CHAPTER IX.

Measures to cut off the communication between the British

army and fleet.... Battle of Germantown.... Measures to

intercept supplies to Philadelphia.... Attack on fort

Mifflin.... On Red Bank.... The Augusta blows up.... Fort

Mifflin evacuated.... Fort Mercer evacuated.... The British

open the communication with their fleet.... Washington urged

to attack Philadelphia.... General Howe marches out to

Chestnut Hill.... Returns to Philadelphia.... General

Washington goes into winter quarters.

{1777}

{September.}

[Sidenote: Measures taken to prevent a communication between the

British army in Philadelphia and their fleet.]

Philadelphia being lost, General Washington sought to make its

occupation inconvenient and insecure, by rendering it inaccessible to

the British fleet. With this design, works had been erected on a low

marshy island in the Delaware, near the junction of the Schuylkill,

which, from the nature of its soil, was called Mud Island. On the

opposite shore of Jersey, at a place called Red Bank, a fort had also

been constructed which was defended with heavy artillery. In the deep

channel between, or under cover of these batteries, several ranges of

frames had been sunk, to which, from their resemblance to that

machine, the name of chevaux-de-frise had been given. These frames

were so strong and heavy as to be destructive of any ship which might

strike against them, and were sunk in such a depth of water as

rendered it equally difficult to weigh them or cut them through; no

attempt to raise them, or to open the channel in any manner could be

successful until the command of the shores on both sides should be

obtained.

Other ranges of these machines had been sunk about three miles lower

down the river; and some considerable works were in progress at

Billingsport on the Jersey side, which were in such forwardness as to

be provided with artillery. These works and machines were farther

supported by several galleys mounting heavy cannon, together with two

floating batteries, a number of armed vessels, and some fire ships.

The present relative situation of the armies gave a decisive

importance to these works. Cutting off the communication of General

Howe with his fleet, they prevented his receiving supplies by water,

while the American vessels in the river above fort Mifflin, the name

given to the fort on Mud Island, rendered it difficult to forage in

Jersey, General Washington hoped to render his supplies on the side of

Pennsylvania so precarious, as to compel him to evacuate Philadelphia.

The advantages of this situation were considerably diminished by the

capture of the Delaware frigate.

{September 27.}

The day after Lord Cornwallis entered Philadelphia, three batteries

were commenced for the purpose of acting against any American ships

which might appear before the town. While yet incomplete, they were

attacked by two frigates, assisted by several galleys and gondolas.

The Delaware, being left by the tide while engaged with the battery,

grounded and was captured; soon after which, the smaller frigate, and

the other vessels, retired under the guns of the fort. This

circumstance was the more interesting, as it gave the British General

the command of the ferry, and, consequently, free access to Jersey,

and enabled him to intercept the communication between the forts

below, and Trenton, from which place the garrisons were to have drawn

their military stores.

{September 28.}

{September 30.}

{September 29.}

{October 3.}

All the expected reinforcements, except the state regiment and militia

from Virginia, being arrived, and the detached parties being called

in, the effective strength of the army amounted to eight thousand

continental troops, and three thousand militia. With this force,

General Washington determined to approach the enemy, and seize the

first favourable moment to attack him. In pursuance of this

determination, the army took a position on the Skippack road, about

twenty miles from Philadelphia, and sixteen from Germantown,--a long

village stretching on both sides the great road leading northward from

Philadelphia, which forms one continued street nearly two miles in

length. The British line of encampment crossed this village at right

angles near the centre, and Lord Cornwallis, with four regiments of

grenadiers, occupied Philadelphia. The immediate object of General

Howe being the removal of the obstructions in the river, Colonel

Stirling, with two regiments, had been detached to take possession of

the fort at Billingsport, which he accomplished without opposition.

This service being effected, and the works facing the water destroyed,

Colonel Stirling was directed to escort a convoy of provisions from

Chester to Philadelphia. Some apprehensions being entertained for the

safety of this convoy, another regiment was detached from Germantown,

with directions to join Colonel Stirling.[67]

[Footnote 67: Annual Register.--Stedman.]

This division of the British force appeared to Washington to furnish a

fair opportunity to engage Sir William Howe with advantage.

Determining to avail himself of it, he formed a plan for surprising

the camp at Germantown, and attacking both wings, in front and rear,

at the same instant.

The divisions of Sullivan and Wayne, flanked by Conway's brigade, were

to march down the main road, and, entering the town by the way of

Chesnut Hill, to attack the left wing; while General Armstrong, with

the Pennsylvania militia, was to move down the Manatawny road[68] by

Vanduring's mill, and turning the left flank to attack in the rear.

The Commander-in-chief accompanied this column.

[Footnote 68: Better known as the Ridge road.]

The divisions of Greene and Stephen, flanked by M'Dougal's brigade,

were to take a circuit by the Lime Kiln road, and, entering the town

at the market house, to attack the right wing.

The militia of Maryland and Jersey, under Generals Smallwood and

Forman, were to march down the old York road, and turning the right to

fall upon its rear.

The division of Lord Stirling, and the brigades of Nash and Maxwell,

were to form a corps de reserve.

Parties of cavalry were silently to scour the roads to prevent

observation, and to keep up the communication between the heads of the

several columns.

{October 4.}

[Sidenote: Royal army attacked at Germantown.]

