Plato, supra-rationalism of, i. 42;
allegorizing by, i. 36; ii. 364;
doctrine of ideas, i. =35=; ii. 339-340;
Aquinas on this doctrine, ii. 455, 465;
Augustine of Hippo as influenced by, ii. 403;
“salvation” suggestion in, ii. 296 _n. 2_;
_Republic_, i. 36;
_Timaeus_, i. =35-6=, 291; ii. 64, 69, =118=, 348, 370, 372, =377=
Platonism:
Alanus’ _Anticlaudianus_, in, ii. 100 _n. 2_
Augustinian, i. 55
Nature of, i. =35-6=, 57, 59
Philosophy as classified by, ii. 312
Pliny the Elder, _Historia naturalis_ by, i. 39-40, 75
Plotinus, estimate of, i. 43, 45;
personal affinity of Augustine with, i. 55-7;
philosophic system of, i. =42=-6, 50, 51;
_Enneads_ of, i. 55;
otherwise mentioned, i. 50, 51; ii. 64
Plutarch, i. 44
Poetry, mediaeval:
Carmina Burana (Goliardic poetry), ii. 203, =217-19 and n.=
Chivalric, _see_ Chivalry--Literature
Hymns, _see that heading_
Italian, of 11th cent., i. =251 seqq.=; ii. 186
Latin, _see_ Latin verse
Modi, ii. 215-16
Music and, interaction of, ii. 195-=6=, =201-2=
Old High German, ii. 194
Popular verse, _see sub-headings_ Carmina _and_ Modi; _also_ Vernacular
Prosody, Alexander de Villa-Dei on, ii. 126
Vernacular:
Germanic, Norse, and Anglo-Saxon, ii. 220-1
Romance, ii. 221-3, 225 _seqq._
Pontigny monastery, i. 362
Poor of Lyons (Waldenses), i. 364, =365 n.=; ii. 34
Popes (_See also_ Papacy; _and for particular popes see their names_):
Avignon, at, ii. 510
Decretals of, _see under_ Canon law
Degradation of (10th cent.), i. 242
Election of, freed from lay control, i. 243 _n. 2_
Popular rights, growth of, in 12th cent., i. 305
Porphyry, i. 42, =44-7=, 50, 51, 56; ii. 295;
_Isagoge_ (Introduction to the _Categories_ of Aristotle), i. 45, 92,
102; ii. 312, =314 n.=, 333, =339=
Preaching Friars, _see_ Dominican Order
Predestination, Gottschalk’s controversy as to, i. 224-5, 227-=8=
Priscianus, i. 71; ii. 119 _n. 2_;
_Institutiones grammaticae_ of (_Priscianus major_ and _minor_), ii.
124-5
Prosper of Aquitaine, i. 106 _n. 1_
Provençal literature, i. 571; ii. 168;
Alba (aube) poetry, i. 20, =571=; ii. 30
Provincia (Narbonensis):
Antique, the, in relation to, before Middle Ages, i. 9
Latinization of, i. 26-7 _and_ _n. 1_
Ligurian inhabitants of, i. 126
Teutonic invasion of, i. 125
Prudentius, ii. 63;
_Psychomachia_ of, ii. 102-4
Pseudo-Callisthenes, _Life and Deeds of Alexander_ by, ii. 224, 225,
=229-230=
Pseudo-Dionysius, ii. 302;
_Celestial Hierarchy_ by, i. 54 _and_ _n. 1_
Pseudo-Turpin, ii. 319
Ptolemy of Alexandria, i. 40
Purgatory:
Dante’s _Purgatorio_, _see under_ Dante
Hildegard’s visions as to, i. 456 _n._
Popular belief as to, i. 486
_Quadrivium_, _see under_ Seven Liberal Arts
Rabanus Maurus, Abp. of Mainz, allegorizing of Scripture by, ii. 46-7;
interest in the vernacular, i. 308;
works of, i. 222-41;
_De universo_, i. 300; ii. 316 _n. 2_;
_Allegoriae in universam sacram scripturam_, ii. 48-9;
_De laudibus sanctae crucis_, ii. 49 _n. 3_;
otherwise mentioned, i. 16, 100, 215; ii. 302-303, 312, 332
Race, tests for determining, i. 124 _n._
Radbertus, _see_ Paschasius
_Raoul de Cambrai_, i. 563-4
Ratherius, i. 309 and =n. 2=
Ratramnus of Corbie, i. 215, 227; ii. 199
Ravenna:
Gerbert’s disputation in, i. 289-91
Grammar and rhetoric studies at, ii. 121
Law studies at, ii. 251, 252
S. Apollinaris in Classe, i. 373, 377
Raymond of Agiles quoted, i. 536
Realism, Duns’ exposition of, ii. 514 _and_ _n._
Reason _v._ authority controversy:
Berengar’s position in, i. 302-3
Eriugena’s contribution to, i. 229-=30=
Reccared, i. 118 _nn._
Reinhard, Bp. of Halberstadt, ii. 62
Relics of saints and martyrs:
Arms enshrining, i. 528
Curative use of, i. 299
Patristic attitude toward, i. 86, 101 _n._
Renaissance, misleading nature of term, i. 211 _n._
_Renaud de Montaubon_, i. 564
Rheims cathedral school, i. 293
Rhetoric:
Chartres study of, i. 298
Hugo of St. Victor on, ii. 67
Predominance of, i. 109 _and_ _n._
Richard, Abbot of Jumièges, i. 480-1
Richard of Middleton, ii. 512
Richard of St. Victor, ii. 80, =87= _and_ _n. 2_, =367 n. 2=, 540
Richer, Abbot of Monte Cassino, i. 252, 300 _n. 2_;
history of Gerbert by, quoted, i. 287-91
Ricimer, Count, i. 113
Riddles, didactic, i. 218-19 _and_ _n. 1_
Rigaud, Eude (Oddo Rigaldus), Abp. of Rouen, i. =476=, =508=, 509;
_Register_ of, quoted, i. 476-81
Robert, cousin of St. Bernard, i. 395-7
Robert of Normandy, ii. 139
Rollo, Duke, of Normandy, i. 153, 239-40
_Roman de la rose_, i. =586-7=; ii. 103 _and_ _nn._, 104, 223
_Roman de Thebes_, ii. 227, =229 n.=
Roman Empire:
Barbarization of, i. 5, 7, =111 seqq.=
Billeting of soldiers, custom as to, i. 114 _n._, 117
Christianity accepted by, i. 345
Church, relations with, ii. 265-7, 272-3
Cities enjoying citizenship of--in Spain, i. 26 _and_ _n. 2_;
in Gaul, i. 30
City life of, i. 27, 326
Clientage system under, i. 117 _n. 2_
Dante’s views on, ii. 536
