent with the integrity of
the empire found its way into the cabinet.