The necessary arrangements being made, the army moved from its ground

at seven in the afternoon. Before sunrise the next morning, the

advance of the column led by Sullivan, encountered and drove in a

picket placed at Mount Airy, the house of Mr. Allen.[69] The main body

followed close in the rear, and engaging the light infantry and the

40th regiment, posted at the head of the village, soon forced them to

give way, leaving their baggage behind them. Though closely pursued,

Lieutenant Colonel Musgrave threw himself with five companies of the

40th regiment into a large stone house belonging to Mr. Chew, which

stood directly in the way of Wayne's division, and poured on the

Americans an incessant and galling fire of musketry from its doors and

windows. After making some unsuccessful, and bloody attempts to carry

this house by storm, and then battering it for a few minutes with

field artillery, which was found too light to make any impression on

its walls, a regiment was left to observe the party within it, while

the troops who had been checked by Colonel Musgrave again moved

forward, passing to the left of the house.

[Footnote 69: Since Robinson's.]

In rather more than half an hour after Sullivan had been engaged, the

left wing, having formed the line, came also into action; and,

attacking the light infantry posted in front of the British right

wing, soon drove it from its ground. While rapidly pursuing the flying

enemy, Woodford's brigade,[70] which was on the right of this wing,

was arrested by a heavy fire from Chew's house, directed against its

right flank. The inefficiency of musketry against troops thus

sheltered being instantly perceived, the brigade was drawn off to the

left by its commanding officer, and the field-pieces attached to it

were ordered up to play on the house, but were too light to be of

service. Some time was consumed in this operation, and the advance of

the brigade was, of course, retarded. This part of the line was

consequently broken, and the two brigades composing the division of

Stephen were not only separated from each other, but from the other

division which was led by General Greene in person. That division,

consisting of the brigades of Muhlenberg and Scott, pressing forward

with eagerness, encountered and broke a part of the British right

wing, entered the village, and made a considerable number of

prisoners.

[Footnote 70: The author was in this brigade, and describes

this part of the action from his own observation.]

Thus far the prospect was flattering. The attack had been made with

great spirit; several brigades had entered the town; and such an

impression had been made on the British army as to justify the

expectation that its wings might be separated from each other, and a

complete victory be obtained. Had the American troops possessed the

advantages given by experience; had every division of the army

performed with precision the part allotted to it, there is yet reason

to believe that the hopes inspired by this favourable commencement

would not have been disappointed. But the face of the country, and the

darkness of the morning produced by a fog of uncommon density,

co-operating with the want of discipline in the army, and the

derangements of the corps from the incidents at Chew's house, blasted

their flattering appearances, and defeated the enterprise.

The grounds over which the British were pursued abounded with small

and strong enclosures, which frequently broke the line of the

advancing army. The two divisions of the right wing had been separated

at Chew's house; and immediately after their passing it, the right of

the left wing was stopped at the same place, so as to cause a division

of that wing also. The darkness of the morning rendered it difficult

to distinguish objects even at an inconsiderable distance; and it was

impossible for the Commander-in-chief to learn the situation of the

whole, or to correct the confusion which was commencing. The divisions

and brigades separated at Chew's house could not be reunited; and,

even among those parts which remained entire, a considerable degree of

disorder was soon introduced by the impediments to their advance. Some

regiments pursuing with more vivacity than others, they were separated

from each other, their weight lessened, and their effect impaired. The

darkness which obstructed the reunion of the broken parts of the

American army, also prevented their discerning the real situation of

the enemy, so as to improve the first impression; and, in some

instances, some corps being in advance of others, produced uncertainty

whether the troops, seen indistinctly, were friends or foes.

The attacks on the flanks and rear, which formed a part of the

original plan, do not appear ever to have been made. The Pennsylvania

militia came in view of the chasseurs who flanked the left of the

British line, but did not engage them closely. The Maryland and Jersey

militia just showed themselves on the right flank, about the time

Greene was commencing a retreat.

[Sidenote: The Americans repulsed.]

These embarrassments gave the British time to recover from the

consternation into which they had been thrown. General Knyphausen, who

commanded their left, detached two brigades to meet the right of

Sullivan which had penetrated far into the village, before his left,

which had been detained at Chew's house, could rejoin him; and the

action became warm in this quarter. The British right also recovered

from its surprise, and advanced on that part of Greene's division

which had entered the town. After a sharp engagement these two

brigades began to retreat, and those which were most in advance were

surrounded and compelled to surrender. About the same time the right

wing also began to retreat. It is understood that they had expended

their ammunition.

Every effort to stop this retrograde movement proved ineffectual. The

division of Wayne fell back on that of Stephen, and was for an instant

mistaken for the enemy. General confusion prevailed, and the

confidence felt in the beginning of the action was lost. With infinite

chagrin General Washington was compelled to relinquish his hopes of

victory, and turn his attention to the security of his army. The enemy

not being sufficiently recovered to endanger his rear, the retreat was

made without loss, under cover of the division of Stephen, which had

scarcely been in the engagement.

In this battle, about two hundred Americans were killed, near three

times that number wounded, and about four hundred were made prisoners.

Among the killed was General Nash of North Carolina; and among the

prisoners was Colonel Matthews of Virginia, whose regiment had

penetrated into the centre of the town.

The loss of the British, as stated in the official return of General

Howe, did not much exceed five hundred in killed and wounded, of whom

less than one hundred were killed; among the latter were Brigadier

General Agnew and Colonel Bird.

The American army retreated the same day, about twenty miles, to

Perkyomy Creek, where a small reinforcement, consisting of fifteen

hundred militia and a state regiment, was received from Virginia;

after which it again advanced towards Philadelphia, and encamped once

more on Skippack Creek.

The plan of the battle of Germantown must be admitted to have been

judiciously formed; and, in its commencement, to have been happily

conducted. But a strict adherence to it by those who were entrusted

with the execution of its several parts, was indispensable to its

success.

Major General Stephen, who commanded the right division of the left

wing, was cashiered for misconduct on the retreat, and for

intoxication.