Decadence of, i. =84=, 97, =111=
Eastern, _see_ Eastern Empire
Enduring nature of, conditions of, i. 238 _n._
Greek thought diffused by, i. 4
Italian people under, i. 7
Jurisconsults of, authority and capacity of, ii. 232-3 _and_ _n._, 236
Latinization of Western Europe due to, i. 23 _seqq._, 110
Mediaeval attitude toward, i. 11
Scandinavians under influence of, i. 152 _n. 3_
Roman law:
Auditory, Imperial or Praetorian, ii. 233 _n._, 235 _n. 1_
Bologna famed for study of, ii. =121=, 251, =259-62=, 378
_Brachylogus_, ii. 254-5
_Breviarium_ and its _Interpretatio_, i. =117=; ii. 243-4;
Epitomes of, ii. 244, =249-50=;
_Brachylogus_ influenced by, ii. 254
Burgundian tolerance of, i. 121;
code (_Papianus_), ii. 239, =242=
Church under, ii. 265 _and_ _n. 2_
Codes of:
Barbaric, nature of, ii. 244
(_See also sub-headings_ Breviarium _and_ Burgundian)
Gregorianus’, ii. 240, 243
Hermogenianus’, ii. 240, 243
Nature of, ii. 239-40
Theodosian, ii. 240 _and_ _n. 2_, 241 _n. 2_, 242-3, =249=, =266-7
and n. 1=
_Codex_ of Justinian, ii. =240=, =242=, 253:
Azo’s and Accursius’ work on, ii. 263-4
Glosses to, ii. 249-50
Placentinus’ _Summa_ of, ii. 262
_Summa Perusina_ an epitome of, ii. =249=, 252
_Constitutiones_ and _rescripta principum_, ii. =235 and n. 1=, 239,
=240=
Custom recognized by, ii. 236
Digest of, by Justinian, _see subheading_ Pandects
Elementary education including smattering of, ii. 250
Epitomes of, various, ii. 249-50;
_Epitome of Julianus_, ii. 242, =249=, 254
Glosses:
Accursius’ _Glossa ordinaria_, ii. 263-4
Irnerius’, ii. 261 _and_ _n. 1_
Justinian’s _Codex_, to, ii. 249-50
Gothic adoption of, i. 114
_Institutes_ of Gaius, ii. 241, 243
_Institutes_ of Justinian, ii. =241=, 243, =254=:
Azo’s _Summa_ of, ii. 263
Placentinus’ _Summa_ of, ii. 262
Jurisprudential element in early stages of, ii. 232
_Jus_ identified with _aequitas_, ii. 235
_Jus civile_, ii. 237, 257
_Jus gentium_:
_Jus naturale_ in relation to, ii. 234 _and_ _n._
Origin of, ii. 233-4
Popular rights as regarded by, ii. 278
_Jus praetorium_, ii. 235
_Lex romana canonice compta_, ii. 252
Lombard attitude toward, i. 115
_Novellae_ of Justinian, ii. 240, =242=
Pandects (Justinian’s _Digest_), ii. 235 _and_ _n. 2_, =236-8=,
=241=-2, 248, 253, 255:
Accursius’ _Glossa_ on, ii. 264
Glossators’ interpretation of, ii. 265
Permanence of, ii. 236
_Petrus_ (_Petri exceptiones_), ii. 252-4
Placentinus’ work in, ii. 261-2
Principles of, examples of, ii. 237-8;
possession and its rights, ii. 256-8
Principles of interpretation of, ii. 256
Provincia, in, i. 27 _n. 1_
_Responsa_ or _auctoritas jurisprudentium_, ii. 235-6
Sources of, multifarious, ii. 235
Sphere of, ii. 248
Study of, centres for--in France, ii. 250;
in Italy, ii. =121=, 251 _and_ _n. 2_, =259-62=, 378
_Summa codicis Irnerii_, ii. 255
Theodosian Code, _see under subheading_ Codes
Treatises on, mediaeval, ii. 252 _seqq._
Twelve Tables, ii. 232, 236
Visigothic code of, _see subheading_ _Breviarium_
Romance, spirit of, i. 418
Romance languages (_See also_ Old French):
Characteristics of, ii. 152
Dante’s attitude toward, ii. 537
Latin as modified by, ii. 155
Literature of, ii. 221-3
(_See also_ Provençal literature)
Strength of, i. 9
Romance nations, mediatorial rôle of, i. =110-11=, 124
_Romans d’aventure_, i. =564-5=, 571 _n. 2_
Rome:
Bishops of, _see_ Popes
Factions in (10th cent.), i. 242
Law School in, ii. 251, 255
Mosaics in, i. 347
Verses to, i. 348; ii. =200=
Romualdus, St., youth of, i. 373;
austerities of, i. 374, =379=, 381;
relations with his father, i. 374-5;
harshness and egotism of, i. 375-7;
at Vallis de Castro, i. 376-7, 380;
at Sytrio, i. 378-9;
death of, i. 372 _n. 3_, =380=;
Commentary of, on the Psalter, i. 379
Romulus Augustulus, Emp., i. 114
Roncesvalles, battle of, i. 559 _n. 2_-62
Roscellinus, i. 303-4; ii. 339-=40=
Rothari, King of Lombards, i. 115; ii. 251
Ruadhan, St., i. 132-3
Ruotger, Life of Abp. Bruno by, i. 310; ii. 162 _and_ _n. 1_
_Sacra doctrina_, _see_ Theology
Sacraments, _see under_ Church
_Sagas_, Norse:
Character of, i. 12 _n._, 155 _seqq._
_Egil_, i. 162-4
_Gisli_, i. 158
_Heimskringla_, i. 160-2 _and_ _n. 2_
_Njala_, i. 157 _and_ =n.=, =159=, =164-7=
Oral tradition of, ii. 220
St. Denis monastery, ii. 10, =344=
St. Emmeram convent (Ratisbon), i. 315, =316=
St. Gall monastery, i. 257-8;
Notker’s work at, ii. 201-2
St. Victor monastery and school, ii. =61-3=, 143, 383
Saints:
Austerities of, i. 374 _and_ _n._, 375
Interventions of, mediaeval beliefs as to, i. 487-8, 490
Irish clergy so called, i. 135 _n. 2_
Lives of:
Compend. of (_Legenda Aurea_), ii. 184
Conventionalized descriptions in, i. 393 _n. 1_
Defects of, i. 494
Estimate of, i. =84-5 and nn.=
otherwise mentioned, i. 298, 300
Relics of, _see_ Relics
Visions of, i. 444-5
Worship of, i. 101
Salerno medical school, i. =250 n. 4=, =251=; ii. 121
Salian Franks, _see under_ Franks
Salimbene, i. 496-7, 499-500;
_Chronica_ of, quoted and cited, i. 498 _seqq._;
editions and translations of the work, i. 496 _n._
Salvation, _see under_ Christianity
Salvian, _De gubernatione Dei_ by, i. 84
Saracens:
Crusades against, _see_ Crusades
Frankish victories against, i. 209-10 _n. 1_
Wars with, necessitating mounted warriors, i. 525
otherwise mentioned, i. 239, 252, 274, 332
Saxons, _see_ Anglo-Saxons _and_ Germans
Scandinavians, _see_ Norsemen
Scholasticism:
Arab analogy with, ii. 390 _and_ _n. 2_
Aristotle’s advanced works, stages of appropriation of, ii. 393-5
Bacon’s attack on, ii. 484, =493-4=, =496=, 509
Classification of topics by:
Schemes of, various, ii. 312 _seqq._
Twofold principle of, ii. 311
Conceptualism, ii. 520-1
Content of, i. 301
Deference to authority a characteristic of, ii. 297, 300
Disintegration of--through Duns, ii. 510, 516;
through Occam, ii. 522-3
Elementary nature of discussions of, ii. 347
Evil, problem of, _see_ Evil
Exponents of, ii. 283 _and_ _n._
Final exposition of, by Aquinas, ii. 484
Greek thought contrasted with, ii. 296
Humour non-existent in, ii. 459
Method of, ii. =302=, =306-7=, 315 _n._;
prototype of, i. 95
Nominalism, ii. 340
Philosophy of, _see_ Philosophy, scholastic
Phraseology of, untranslatable, ii. 348, 483
_Praedicables_, ii. 314 _n._
Present interest of, ii. 285
Realism, ii. 340;
Pantheism in relation to, ii. 370
Salvation a main interest of, ii. =296-7=, 300, 311
Scriptural authority, position of, ii. 289, =291-2=
Secular studies as regarded by, ii. 349, 357
Stages of development of, ii. 333 _seqq._
Sympathetic study of, the key to contradictions, ii. 371
Theology of, _see_ Theology
Universals, problem of:
Aquinas’ treatment of, ii. 462
Duns’ treatment of, ii. 515
Occam’s contribution toward, ii. 520-1
Roscellin’s views on, i. 303-4
Sciences, classifications of, ii. 312 _seqq._
(_See also_ Physical science)
Scotland, Christianizing of, i. 173
Scriptures, Christian:
Allegorizing of:
Examples of:
David and Bathsheba episode, ii. 44-6
Exodus, Book of, ii. 47
Good Samaritan parable, ii. =53-6=, 84, 90
Hannah, story of, ii. 47 _n. 1_
Pharisee and Publican parable, ii. 51-2
Hugo of St. Victor’s view of, ii. 65 _n._
Writers exemplifying--Philo, ii. 42-43;
the Fathers, ii. =43 seqq.=, 68-9 _and_ _n. 2_;
Rabanus, ii. 46-50;
Bede, ii. 47 _n. 1_;
Honorius of Autun, ii. 51 _seqq._;
Hugo of St. Victor, ii. 67 _seqq._
Anglo-Saxon version of, i. =142 n. 2=, 183
Authority of--in patristic doctrine, ii. 295;
acknowledged by Eriugena, i. 231;
by Berengar, i. 303;
in scholasticism, ii. 280, 291-2
Bacon’s attitude toward, ii. =491-2=, 497
Bonaventura’s attitude toward, and writings on, ii. 405 _seqq._
Canon law based on, ii. 267-9
Classical studies in relation to, _see subheading_ Secular
Classification of topics based on, ii. 317, 324
Commentaries on--Alcuin’s, i. 220-1;
Raban’s, i. 222-3
Duns’ attitude toward, ii. 516
Francis of Assisi’s literal acceptance of, i. 365, 426-=7=;
his realization of spirit of, i. 427 _n. 1_; ii. 183
Gothic version of, i. 143 _n._
_Heliand_, i. =203 and nn.=, 308
Hymns based on, ii. 88 _seqq._
Interpretation of--by the Fathers, i. =43 seqq.=, 68-9 _and_ _n. 2_;
by Eriugena, i. 231;
by Berengar, i. 303
Isidore’s writings on, i. 104-5
Love, human, as treated in Old Testament, i. 332-3
Scenes from, in Gothic art, ii. 82 _seqq._
Secular knowledge in relation to, i. 63, =66=; ii. =110=, =112=,
120, 499
Song of Songs, _see_ Canticles
Study of, by monks, i. 94;
Cassiodorus’ _Institutiones_, i. 95-6
Theology identified with, ii. 406, 408
Vulgate, the:
Corruption in Paris copy of, ii. 497
Language of, ii. 171
Sculpture, Gothic:
Cathedrals, evolution of, ii. 538-=9=
Symbolism of, i. 457 _n. 2_; ii. =82-6=
Sedulius Scotus, i. 215
Seneca, i. 26, 41
_Sentences, Books of_:
Isidore’s, i. 106 _and_ _n. 1_
Paulus’ _Sententiae_, ii. 243
Peter Lombard’s, _see under_ Lombard
Prosper’s, i. 106 _n. 1_
Sequence-hymns, development of, ii. 196, =201-6=;
Adam of St. Victor’s, ii. 209-215
Serenus, Bp. of Marseilles, i. 102
Sermons, allegorizing:
Bernard of Clairvaux, by, i. 337 _n._, =409-13=; ii. =169=, 368-9
Honorius of Autun, by, ii. 50 _seqq._
Seven Liberal Arts (_See also separate headings_ Grammar, Logic, _etc._):
Alanus de Insulis on functions of, ii. 98 _n. 1_
Carolingian study of, i. 236
Clerical education in, i. 221-2
Compend of, by Cassiodorus, i. 96
_De nuptiis_ as concerned with, i. 71 _n. 3_
Hugo of St. Victor on function of, ii. 67, 111
Latin the medium for, ii. 109
Law smattering included with, ii. 250
Quadrivium:
Boëthius on, i. 90 _and_ _n. 2_
Chartres, at, i. 299
Thierry’s encyclopaedia of, ii. 130
Trivium:
Chartres, at, i. =298-9=; ii. 163
Courses of, as representing stages of mediaeval development, ii.