Congress expressed, in decided terms, their approbation both of the

plan of this enterprise, and of the courage with which it was

executed; for which their thanks were given to the general and the

army.[71]

[Footnote 71: On hearing that General Howe had landed at the

head of the Chesapeake, Sir Henry Clinton, for the purpose

of averting those aids which Washington might draw from the

north of the Delaware, entered Jersey at the head of three

thousand men. On the approach of General M'Dougal with a

body of continental troops from Peekskill, and on hearing

that the militia were assembling under General Dickinson, he

returned to New York and Staten Island with the cattle he

had collected, having lost in the expedition only eight men

killed and twice as many wounded.

M'Dougal continued his march towards the Delaware; and the

utmost exertions were made both by Governor Livingston and

General Dickinson to collect the militia for the purpose of

aiding the army in Pennsylvania. The success of their

exertions did not equal their wishes. The militia being of

opinion that there was danger of a second invasion from New

York, and that their services were more necessary at home

than in Pennsylvania, assembled slowly and reluctantly. Five

or six hundred crossed the Delaware at Philadelphia, about

the time Sir William Howe crossed the Schuylkill, and were

employed in the removal of stores. On the approach of the

British army, they were directed to avoid it by moving up

the Frankford road; but the commanding officer, having

separated himself from his corps, was taken by a party of

British horse employed in scouring the country; on which the

regiment dispersed, and returned by different roads to

Jersey. With much labour General Dickinson assembled two

other corps amounting to about nine hundred men, with whom

he was about to cross the Delaware when intelligence was

received of the arrival at New York of a reinforcement from

Europe. He was detained in Jersey for the defence of the

state, and the militia designed to serve in Pennsylvania

were placed under General Forman. About six hundred of them

reached the army a few days before the battle of Germantown,

immediately after which they were permitted to return.]

The attention of both armies was most principally directed to the

forts below Philadelphia.

The loss of the Delaware frigate, and of Billingsport, greatly

discouraged the seamen by whom the galleys and floating batteries were

manned. Believing the fate of America to be decided, an opinion

strengthened by the intelligence received from their connexions in

Philadelphia, they manifested the most alarming defection, and several

officers as well as sailors deserted to the enemy. This desponding

temper was checked by the battle of Germantown, and by throwing a

garrison of continental troops into the fort at Red Bank, called fort

Mercer, the defence of which had been entrusted to militia. This fort

commanded the channel between the Jersey shore and Mud Island; and the

American vessels were secure under its guns. The militia of Jersey

were relied on to reinforce its garrison, and also to form a corps of

observation which might harass the rear of any detachment investing

the place.

[Sidenote: Measures taken by General Washington for cutting off

supplies from Philadelphia.]

To increase the inconvenience of General Howe's situation by

intercepting his supplies, six hundred militia, commanded by General

Potter, crossed the Schuylkill, with orders to scour the country

between that river and Chester; and the militia on the Delaware, above

Philadelphia, were directed to watch the roads in that vicinity.

The more effectually to stop those who were seduced by the hope of

gold and silver to supply the enemy at this critical time, congress

passed a resolution subjecting to martial law and to death, all who

should furnish them with provisions, or certain other enumerated

articles, who should be taken within thirty miles of any city, town or

place, in Jersey, Pennsylvania, or Delaware, occupied by British

troops.

These arrangements being made to cut off supplies from the country,

General Washington reoccupied the ground from which he had marched to

fight the battle of Germantown.

[Sidenote: Attack upon Fort Mifflin.]

Meanwhile, General Howe was actively preparing to attack fort Mifflin

from the Pennsylvania shore. He erected some batteries at the mouth of

the Schuylkill, in order to command Webb's ferry, which were attacked

by Commodore Hazlewood, and silenced; but, the following night, a

detachment crossed over Webb's ferry into Province Island, and

constructed a slight work opposite fort Mifflin, within two musket

shots of the block-house, from which they were enabled to throw shot

and shells into the barracks. When day-light discovered this work,

three galleys and a floating battery were ordered to attack it, and

the garrison surrendered. While the boats were bringing off the

prisoners, a large column of British troops were seen marching into

the fortress, upon which the attack on it was renewed, but without

success; and two attempts made by Lieutenant Colonel Smith to storm

it, failed. In a few nights, works were completed on the high ground

of Province Island which enfiladed the principal battery of fort

Mifflin, and rendered it necessary to throw up some cover on the

platform to protect the men who worked the guns.

The aids expected from the Jersey militia were not received. "Assure

yourself," said Lieutenant Colonel Smith, in a letter pressing

earnestly for a reinforcement of continental troops, "that no

dependence is to be put on the militia; whatever men your excellency

determines on sending, no time is to be lost." The garrison of fort

Mifflin was now reduced to one hundred and fifty-six effectives, and

that of Red Bank did not much exceed two hundred.

In consequence of these representations, Colonel Angel, of Rhode

Island, with his regiment, was ordered to Red Bank, and Lieutenant

Colonel John Greene, of Virginia, with about two hundred men, to fort

Mifflin.

Immediately after the battle of Brandywine, Admiral Howe sailed for

the Delaware, where he expected to arrive in time to meet and

co-operate with the army in and about Philadelphia. But the winds were

so unfavourable, and the navigation of the bay of Delaware so

difficult, that his van did not get into the river until the 4th of

October. The ships of war and transports which followed, came up from

the sixth to the eighth, and anchored from New Castle to Reedy Island.