331 _seqq._
otherwise mentioned, i. 217; ii. 553
Severinus, St., i. 192
Severus, Sulpicius, i. 126 _n. 2_;
Life of St. Martin by, i. 52, 84, 85 _n. 2_, =86=
Sidonius, Apollinaris, i. 126 _n. 2_;
cited, i. 117 _n. 1_, 140
Siger de Brabant, ii. 401 _and_ _n._
_Sippe_, i. 122
Smaragdus, Abbot, i. 215
Socrates, i. 34-5; ii. 7
Songs, _see_ Poetry
Sophists, Greek, i. 35
Sorbon, Robert de, i. 544-5
Sorcery, i. 46
Spain:
Antique, the, in relation to, before Middle Ages, i. 9
Arabian philosophy in, ii. 390
Church in, i. 9, 103, =118 and n.=
Latinization of, i. 25-6 _and_ _n. 2_
Moorish conquest of, i. 9, 118
Visigoths in, i. 113, 116-=17 and n. 2=, 118
_Stabat Mater_, i. 348
Statius, ii. 229 _n._
Statius Caecilius, i. 25
Stephen IX., Pope, i. 263
Stephen, St., sequence for festival of, ii. 211-13
Stephen of Bourbon quoted, i. 365 _n._
Stilicho, i. 112
Stoicism:
Emotion as regarded by, i. 330
Nature of, i. =41=, 57, 59
Neo-Platonism contrasted with, ii. 296
Philosophy as classified by, ii. 312
Roman law as affected by, ii. 232
otherwise mentioned, i. 40, 70
Strabo, Walafrid, _see_ Walafrid
Suevi, i. 116-17 _and_ _n. 2_, =139=
_Summae_, method of, ii. 306-7
(_See also under_ Theology)
_Summum bonum_, Aquinas’ discussion of, ii. 438 _seqq._, 456
Switzerland, Irish monasteries founded in, i. 174
Sylvester II., Pope (Gerbert of Aurillac), career of, i. 281-4;
disputation with Otric, i. 289-91;
estimate of, i. 281, =285-7=;
love of the classics, i. =287-8=; ii. 110;
Latin style of, ii. 160;
logical studies of, ii. 332, 338, 339, 345;
letters of, quoted, i. 283-7;
estimated, i. 284-5;
editions of works of, i. 280 _n._;
_Libellus de rationali et ratione uti_, i. =292 n.=, 299;
otherwise mentioned, i. 249; ii. 35
Symbolism:
Alanus’ _Anticlaudianus_ as exemplifying, ii. 94-103
Angels as symbols, ii. 457
Art, mediaeval, inspired by, i. 21
Augustine and Gregory compared as to, i. 56-7
Carolingian, nature and examples of, ii. 46-50
Church edifices, of, ii. 78-82
Dante permeated with, ii. 534, =552-5=
Greek, nature of, ii. 56-7
Hildegard’s visions, in, i. 456 _seqq._
Marriage relationship, in, i. 413-14
Mass, of the, ii. 77-8
Mediaeval thought deeply impressed by, ii. =43=, 50 _n. 1_, =102=,
=365=
Mysticism in relation to, ii. 364
Neo-Platonic, i. 52
Ovid’s works interpreted by, ii. 230
Patristic, i. =37=, =43-6=, 52, 53, 58, =80=
Platonic, i. 36
Raban’s addiction to, i. 223 _and_ _n. 2_
_Signum et res_ classification, ii. 322-3
Twelfth century--in Honorius of Autun, ii. 51 _seqq._;
in Hugo of St. Victor, ii. 64 _seqq._
Universal in mental processes, ii. 41, 552 _n._
Universe explained by, ii. 64, 66 _seqq._
otherwise mentioned, i. 15, 22
Sytrio, Romualdus at, i. 378-9
Tacitus, i. 78; ii. 134
Tears, grace of, i. 370-1 _and_ _n._, 462, 463
Templars, i. 531-5
Tenth century, _see_ Carolingian period
Tertullian, i. 5, 58, 87, 99, 171, 332, 344, 354 _n._; ii 152;
paradox of, i. 51; ii. 297;
_Adversus Marcionem_, i. 68
Teutons (_See also_ Anglo-Saxons, Danes, Germans, Norsemen):
Celts compared with, i. 125
Characteristics of, i. 138
Christianizing of:
Manner of, i. =181-3=, =196-7=, 193;
results of, i. 5, =170=-1
Motives of converts, i. 193
Customs of, i. 122, 139, 141, 523
Law of, early, tribal nature of, ii. 245-7
Rôle of, in mediaeval evolution, i. 125
Roman Empire permeated by, i. 111 _seqq._
Theodora, i. 242
Theodore, Abp. of Canterbury, i. 184
Theodoric of Freiburg, ii. 501 _n._
Theodoric the Ostrogoth, i. 89, 91 _n. 2_, 93, =114-15=, 120-1, 138, 249;
in legend, i. 145-6;
Edict of, ii. 244 _n._
Theodosius the Great, Emp., i. 112; ii. 272;
Code of, ii. 240 _and_ _n. 2_, 241 _n. 2_, 242, =249=, =266-7 and n. 1=
Theodulphus, Bp. of Orleans, i. =9=, 215;
Latin diction of, ii. 160
Theology, scholastic:
Abaelard’s treatises on, _see under_ Abaelard
Aquinas’ _Summa_ of, _see under_ Aquinas
Argumentative nature of, ii. 292-3
Augustinian character of, ii. 403
Course of study in, ii. 388
Importance of, as intellectual interest, ii. 287-8
Logic in relation to, ii. =340 n.=, 346
Mysticism of, ii. 363-4
Natural sciences, etc., as handmaids to, ii. =67=, 111, 289, =486=,
=492=, =496=, 500, 530;
denial of the theory--by Duns, ii. 510;
by Occam, ii. 519-520
(_See also_ Physical science--Patristic attitude toward)
Paris the centre for, ii. 283, =379=
Philosophy in relation to, _see under_ Philosophy
Practical, not speculative, regarded as, ii. 512, =515=, 519
Scientific nature of, as regarded by Albertus, ii. 291, 430
Scripture identified with, ii. 406, 408
_Summae_ of--by Alexander of Hales, ii. 399;
by Bonaventura, ii. 408;
by Albertus Magnus, ii. 430-1;
by Aquinas, _see under_ Aquinas
Thirteenth-century study of, ii. 118-=120=
Theophrastus, i. 38
Theresa, St., i. 443 _n. 1_
Theurgic practice, i. 46-8
Thierry, Chancellor of Chartres, ii. 119, =370-1=;
_Eptateuchon_ of, ii. 130 _and_ _n._
Thirteenth century:
Intellectual interests of, ultimate, ii. 287
Latin prose styles of, ii. 179
Papal position in, ii. 509
Personalities of writers emergent in, ii. 436
Theology and dialectic the chief studies of, ii. 118-=20=
Three phenomena marking, ii. 378
Thomas à Kempis, _De imitatione Christi_ by, ii. 185
Thomas Aquinas, _see_ Aquinas
Thomas of Brittany, _Tristan_ fragment by, i. 582
Thomas of Cantimpré, ii. 428-9
Thomas of Celano, Life of St. Francis by, quoted, i. 435, 436-8;
style of the work, ii. 182-3
Thucydides, _History of the Peloponnesian War_ by, i. 77-8
Thuringia:
Boniface’s work in, i. 197-8
Merovingian rule in, i. 121
Thuringians, language of, i. 145 _n. 2_
Torriti, i. 347
Trance, _see_ Ecstasy
Trèves, i. =30=, 31, 192
_Tristan_:
Chrétien’s version of, i. 567
Gottfried von Strassburg’s version of, i. 577-82
Trivium, _see under_ Seven Liberal Arts
Troubadours (trouvères), i. 572-3 _and_ _nn._
Troy, tales of, in mediaeval literature, ii. 200, =224-5 and n. 2=,
=227-9=
True and the good compared, ii. 441, 512
Truth, Guigo’s _Meditationes_ as concerning, i. 385-6
Twelfth century:
Classical studies at zenith in, ii. 117-118
Growth in, various, i. 305-6
Intellectual interests of, ultimate, ii. 287
Literary zenith in, ii. 168, 205-6
Mobility increased during, ii. 379
Ulfilas, i. 192; ii. 221
Ulpian--on _jus naturale_ and _jus gentium_, ii. 234 _and_ _n._;
on _justitia_, _jus_ and _jurisprudentia_, ii. 237
Ulster Cycle, Sagas of, i. 128 _and_ _n. 2_, 129 _seqq._
Universals, _see under_ Scholasticism
Universities, mediaeval (_For particular universities see their names_):
Increase in (14th cent.), ii. 523
Rise of, ii. 379, 381 _seqq._
Studies at, ii. 388 _and_ _n._
Urban II., Pope, ii. 175
Urban IV., Pope, ii. 391-2, 434
Utrecht, bishopric of, i. 197
Vallombrosa, i. 377
Vandals, i. 112, =113=, 120
Varro, Terentius, i. 39, 71, 78
Vercingetorix, i. 28
Vernacular poetry, _see under_ Poetry
Verse, _see_ Poetry
Vikings, _see_ Danes _and_ Norsemen
Vilgard, i. 259-60
Vincent of Beauvais, _Speculum majus_ of, ii. 82 _and_ _n. 2_, 315-22
Virgil, Bernard Silvestris’ _Commentum_ on, ii. 116-17 _and_ _n. 2_;
Dante in relation to, ii. 535, 536, 539, 543
Virgin Mary:
Dante’s _Paradiso_ as concerning, ii. 551
Hymns to, by Hugo of St. Victor, ii. 86-7, 92
Interventions of, against the devil, i. 487, =490-2=
Mediaeval attitude toward, i. 53, 54 _and_ =n. 2=; ii. =431=, =551=,
558
Virtues:
Aquinas’ classification of, ii. 326-8
Odilo’s _Cardinales disciplinae_, i. 295
Virtues and vices, poetic treatment of--by Alanus, ii. 102 _n._;
by De Lorris and De Meun, ii. 103
Visigoths:
Arianism of, i. 120
Dacian settlement of, i. 112
Gaul, Southern, kingdom in, i. 7, 112, =116=;
Clovis’ conquest of, i. 121
Roman law code promulgated by, _see_ Roman law--_Breviarium_
Spain, in, i. 9, 113, 116-=17 and n. 2=, 118
Visions:
Examples of, i. 444-6, 451, 452-9
Monastic atmosphere in, i. 184 _and_ _n. 2_
Nature of, i. 443, 449 and _n. 3_, =450=, 451 _and_ _n._
_Vita contemplativa_:
Aquinas’ views on, ii. 443, =481-2=
Hildebert on, ii. 144-5
_Vitae sanctorum_, _see_ Saints--Lives of
Walafrid Strabo, i. 100, =215=; ii. =332=;
_Glossa ordinaria_ of, i. 16, =221 n. 2=; ii. =46=;
_De cultura hortorum_, ii. 188 _n. 2_
Waldenses, i. =365 n.=; ii. 34
Walter of Lille (of Chatillon), _Alexandreis_ of, ii. 192 _and_ _n. 3_,
230 _n. 1_
Walther von der Vogelweide, political views of, ii. 33;
attitude of, toward Papacy, ii. 34-6;
piety and crusading zeal of, ii. 36;
melancholy, ii. 36-7;
_Minnelieder_ of, ii. 29-31;
_Sprüche_, ii. 29, =32=, 36;
_Tagelied_, ii. 30;
_Unter der Linde_, ii. 30;
otherwise mentioned, i. 475, =482=, 589; ii. 223
_Wergeld_, i. =122=, 139; ii. =246=
Will, primacy of, over intellect, ii. 512, 515
William, Abbot of Hirschau, i. 315
William II. (Rufus), King of England, i. 273, 275; ii. =138-9=
William of Apulia, ii. 189 _and_ _n. 3_
William of Champeaux--worsted by Abaelard, ii. 342-3;
founds St. Victor, ii. 61, 143;
Hildebert’s letter to, quoted, ii. 143
William of Conches, ii. 132;
studies and works of, ii. 372-3;
_Summa moralium philosophorum_, ii. 134-5, 373 _and_ _n. 2_
William of Malmsbury cited, i. 525
William of Moerbeke, ii. 391
William of Occam, _see_ Occam
William of St. Thierry, ii. 300, 344
Willibrord, St., i. 197
Winifried-Boniface, St., i. 6, =197-200=, 308; ii. 273
Wisdom, Aquinas on, ii. 481
Witelo, _Perspectiva_ by, ii. 501 _n._
Witiza of Aquitaine, i. 358-9
Wolfram von Eschenbach, ii. 223;
_Parzival_ by, i. 12 _n._, 149 _n. 1_, 152, 567, 571 _n. 2_,
=589-613=; ii. =36=;
estimate of the work, i. 588; ii. 29
Women:
Emotion regarding, i. 349-50
Emotional Christ-love experienced by, i. 442, =459 seqq.=
Fabliaux’ tone toward, i. 521 _n. 2_
German prae-mediaeval attitude toward, i. 139, 150;
mediaeval, ii. 31
Monastic life, in:
Abuses among, i. 491-2;
Rigaud’s _Register_ as concerning, i. 479-480
Consecration of, i. 337 _and_ _n._
Gandersheim nuns, i. 311
Visions of, i. 442 _seqq._, 463 _seqq._
Monkish vilification of, i. =354 n.=, 521 _n. 2_, 532, =533=; ii. 58
Romantic literature as concerned with, i. 564
Romantic poems for audiences of, i. 565
Walther von der Vogelweide on, ii. 31
Worms, Concordat of (1122), i. 245 _n. 4_
Xenophon’s _Cyropaedia_, i. 78
Year-books (_Annales_), i. 234 _and_ =n. 1=
Yves, Bp. of Chartres, i. 262 _n._; ii. =139=
Zacharias, Pope, i. 199
Zoology:
Albertus Magnus’ works on, ii. 429
Aristotle’s work in, i. 38
_Physiologus_, i. =76-7 and n.=, 300; ii. 83
FOOTNOTES:
[1] The present work is not occupied with the brutalities of mediaeval
life, nor with all the lower grades of ignorance and superstition
abounding in the Middle Ages, and still existing, in a less degree,
through parts of Spain and southern France and Italy. Consequently I have
not such things very actively in mind when speaking of the mediaeval
genius. That phrase, and the like, in this book, will signify the more
informed and constructive spirit of the mediaeval time.
[2] There will be much to say of all these men in later chapters.
[3] _Post_, Chapter XI.
[4] See _post_, Chapter IX., as to the manner of the coming of Augustine
to England.
[5] The Icelandic Sagas, for example, were then brought into written form.
They have a genius of their own; they are realistic and without a trace of
symbolism. They are wonderful expressions of the people among whom they
were composed. _Post_, Chapter VIII. But, products of a remote island,
they were unaffected by the moulding forces of mediaeval development, nor
did they exert any influence in turn. The native traits of the mediaeval
peoples were the great complementary factor in mediaeval
progress--complementary, that is to say, to Latin Christianity and antique
culture. Mediaeval characteristics sprang from the interaction of these
elements; they certainly did not spring from any such independent and
severed growth of native Teuton quality as is evinced by the Sagas. One
will look far, however, for another instance of such spiritual aloofness.
For clear as are the different racial or national traits throughout the
mediaeval period, they constantly appear in conjunction with other
elements. They are discerned working beneath, possibly reacting against,
and always affected by, the genius of the Middle Ages, to wit, the genius
of the mutual interaction of the whole. Wolfram’s very German _Parzival_,
the old French _Chanson de Roland_, and above them all the _Divina
Commedia_, are mediaeval. In these compositions in the vernacular, racial
traits manifest themselves distinctly, and yet are affected by the
mediaeval spirit.
[6] See _post_, Chapter V.
[7] The Predestination and Eucharistic controversies are examples; _post_,
Chapter X.
[8] See _post_, Chapter X.
[9] The lack of originality in the first half of the tenth century is
illustrated by the Epitome of Gregory’s _Moralia_, made by such an
energetic person as Odo of Cluny. It occupies four hundred columns in
Migne’s _Patrologia Latina_, 133. See _post_, Chapter XII.
[10] See _post_, Chapter XIII.
[11] See _post_, Chapter XI.
[12] See _post_, Chapter XVI.
[13] These men will be fully considered later, Chapters XXXIV.-XL.
[14] See _post_, Chapter XXXI.