The frigates, in advance of the fleet, had not yet succeeded in their

endeavours to effect a passage through the lower double row of

chevaux-de-frise. Though no longer protected by the fort at

Billingsport, they were defended by the water force above, and the

work was found more difficult than had been expected. It was not until

the middle of October that the impediments were so far removed as to

afford a narrow and intricate passage through them. In the mean time,

the fire from the Pennsylvania shore had not produced all the effect

expected from it; and it was perceived that greater exertions would be

necessary for the reduction of the works than could safely be made in

the present relative situation of the armies. Under this impression,

General Howe, soon after the return of the American army to its former

camp on the Skippack, withdrew his troops from Germantown into

Philadelphia, as preparatory to a combined attack by land and water on

forts Mercer and Mifflin.

After effecting a passage through the works sunk in the river at

Billingsport, other difficulties still remained to be encountered by

the ships of war. Several rows of chevaux-de-frise had been sunk about

half a mile below Mud Island, which were protected by the guns of the

forts, as well as by the moveable water force. To silence these works,

therefore, was a necessary preliminary to the removal of these

obstructions in the channel.

{October.}

[Sidenote: Attack upon Red Bank.]

[Sidenote: Colonel Donop killed and his party repulsed with

considerable loss.]

On the 21st of October, a detachment of Hessians, amounting to twelve

hundred men, commanded by Colonel Count Donop, crossed the Delaware at

Philadelphia, with orders to storm the fort at Red Bank. The

fortifications consisted of extensive outer works, within which was an

intrenchment eight or nine feet high, boarded and fraized. Late in the

evening of the twenty-second. Count Donop appeared before the fort,

and attacked it with great intrepidity. It was defended with equal

resolution. The outer works being too extensive to be manned by the

troops in the fort, were used only to gall the assailants while

advancing. On their near approach, the garrison retired within the

inner intrenchment, whence they poured upon the Hessians a heavy and

destructive fire. Colonel Donop received a mortal wound; and

Lieutenant Colonel Mengerode, the second in command, fell about the

same time. Lieutenant Colonel Minsing, the oldest remaining officer,

drew off his troops, and returned next day to Philadelphia. The loss

of the assailants was estimated by the Americans at four hundred men.

The garrison was reinforced from fort Mifflin, and aided by the

galleys which flanked the Hessians in their advance and retreat. The

American loss, in killed and wounded, amounted to only thirty-two men.

[Sidenote: The Augusta frigate blows up.]

The ships having been ordered to co-operate with Count Donop, the

Augusta, with four smaller vessels, passed the lower line of

chevaux-de-frise, opposite to Billingsport, and lay above it, waiting

until the assault should be made on the fort. The flood tide setting

in about the time the attack commenced, they moved with it up the

river. The obstructions sunk in the Delaware had in some degree

changed its channel, in consequence of which the Augusta and the

Merlin grounded, a considerable distance below the second line of

chevaux-de-frise and a strong wind from the north so checked the

rising of the tide, that these vessels could not be floated by the

flood. Their situation, however, was not discerned that evening, as

the frigates which were able to approach the fort, and the batteries

from the Pennsylvania shore, kept up an incessant fire on the

garrison, till night put an end to the cannonade. Early next morning

it was recommenced, in the hope that, under its cover, the Augusta and

the Merlin might be got off. The Americans, on discovering their

situation, sent four fire ships against them, but without effect.

Meanwhile, a warm cannonade took place on both sides, in the course of

which the Augusta took fire, and it was found impracticable to

extinguish the flames. Most of the men were taken out, the frigates

withdrawn, and the Merlin set on fire; after which the Augusta blew

up, and a few of the crew were lost in her.

This repulse inspired congress with flattering hopes for the permanent

defence of the posts on the Delaware. That body expressed its high

sense of the merits of Colonel Greene of Rhode Island, who had

commanded in fort Mercer; of Lieutenant Colonel Smith of Maryland, who

had commanded in fort Mifflin; and of Commodore Hazlewood, who

commanded the galleys; and presented a sword to each of these

officers, as a mark of estimation in which their services were held.

The situation of these forts was far from justifying this confidence

of their being defensible. That on Mud Island had been unskilfully

constructed, and required at least eight hundred men fully to man the

lines. The island is about half a mile long. Fort Mifflin was placed

at the lower end, having its principal fortifications in front for the

purpose of repelling ships coming up the river. The defences in the

rear consisted only of a ditch and palisade, protected by two

block-houses, the upper story of one of which had been destroyed in

the late cannonade. Above the fort were two batteries opposing those

constructed by the British on Province and Carpenter's Islands, which

were separated from Mud Island only by a narrow passage between four

and five hundred yards wide.

The vessels of war, engaged in the defence of the Delaware, were

partly in the service of the continent, and partly in that of the

state of Pennsylvania, under a Commodore who received his commission

from the state. A misunderstanding took place between him and

Lieutenant Colonel Smith, and also between him and the officers of the

continental navy; and it required all the authority of the

Commander-in-chief to prevent these differences from essentially

injuring the service.

The garrison of fort Mifflin consisted of only three hundred

continental troops, who were worn down with fatigue, and constant

watching, under the constant apprehension of being attacked from

Province Island, from Philadelphia, and from the ships below.

{October 29.}

Having failed in every attempt to draw the militia of Jersey to the

Delaware, General Washington determined to strengthen the garrison by

farther drafts from his army. Three hundred Pennsylvania militia were

detached, to be divided between the two forts; and, a few days

afterwards, General Varnum was ordered, with his brigade, to take a

position about Woodbury, near Red Bank, and to relieve and reinforce

the garrisons of both forts as far as his strength would permit. The

hope was entertained that the appearance of so respectable a

continental force might encourage the militia to assemble in greater

numbers.

Aware of the advantage to result from a victory over the British army

while separated from the fleet, General Washington had been uniformly

determined to risk much to gain one. He had, therefore, after the

battle of Germantown, continued to watch assiduously for an

opportunity to attack his enemy once more to advantage. The

circumspect caution of General Howe afforded none. After the repulse

at Red Bank, his measures were slow but certain; and were calculated

to insure the possession of the forts without exposing his troops to

the hazard of an assault.