[15] See _post_, Chapter XXXII.
[16] _Post_, Chapter XXIII.
[17] The term “spiritual” is here intended to signify the activities of
the mind which are emotionalized with yearning or aversion, and therefore
may be said to belong to the entire nature of man.
[18] The history of the spread of Latin through Italy and the provinces is
from the nature of the subject obscure. Budinsky’s _Die Ausbreitung der
lateinischer Sprache_ (Berlin, 1881) is somewhat unsatisfactory. See also
Meyer-Lübke, _Die lateinische Sprache in den romanischen Ländern_
(Gröber’s _Grundriss_, 1{2}, 451 _sqq._; F. G. Mohl, _Introduction à la
chronologie du latin vulgaire_ (1899). The statements in the text are very
general, and ignore intentionally the many difficult questions as to what
sort of Latin--dialectal, popular, or literary--was spread through the
peninsula. See Mohl, _o.c._ § 33 _sqq._
[19] Tradition says from Gaul, but the sifted evidence points to the
Danube north of the later province of Noricum. See Bertrand and Reinach,
_Les Celtes dans les vallées du Pô et du Danube_ (Paris, 1894).
[20] See Beloch, _Bevölkerung der griechisch-römischen Welt_, p. 507
(Leipzig, 1886).
[21] Mommsen says that in Augustus’s time fifty Spanish cities had the
full privileges of Roman citizenship and fifty others the rights of
Italian towns (_Roman Provinces_, i. 75, Eng. trans.). But this seems a
mistake; as the enumeration of Beloch, _Bevölkerung_, etc., p. 330, gives
fifty in all, following the account of Pliny.
[22] Cicero, _Pro Archia_, 10, speaks slightingly of poets born at
Cordova, but, later, Latro of Cordova was Ovid’s teacher.
[23] The Roman law was used throughout Provincia. In this respect a line
is to be drawn between Provincia and the North. See _post_, Chapter
XXXIII.
[24] _Bellum Gallicum_, iii. 10.
[25] _Bellum Gallicum_, v. 6.
[26] Porcius Cato, in his _Origines_, written a hundred years before
Caesar crossed the mountains, says that Gallia was devoted to the art of
war and to eloquence (_argute loqui_). Presumably the Gallia that Cato
thus characterized as clever or acute of speech, was Cisalpine Gaul, to
wit, the north of Italy; yet Caesar’s transalpine Gauls were both clever
of speech and often the fools of their own arguments. Lucian, in his
_Hercules_ (No. 55, Dindorf’s edition) has his “Celt” argue that Hercules
accomplished his deeds by the power of words.
[27] See, generally, Fustel de Coulanges, _Institutions politiques de
l’ancienne France_, vol. i. (_La Gaule romaine_).
[28] _Bellum Gallicum_, vi. 11, 12.
[29] Cf. Julian, _Vercingetorix_ (2nd ed., Paris, 1902).
[30] _Bellum Gallicum_, iv. 5; vi. 20.
[31] There are a number of texts from the second to the fifth century
which bear on the matter. Taken altogether they are unsatisfying, if not
blind. They have been frequently discussed. See Gröber, _Grundriss der
romanischen Philologie_, i. 451 _sqq._ (2nd edition, 1904); Brunot,
_Origines de la langue française_, which is the Introduction to Petit de
Julleville’s _Histoire de la langue et de la littérature française_
(Paris, 1896); Bonnet, _Le Latin de Grégoire de Tours_, pp. 22-30 (Paris,
1890); Mommsen’s _Provinces of the Roman Empire_, p. 108 _sqq._ of English
translation; Fustel de Coulanges, _Institutions politiques_, vol. i. (_La
Gaule romaine_), pp. 125-135 (Paris, 1891); Roger, _L’Enseignement des
lettres classiques d’ Ausone à Alcuin_, p. 24 _sqq._ (Paris, 1905).
[32] Such words are, _e.g._, wine, street, wall. See Toller, _History of
the English Language_ (Macmillan & Co., 1900), pp. 41, 42.
[33] See Paul, _Grundriss der germanischen Philologie_, Band i. pp.
305-315, (Strassburg, 1891).
[34] A prime illustration is afforded by the Latin juristic word _persona_
used in the Creed. The Latins had to render the three ὑποστάσεις of the
Greeks; and “three somethings,” _tria quaedam_, was too loose, as
Augustine says (_De Trinitate_, vii. 7-12). The true and literal
translation of ὑπόστασις would have been _substantia_; but that word had
been taken to render οὐσία. So the legal word _persona_ was employed in
spite of its recognized unfitness. Cf. Taylor, _Classical Heritage, etc._,
p. 116 _sqq._
[35] On these Peripatetics see Zeller, _Philosophie der Griechen_, 3rd ed.
vol. ii. pp. 806-946.
[36] See Boissier, _Étude sur M. T. Varron_ (Paris, 1861).
[37] _Hist. naturalis_, ii. 41.
[38] From the reign of Augustus onward, Astrology flourished as never
before. See Habler, _Astrologie im Alterthum_, p. 23 _sqq._ (Zwickau,
1879).
[39] _De abstinentia_, ii. 34.
[40] _De abstinentia_, iii. 4.
[41] Porphyry before him had spoken of angels and archangels which he had
found in Jewish writings.
[42] For authorities cited, see Zeller, _Ges. der Phil._, iii.{2} p. 686.
[43] _De mysteriis_, i. 3.
[44] _Ibid._ ii. 3, 9.
[45] Cf. Döllinger, _Sektengeschichte_.
[46] All my Christian examples are taken from among the representatives of
Catholic Christianity, because it was that which triumphed, and set the
lines of mediaeval thought. Consequently, I have not referred to the
Gnostics, not wishing to complicate an already complex spiritual
situation. Gnosticism was a mixture of Hellenic, oriental, and Christian
elements. Its votaries represented one (most distorting) way in which the
Gospel was taken. But Gnosticism neither triumphed nor deserved to. It
flourished somewhat before the time of Plotinus.
[47] See Origen, _De principiis_, iii. 2.
[48] The Athanasian _Vita Antonii_ is in Migne, _Patr. Graec._ 26, and
trans. in _Nicene Fathers_, second series, iv. The _Vita S. Martini_ is in
Halm’s ed. of Sulp. Severus (Vienna, 1866), and in Migne, _Pat. Lat._ 20,
and trans. in _Nicene Fathers_, second series, xi.
[49] See Harnack, _Dogmengeschichte_, ii. 413 _sqq._, especially 432 sqq.
Also Taylor, _Classical Heritage_, pp. 94-97.
[50] In cap. iii. § 2 of the _Celestial Hierarchy_, Pseudo-Dionysius says
that the goal of his system is the becoming like to God and oneness with
Him (ἡ πρὸς θεὸν ἀφομοίωσίς τε καὶ ἕνωσις). He classifies his “celestial
intelligences” even more systematically than the _De mysteriis_ of
Iamblicus’s school. His work is full of Neo-Platonism. Cf. Vacherot,
_Histoire de l’école d’Alexandrie_, iii. 24 _sqq._
[51] The cult of the Virgin and the saints was of very early growth. See
Lucius, _Die Anfänge des Heiligen Kults in der christlichen Kirche_ (ed.
by Anrich, Tübingen, 1904).