In this state of things, intelligence was received of the successful

termination of the northern campaign, in consequence of which great

part of the troops who had been employed against Burgoyne, might be

drawn to the aid of the army in Pennsylvania. But it was feared that,

before these reinforcements could arrive, Sir William Howe would gain

possession of the forts, and remove the obstructions to the navigation

of the Delaware. This apprehension furnished a strong motive for

vigorous attempts to relieve fort Mifflin. But the relative force of

the armies, the difficulty of acting offensively against Philadelphia,

and, above all, the reflection that a defeat might disable him from

meeting his enemy in the field even after the arrival of the troops

expected from the north, determined General Washington not to hazard a

second attack under existing circumstances.

To expedite the reinforcements for which he waited, Colonel Hamilton

was despatched to General Gates with directions to represent to him

the condition of the armies in Pennsylvania; and to urge him, if he

contemplated no other service of more importance, immediately to send

the regiments of Massachusetts and New Hampshire to aid the army of

the middle department. These orders were not peremptory, because it

was possible that some other object (as the capture of New York) still

more interesting than the expulsion of General Howe from Philadelphia,

might be contemplated by Gates; and Washington meant not to interfere

with the accomplishment of such object.

On reaching General Putnam, Colonel Hamilton found that a considerable

part of the northern army had joined that officer, but that Gates had

detained four brigades at Albany for an expedition intended to be made

in the winter against Ticonderoga.

Having made such arrangements with Putnam as he supposed would secure

the immediate march of a large body of continental troops from that

station, Colonel Hamilton proceeded to Albany for the purpose of

remonstrating to General Gates against retaining so large and valuable

a part of the army unemployed at a time when the most imminent danger

threatened the vitals of the country. Gates was by no means disposed

to part with his troops. He could not believe that an expedition then

preparing at New York, was designed to reinforce General Howe; and

insisted that, should the troops then embarked at that place, instead

of proceeding to the Delaware, make a sudden movement up the Hudson,

it would be in their power, should Albany be left defenceless, to

destroy the valuable arsenal which had been there erected, and the

military stores captured with Burgoyne, which had been chiefly

deposited in that town.

Having, after repeated remonstrances, obtained an order directing

three brigades to the Delaware, Hamilton hastened back to Putnam, and

found the troops which had been ordered to join General Washington,

still at Peekskill. The detachment from New York had suggested to

Putnam the possibility of taking that place; and he does not appear to

have made very great exertions to divest himself of a force he deemed

necessary for an object, the accomplishment of which would give so

much splendour to his military character. In addition to this

circumstance, an opinion had gained ground among the soldiers that

their share of service for the campaign had been performed, and that

it was time for them to go into winter quarters. Great discontents too

prevailed concerning their pay, which the government had permitted to

be more than six months in arrear; and in Poor's brigade, a mutiny

broke out, in the course of which a soldier who was run through the

body by his captain, before he expired, shot the captain dead who gave

the wound. Colonel Hamilton came in time to borrow money from the

governor of New York, to put the troops in motion; and they proceeded

by brigades to the Delaware. But these several delays retarded their

arrival until the contest for the forts on that river was terminated.

{November.}

The preparations of Sir William Howe being completed, a large battery

on Province Island of twenty-four and thirty-two pounders, and two

howitzers of eight inches each, opened, early in the morning of the

10th of November, upon fort Mifflin, at the distance of five hundred

yards, and kept up an incessant fire for several successive days. The

block-houses were reduced to a heap of ruins; the palisades were

beaten down; and most of the guns dismounted and otherwise disabled.

The barracks were battered in every part, so that the troops could not

remain in them. They were under the necessity of working and watching

the whole night to repair the damages of the day, and to guard against

a storm, of which they were in perpetual apprehension. If in the day,

a few moments were allowed for repose, it was taken on the wet earth,

which, in consequence of heavy rains, had become a soft mud. The

garrison was relieved by General Varnum every forty-eight hours; but

his brigade was so weak that half the men were constantly on duty.

Colonel Smith was decidedly of opinion, and General Varnum concurred

with him, that the garrison could not repel an assault, and ought to

be withdrawn; but General Washington still cherished the hope that the

place might be maintained until he should be reinforced from the

northern army. Believing that an assault would not be attempted until

the works were battered down, he recommended that the whole night

should be employed in making repairs. His orders were that the place

should be defended to the last extremity; and never were orders more

faithfully executed.

{November 11.}

{Fourteenth.}

Several of the garrison were killed, and among them Captain Treat, a

gallant officer, who commanded the artillery. Colonel Smith received a

contusion on his hip and arm which compelled him to give up the

command, and retire to Red Bank. Major Fleury, a French officer of

distinguished merit, who served as engineer, reported to the

Commander-in-chief that, although the block-houses were beaten down,

all the guns in them, except two, disabled, and several breaches made

in the walls, the place was still defensible; but the garrison was so

unequal to the numbers required by the extent of the lines, and was so

dispirited by watching, fatigue, and constant exposure to the cold

rains which were almost incessant, that he dreaded the event of an

attempt to carry the place by storm. Fresh troops were ordered to

their relief from Varnum's brigade, and the command was taken, first

by Colonel Russell, and afterwards by Major Thayer. The artillery,

commanded by Captain Lee, continued to be well served. The besiegers

were several times thrown into confusion, and a floating battery which

opened on the morning of the 14th, was silenced in the course of the

day.