[52] See, _e.g._, Grandgeorge, _St. Augustin et le Néoplatonisme_ (Paris,
1896).
[53] On Gregory, see _post_, Chapter V.
[54] _Epistola ad Gregorium Thaumaturgum._
[55] Cf. Boissier, _Fin du paganisme_.
[56] _Civ. Dei_, xix. caps. 49, 20, 27, 28.
[57] _De moribus Ecclesiae_, 14, 15; cf. _Epist._ 155, §§ 12, 13.
[58] _Civ. Dei_, xix. 25.
[59] See Clement of Rome, _Ep. to the Corinthians_ (A.D. cir. 92), opening
passage, and notes in Lightfoot’s edition.
[60] _De doc. Chris._ i. 4, 5.
[61] _De doc. Chris._ ii. 16.
[62] _De doc. Chris._ iii. cap. 10 _sqq._
[63] _Post_, Chapter V.
[64] _De moribus Ecclesiae_, 21; _Confessions_, v. 7; x. 54-57.
[65] See Harnack, _Dogmengeschichte_, iii. 14 _sqq._; Taylor, _Classical
Heritage_, p. 117 _sqq._
[66] _Civ. Dei_, ix. 21, 22; cf. _Civ. Dei_, xvi. 6-9.
[67] _Civ. Dei_, book xii., affords a discussion of such questions, _e.g._
why was man created when he was, and not before or afterwards. All these
matters entered into the discussions of the mediaeval philosophers, Thomas
Aquinas, for example.
Besides these dogmatic treatises, in which Scriptural texts were called
upon at least for confirmation, the Fathers, Greek and Latin, composed an
enormous mass of Biblical commentary, chiefly allegorical, following the
chapter and verse of the canonical writings.
[68] See _ante_, Chapter III.
[69] See _post_, Chapter V.
[70] The substance of Capella’s book is framed in an allegorical narrative
of the Marriage of Philology and Mercury. For a nuptial gift, the groom
presents the bride with seven maid-servants, symbolizing the Seven Liberal
Arts--Grammar, Rhetoric, Dialectic, Arithmetic, Geometry, Astronomy,
Music. Cf. Taylor, _Classical Heritage, etc._, p. 49 _sqq._
[71] In Eyssenhardt’s edition.
[72] On the symbolism of Numbers see Cantor, _Vorlesungen über Ges. der
Mathematik_, 2nd ed. pp. 95, 96, 146, 156, 529, 531.
[73] See an extraordinary example taken from the treatise against Faustus,
_post_, Chapter XXVII. Also _De doc. Chris._ ii. 16; _De Trinitate_, iv.
4-6.
[74] Migne, _Pat. Lat._ 14, col. 123-273. Written cir. 389.
[75] _Hex._ i. cap. 6.
[76] _Hex._ ii. caps. 2, 3.
[77] Aug. _De Trinitate_, iii. 5-9.
[78] _Ante_, Chapter III.
[79] _Civ. Dei_, xvi. 9.
[80] For the sources of these accounts see Lauchert, _Ges. des
Physiologus_ (Strassburg, 1889), p. 4 _sqq._ The wide use of this work is
well known. It was soon translated into Ethiopian, Armenian, and Syrian;
into Latin not later than the beginning of the fifth century; and
subsequently, of course with many accretions, into the various languages
of western mediaeval Europe. See Lauchert, _o.c._ p. 79 _sqq._
[81] Cf. Boissier, _Tacite_ (Paris, 1903).
[82] For example, what different truths can one speak afterwards of a
social dinner of men and women at which he has sat. In the first place,
there is the hostess, to whom he may say something pleasant and yet true.
Then there is his congenial friend among the ladies present, to whom he
will impart some intimate observations, also true. Thirdly, a club friend
was at the dinner, and his ear shall be the receptacle of remarks on
feminine traits illustrated by what was said and done there. Finally,
there is himself, to whom in the watches of the night the dinner will
present itself in its permanent values as an incident in human
intercourse, which is so fascinating, so transitory, and so suggestive of
topics of reflection. Here are four presentations; and if there was a
company of twelve, we may multiply four by that number and imagine
forty-eight true, although inexhaustive, accounts of that dinner which has
now joined the fading circle of events that are no more.
[83] On Gregory of Nyssa, see Taylor, _Classical Heritage_, p. 125 _sqq._
[84] Chiefly in Books III. and XV.-XVIII.
[85] Like the _Civitas Dei_, the patristic writings devoted exclusively to
history were all frankly apologetic, yet following different manners
according to the temper and circumstances of the writer. In the East, at
the epoch of the formal Christian triumph and the climax of the Arian
dispute, lived Eusebius of Caesarea, the most famous of the early Church
historians. He was learned, careful, capable of weighing testimony, and
possessed the faculty of presenting salient points. He does not dwell
overmuch on miracles. His apologetic tendencies appear in his method of
seeing and stating facts so as to uphold the truth of Christianity. If
just then Christianity seemed no longer to demand an advocate, there was
place for a eulogist, and such was Eusebius in his Church History and
fulsome _Life of Constantine_. His Church History is translated by A. C.
McGiffert, _Library of Nicene Fathers_, second series, vol. i. (New York,
1890). It was translated into Latin by Rufinus, friend and then enemy of
St. Jerome.
[86] The best edition is Zangemeister’s in the Vienna _Corpus scriptorum
eccles._ (1882). Orosius ignores the classic Greek historians, of whom he
knew little or nothing. Cf. Taylor, _Classical Heritage_, pp. 219-221.
[87] _Hist._ ii. 3.
[88] Best edition that of Pauly, in Vienna _Corpus scrip. eccles._ (1883).
[89] An excellent statement of the nature and classes of the mediaeval
_Vitae sanctorum_ is “Les Légendes hagiographiques,” by Hipp. Delehaye,
S.J., in _Revue des questions historiques_, t. 74 (1903), pp. 56-122. An
English translation of this article has appeared as an independent volume.
[90] At Gregory’s statement of the marvellous deeds of Benedict, his
interlocutor, the Deacon Peter, answers and exclaims: “Wonderful and
astonishing is what you relate. For in the water brought forth from the
rock (_i.e._ by Benedict) I see Moses, in the iron which returned from the
bottom of the lake I see Elisha (2 Kings vi. 6), in the running upon the
water I see Peter, in the obedience of the raven I see Elijah (1 Kings
xvii. 6), and in his grief for his dead enemy I see David (2 Sam. i. 11).
That man, as I consider him, was full of the spirit of all the just”
(Gregorius Magnus, _Dialogi_, ii. 8. Quoted and expanded by Odo of Cluny,
Migne, _Pat. Lat._ 133, col. 724). The rest of the second book contains
other miracles like those told in the Bible. The Life of a later saint may
also follow earlier monastic types. Francis kisses the wounds of lepers,
as Martin of Tours had done. See Sulpicius Severus, _Vita S. Martini_. But
often the writer of a _vita_ deliberately inserts miracles to make his
story edifying, or enhance the fame of his hero, perhaps in order to
benefit the church where he is interred.
[91] Ambrose, _Ep._ 22, _ad Marcellinam_.
[92] On Paulinus of Nola, see Taylor, _Classical Heritage_, pp. 272-276.