{Fifteenth.}

The defence being unexpectedly obstinate, the assailants brought up

their ships as far as the obstructions in the river permitted, and

added their fire to that of the batteries, which was the more fatal as

the cover for the troops had been greatly impaired. The brave

garrison, however, still maintained their ground with unshaken

firmness. In the midst of this stubborn conflict, the Vigilant and a

sloop of war were brought up the inner channel, between Mud and

Province Islands, which had, unobserved by the besieged, been deepened

by the current in consequence of the obstructions in the main channel;

and, taking a station within one hundred yards of the works, not only

kept up a destructive cannonade, but threw hand grenades into them;

while the musketeers from the round top of the Vigilant killed every

man that appeared on the platform.

Major Thayer applied to the Commodore to remove these vessels, and he

ordered six galleys on the service; but, after reconnoitring their

situation, the galleys returned without attempting any thing. Their

report was that these ships were so covered by the batteries on

Province Island as to be unassailable.

[Sidenote: Fort Mifflin evacuated and possession taken by the

British.]

{November 16.}

It was now apparent to all that the fort could be no longer defended.

The works were in ruins. The position of the Vigilant rendered any

farther continuance on the island a prodigal and useless waste of

human life; and on the 16th, about 11 at night, the garrison was

withdrawn.[72]

[Footnote 72: In stating the defence of Mud Island, the

author has availed himself of the journal of Major Fleury.]

A second attempt was made to drive the vessels from their stations

with a determination, should it succeed, to repossess the island; but

the galleys effected nothing; and a detachment from Province Island

soon occupied the ground which had been abandoned.

{November 17.}

The day after receiving intelligence of the evacuation of fort

Mifflin, General Washington deputed Generals De Kalb, and Knox, to

confer with General Varnum and the officers at fort Mercer on the

practicability of continuing to defend the obstructions in the

channel, to report thereon, and to state the force which would be

necessary for that purpose. Their report was in favour of continuing

the defence. A council of the navy officers had already been called by

the Commodore in pursuance of a request of the Commander-in-chief made

before the evacuation had taken place, who were unanimously of opinion

that it would be impracticable for the fleet, after the loss of the

island, to maintain its station, or to assist in preventing the

chevaux-de-frise from being weighed by the ships of the enemy.

General Howe had now completed a line of defence from the Schuylkill

to the Delaware; and a reinforcement from New York had arrived at

Chester. These two circumstances enabled him to form an army in the

Jerseys sufficient for the reduction of fort Mercer, without weakening

himself so much in Philadelphia as to put his lines in hazard. Still

deeming it of the utmost importance to open the navigation of the

Delaware completely, he detached Lord Cornwallis about one in the

morning of the 17th, with a strong body of troops to Chester. From

that place, his lordship crossed over to Billingsport, where he was

joined by the reinforcement from New York.

{November 17.}

General Washington received immediate intelligence of the march of

this detachment, which he communicated to General Varnum with orders

that fort Mercer should be defended to the last extremity. With a view

to military operations in that quarter, he ordered one division of the

army to cross the river at Burlington, and despatched expresses to the

northern troops who were marching on by brigades, directing them to

move down the Delaware on its northern side until they should receive

farther orders.

[Sidenote: Fort Mercer evacuated.]

Major General Greene, an officer who had been distinguished early in

the war by the Commander-in-chief for the solidity of his judgment and

his military talents, was selected for this expedition. A hope was

entertained that he would be able, not only to protect fort Mercer,

but to obtain some decisive advantage over Lord Cornwallis; as the

situation of the fort, which his lordship could not invest without

placing himself between Timber and Manto Creeks, would expose the

assailants to great peril from a respectable force in their rear. But,

before Greene could cross the Delaware, Lord Cornwallis approached

with an army rendered more powerful than had been expected by the

junction of the reinforcement from New York; and fort Mercer was

evacuated.

A few of the smaller galleys escaped up the river, and the others were

burnt by their crews.

Washington still hoped to recover much of what had been lost. A

victory would restore the Jersey shore, and this object was deemed so

important, that General Greene's instructions indicated the

expectation that he would be in a condition to fight Lord Cornwallis.

That judicious officer feared the reproach of avoiding an action less

than the just censure of sacrificing the real interests of his country

by engaging the enemy on disadvantageous terms. The numbers of the

British exceeded his, even counting his militia as regulars; and he

determined to wait for Glover's brigade, which was marching from the

north. Before its arrival, Lord Cornwallis took post on Gloucester

Point, a point of land making deep into the Delaware, which was

entirely under cover of the guns of the ships, from which place he was

embarking his baggage and the provisions he had collected for

Philadelphia.[73]

[Footnote 73: While Lord Cornwallis lay on Gloucester Point,

about one hundred and fifty men of Morgan's rifle corps

under Lieutenant Colonel Butler, and an equal number of

militia, the whole under the Marquis de la Fayette, who

still served as a volunteer, attacked a picket consisting of

about three hundred men, and drove them with the loss of

twenty or thirty killed, and a greater number wounded, quite

into their camp; after which the Americans retired without

being pursued.]

Believing that Lord Cornwallis would immediately follow the magazines

he had collected, and that the purpose of Sir William Howe was, with

his united forces, to attack the American army while divided, General

Washington ordered Greene to recross the Delaware, and join the army.

[Sidenote: The enemy succeeds in opening a free communication with his

fleet.]

Thus after one continued struggle of more than six weeks, in which the

continental troops displayed great military virtues, the army in

Philadelphia secured itself in the possession of that city, by opening

a free communication with the fleet.[74]

[Footnote 74: While these transactions were passing on the

Delaware, General Dickinson projected another expedition

against the post on Staten Island. He collected about two

thousand men, and requested General Putnam to make a

diversion on the side of Kingsbridge, in order to prevent a

reinforcement from New York.

Knowing that success depended on secrecy, he had concealed

his object even from his field-officers, until eight of the

night in which it was to be executed. Yet by three next

morning, information of his design was given to General

Skinner, who, being on his guard, saved himself and his

brigade, by taking refuge, on the first alarm, in some works

too strong to be carried by assault. A few prisoners were

made and a few men killed, after which General Dickinson

brought off his party with the loss of only three killed and

ten slightly wounded.]

[Sidenote: Washington urged to attack Philadelphia.]

While Lord Cornwallis was in Jersey, and General Greene on the

Delaware above him, the reinforcements from the north being received,

an attack on Philadelphia was strongly pressed by several officers

high in rank; and was in some measure urged by that torrent of public

opinion, which, if not resisted by a very firm mind, overwhelms the

judgment, and by controlling measures not well comprehended, may

frequently produce, especially in military transactions, the most

disastrous effects.

It was stated to the Commander-in-chief, that his army was now in

greater force than he could expect it to be at any future time; that

being joined by the troops who had conquered Burgoyne, his own

reputation, the reputation of his army, the opinion of congress, and

of the nation, required some decisive blow on his part. That the rapid

depreciation of the paper currency, by which the resources for

carrying on the war were dried up, rendered indispensable some grand

effort to bring it to a speedy termination.

The plan proposed was, that General Greene should embark two thousand

men at Dunks' ferry, and descending the Delaware in the night, land in

the town just before day, attack the enemy in the rear, and take

possession of the bridge over the Schuylkill. That a strong corps

should march down on the west side of that river, occupy the heights

enfilading the works of the enemy, and open a brisk cannonade upon

them, while a detachment from it should march down to the bridge, and

attack in front at the same instant, that the party descending the

river should commence its assault on the rear.

Not only the Commander-in-chief, but some of his best officers, those

who could not be impelled by the clamours of the ill-informed to ruin

the public interests, were opposed to this mad enterprise.

The two armies, they said, were now nearly equal in point of numbers,

and the detachment under Lord Cornwallis could not be supposed to have

so weakened Sir William Howe as to compensate for the advantages of

his position. His right was covered by the Delaware, his left by the

Schuylkill, his rear by the junction of those two rivers, as well as

by the city of Philadelphia, and his front by a line of redoubts

extending from river to river, and connected by an abattis, and by

circular works. It would be indispensably necessary to carry all these

redoubts; since to leave a part of them to play on the rear of the

columns, while engaged in front with the enemy in Philadelphia, would

be extremely hazardous.

Supposing the redoubts carried, and the British army driven into the

town, yet all military men were agreed on the great peril of storming

a town. The streets would be defended by an artillery greatly superior

to that of the Americans, which would attack in front, while the brick

houses would be lined with musketeers, whose first must thin the ranks

of the assailants.

A part of the plan, on the successful execution of which the whole

depended, was, that the British rear should be surprised by the corps

descending the Delaware. This would require the concurrence of too

many favourable circumstances to be calculated on with any confidence.

As the position of General Greene was known, it could not be supposed

that Sir William Howe would be inattentive to him. It was probable

that not even his embarkation would be made unnoticed; but it was

presuming a degree of negligence which ought not to be assumed, to

suppose that he could descend the river to Philadelphia undiscovered.

So soon as his movements should be observed, the whole plan would be

comprehended, since it would never be conjectured that General Greene

was to attack singly.

If the attack in front should fail, which was not even improbable, the

total loss of the two thousand men in the rear must follow; and

General Howe would maintain his superiority through the winter.

The situation of America did not require these desperate measures. The

British general would be compelled to risk a battle on equal terms, or

to manifest a conscious inferiority to the American army. The

depreciation of paper money was the inevitable consequence of immense

emissions without corresponding taxes. It was by removing the cause,

not by sacrificing the army, that this evil was to be corrected.

Washington possessed too much discernment to be dazzled by the false

brilliant presented by those who urged the necessity of storming

Philadelphia, in order to throw lustre round his own fame, and that of

his army; and too much firmness of temper, too much virtue and real

patriotism, to be diverted from a purpose believed to be right, by the

clamours of faction or the discontents of ignorance. Disregarding the

importunities of mistaken friends, the malignant insinuations of

enemies, and the expectations of the ill-informed; he persevered in

his resolution to make no attempt on Philadelphia. He saved his army,

and was able to keep the field in the face of his enemy; while the

clamour of the moment wasted in air, and is forgotten.

The opinion that Sir William Howe meditated an attack on the American

camp, was not ill founded. Scarcely had Lord Cornwallis returned to

Philadelphia, and Greene to the American army, when unquestionable

intelligence was received that the British general was preparing to

march out in full strength, with the avowed object of forcing

Washington from his position, and driving him beyond the mountains.

[Sidenote: General Howe marches out to Chestnut Hill.]

On the 4th of December, Captain M'Lane, a vigilant officer on the

lines, discovered that an attempt to surprise the American camp at

White Marsh was about to be made, and communicated the information to

the Commander-in-chief. In the evening of the same day, General Howe

marched out of Philadelphia with his whole force; and, about eleven at

night, M'Lane, who had been detached with one hundred chosen men,

attacked the British van at the Three Mile Run, on the Germantown

road, and compelled their front division to change its line of march.

He hovered on the front and flank of the advancing army, galling them

severely until three next morning, when the British encamped on

Chestnut Hill, in front of the American right, and distant from it

about three miles. A slight skirmish had also taken place between the

Pennsylvania militia under General Irvine, and the advanced light

parties of the enemy, in which the general was wounded, and the

militia, without much other loss, were dispersed.

The range of hills on which the British were posted, approached nearer

to those occupied by the Americans, as they stretched northward.

Having passed the day in reconnoitring the right, Sir William Howe

changed his ground in the course of the night, and moving along the

hills to his right, took an advantageous position, about a mile in

front of the American left. The next day he inclined still farther to

his right, and, in doing so, approached still nearer to the left wing

of the American army. Supposing a general engagement to be

approaching, Washington detached Gist with some Maryland militia, and

Morgan with his rifle corps, to attack the flanking and advanced

parties of the enemy. A sharp action ensued, in which Major Morris, of

Jersey, a brave officer in Morgan's regiment, was mortally wounded,

and twenty-seven of his men were killed and wounded. A small loss was

also sustained in the militia. The parties first attacked were driven

in; but the enemy reinforcing in numbers, and Washington, unwilling to

move from the heights, and engage on the ground which was the scene of

the skirmish, declining to reinforce Gist and Morgan, they, in turn,

were compelled to retreat.

[Sidenote: Returns to Philadelphia.]

Sir William Howe continued to manoeuvre towards the flank, and in

front of the left wing of the American army. Expecting to be attacked

in that quarter in full force, Washington made such changes in the

disposition of his troops as the occasion required; and the day was

consumed in these movements. In the course of it, the American chief

rode through every brigade of his army, delivering, in person, his

orders, respecting the manner of receiving the enemy, exhorting his

troops to rely principally on the bayonet, and encouraging them by the

steady firmness of his countenance, as well as by his words, to a

vigorous performance of their duty.[75] The dispositions of the

evening indicated an intention to attack him the ensuing morning; but

in the afternoon of the eighth, the British suddenly filed off from

their right, which extended beyond the American left, and retreated to

Philadelphia. The parties detached to harass their rear could not

overtake it.

[Footnote 75: The author states this on his own

observation.]

The loss of the British in this expedition, as stated in the official

letter of General Howe, rather exceeded one hundred in killed,

wounded, and missing; and was sustained principally in the skirmish of

the 7th, in which Major Morris fell.

On no former occasion had the two armies met, uncovered by works, with

superior numbers on the side of the Americans. The effective force of

the British was then stated at twelve thousand men. It has been since

declared by an author[76] who then belonged to it, but who, though a

candid writer, appears to have imbibed prejudices against Sir William

Howe, to have amounted to fourteen thousand. The American army

consisted of precisely twelve thousand one hundred and sixty-one

continental troops, and three thousand two hundred and forty-one

militia. This equality in point of numbers, rendered it a prudent

precaution to maintain a superiority of position. As the two armies

occupied heights fronting each other, neither could attack without

giving to its adversary some advantage in the ground; and this was an

advantage which neither seemed willing to relinquish.

[Footnote 76: Stedman.]

The return of Sir William Howe to Philadelphia without bringing on an

action, after marching out with the avowed intention of fighting, is

the best testimony of the respect which he felt for the talents of his

adversary, and the courage of the troops he was to encounter.

The cold was now becoming so intense that it was impossible for an

army neither well clothed, nor sufficiently supplied with blankets,

longer to keep the field in tents. It had become necessary to place

the troops in winter quarters; but in the existing state of things the

choice of winter quarters was a subject for serious reflection. It was

impossible to place them in villages without uncovering the country,

or exposing them to the hazard of being beaten in detachment.

To avoid these calamities, it was determined to take a strong position

in the neighbourhood of Philadelphia, equally distant from the

Delaware above and below that city; and there to construct huts, in

the form of a regular encampment, which might cover the army during

the winter. A strong piece of ground at Valley Forge, on the west side

of the Schuylkill, between twenty and thirty miles from Philadelphia,

was selected for that purpose; and some time before day on the morning

of the 11th of December, the army marched to take possession of it. By

an accidental concurrence of circumstances, Lord Cornwallis had been

detached the same morning at the head of a strong corps, on a foraging

party on the west side of the Schuylkill. He had fallen in with a

brigade of Pennsylvania militia commanded by General Potter, which he

soon dispersed; and, pursuing the fugitives, had gained the heights

opposite Matron's ford, over which the Americans had thrown a bridge

for the purpose of crossing the river, and had posted troops to

command the defile called the Gulph, just as the front division of the

American army reached the bank of the river. This movement had been

made without any knowledge of the intention of General Washington to

change his position, or any design of contesting the passage of the

Schuylkill; but the troops had been posted in the manner already

mentioned for the sole purpose of covering the foraging party.

Washington apprehended, from his first intelligence, that General Howe

had taken the field in full force. He therefore recalled the troops

already on the west side, and moved rather higher up the river, for

the purpose of understanding the real situation, force, and designs of

the enemy. The next day Lord Cornwallis returned to Philadelphia; and,

in the course of the night, the American army crossed the river.

[Sidenote: General Washington goes into winter quarters.]

Here the Commander-in-chief communicated to his army, in general

orders, the manner in which he intended to dispose of them during the

winter. He expressed, in strong terms, his approbation of their

conduct, presented them with an encouraging state of the future

prospects of their country, exhorted them to bear with continuing

fortitude the hardships inseparable from the position they were about

to take, and endeavoured to convince their judgments that those

hardships were not imposed on them by unfeeling caprice, but were

necessary for the good of their country.

The winter had set in with great severity, and the sufferings of the

army were extreme. In a few days, however, these sufferings were

considerably diminished by the erection of logged huts, filled up with

mortar, which, after being dried, formed comfortable habitations, and

gave content to men long unused to the conveniences of life. The order

of a regular encampment was observed; and the only appearance of

winter quarters, was the substitution of huts for tents.

The Life of George Washington, Vol. 2 Commander in Chief of the American Forces During the War which Established the Independence of his Country and First President of the United States · 第 9 / 12 章