[93] As this chapter has been devoted to the intellectual interests of the
Fathers, it should be supplemented by a consideration of the emotions and
passions approved or rejected by them. But this matter may be considered
more conveniently in connection with the development of mediaeval emotion,
_post_, Chapter XIV.
[94] Migne, _Pat. Lat._ 63, col. 1079-1167. Also edited by Friedlein
(Leipsic, 1867).
[95] I know of no earlier employment of the word to designate these four
branches of study. But one might infer from Boëthius’s youth at this time
that he received it from a teacher.
[96] See Cantor, _Vorlesungen über die Ges. der Mathematik_, i. 537-540.
[97] See Cantor, _o.c._ i. 540-551.
[98] Cassiodorus, _Ep. variae_, i. 45
[99] Upon the dates of Boëthius’s writings, see S. Brandt,
“Entstehungszeit und zeitliche Folge der Werke des Boëtius,” _Philologus_,
Band 62 (N.S. Bd. 16), 1903, pp. 141 _sqq._ and 234 _sqq._
[100] Social position, his own abilities, and the favour of Theodoric,
obtained the consulship for Boëthius in 510, when he was twenty-eight or
-nine years old.
[101] Migne, _Pat. Lat._ 64, col. 201.
[102] _In librum de interpretatione_, editio secunda, beginning of Book
II., Migne 64, col. 433.
[103] See _De inter._ ed. prima, Book I. (Migne 64, col. 193); ed.
secunda, beginning of Book III. and of Book IV. (Migne 64, col. 487 and
517). The Boëthian translations are all in the 64th vol. of Migne’s _Pat.
Lat._
[104] See A. Hildebrand, _Boëthius und seine Stellung zum Christentum_
(Regensburg, 1885), and works therein referred to.
[105] See Prantl, _Ges. der Logik_, i. 679 _sqq._
[106] See his Life in Hodgkin’s _Letters of Cassiodorus_; also Roger,
_Enseignement des lettres classiques d’Ausone à Alcuin_, pp. 175-187
(Paris, 1905).
[107] Migne 70, col. 1281.
[108] Migne 70, col. 1105-1219.
[109] Gregory’s works are printed in Migne, _Patrologia Latina_, 75-79.
His epistles are also published in the _Monumenta Germaniae historica_. On
Gregory, his life and times, writings and doctrines, see F. H. Dudden,
_Gregory the Great_, etc., 2 vols. (Longmans, 1905).
[110] Migne, _Pat. Lat._ 75, col. 516.
[111] _Ep._ xi. 54 (Migne 77, col. 1171).
[112] This is the view expressed in the _Commentary on Kings_ ascribed to
Gregory, but perhaps the work of a later hand. Thus, in the allegorical
interpretation of 1 Kings (1 Sam.) xiii. 20, “But all the Israelites went
down to the Philistines, to sharpen every man his share, and his coulter,
and his axe.” Says the commentator (Migne, _Pat. Lat._ 79, col. 356): We
go down to the Philistines when we incline the mind to secular studies;
Christian simplicity is upon a height. Secular books are said to be in the
plane since they have no celestial truths. God put secular knowledge in a
plane before us that we should use it as a step to ascend to the heights
of Scripture. So Moses first learned the wisdom of the Egyptians that he
might be able to understand and expound the divine precepts; Isaiah, most
eloquent of the prophets, was _nobiliter instructus et urbanus_; and Paul
had sat at Gamaliel’s feet before he was lifted to the height of the third
heaven. One goes to the Philistines to sharpen his plow, because secular
learning is needed as a training for Christian preaching.
[113] See _post_, Chapter X.
[114] Migne 75, 76.
[115] Migne 77, col. 149-430. The second book is devoted to Benedict of
Nursia.
[116] For illustrations see Dudden, _o.c._ i. 321-366, and ii. 367-68.
Gregory’s interest in the miraculous shows also in his letters. The
Empress Constantine had written requesting him to send her the head of St.
Paul! He replies (_Ep._ iv. 30, _ad Constantinam Augustam_) in a wonderful
letter on the terrors of such holy relics and their death-striking as well
as healing powers, of which he gives instances. He says that sometimes he
has sent a bit of St. Peter’s chain or a few filings; and when people come
seeking those filings from the priest in attendance, sometimes they
readily come off, and again no effort of the file can detach anything.
[117] _Moralia_ xvi. 51 (Migne 75, col. 1151). Cf. Dudden, _o.c._ ii.
369-373.
[118] _Mor._ ix. 34, 54 (Migne 75, col. 889). Cf. Dudden, _o.c._ ii.
419-426.
[119] _Dialogi_, iv. caps. 39, 55.
[120] A better Augustinianism speaks in Gregory’s letter to Theoctista
(_Ep._ vii. 26), in which he says that there are two kinds of
“compunction, the one which fears eternal punishments, the other which
sighs for the heavenly rewards, as the soul thirsting after God is stung
first by fear and then by love.”
[121] _Ep._ iv. 21; vi. 32; ix. 6.
[122] See _post_, Chapter XXXVI., 1.
[123] Migne 83, col. 207-424. No reference need be made, of course, to the
_False Decretals_, pseudonymously connected with Isidore’s name; they are
later than his time.
[124] The _Etymologiae_ is to be found in vol. 82 of Migne, col. 73-728;
the other works fill vol. 83 of Migne.
[125] Aug. _Quaest. in Gen._ i. 152. See _ante_, Chapter IV.
[126] Isidore’s _Books of Sentences_ present a topical arrangement of
matters more or less closely pertinent to the Christian Faith, and thus
may be regarded as a precursor of the _Sentences_ of Peter Lombard
(_post_, Chapter XXXIV.). But Isidore’s work is the merest compilation,
and he does not marshal his extracts to prove or disprove a set
proposition, and show the consensus of authority, like the Lombard. His
chief source is Gregory’s _Moralia_. Prosper of Aquitaine, a younger
contemporary and disciple of Augustine, compiled from Augustine’s works a
book of Sentences, a still slighter affair than Isidore’s (Migne, _Pat.
Lat._ 51, col. 427-496).
[127] For example, Reason begins her reply thus: “Quaeso te, anima,
obsecro te, deprecor te, imploro te, ne quid ultra leviter agas, ne quid
inconsulte geras, ne temere aliquid facias,” etc. (Migne 83, col. 845).
[128] _De rerum natura_, Praefatio (Migne 83, col. 963).
[129] See Prolegomena to Becker’s edition.
[130] Migne 82, col. 367.
[131] See Kübler, “Isidorus-Studien,” _Hermes_ xxv. (1890), 497, 518, and
literature there cited.
An analysis of the _Etymologies_ would be out of the question. But the
captions of the twenty books into which it is divided will indicate the
range of Isidore’s intellectual interests and those of his time:
I. _De grammatica._
II. _De rhetorica et dialectica._
III. _De quatuor disciplinis mathematicis._ (Thus the first three
books contain the Trivium and Quadrivium.)
IV. _De medicina._ (A brief hand-book of medical terms.)
V. _De legibus et temporibus._ (The latter part describes the days,
nights, weeks, months, years, solstices and equinoxes. It is hard to
guess why this was put in the same book with Law.)
VI. _De libris et officiis ecclesiasticis._ (An account of the books
of the Bible and the services of the Church.)
VII. _De Deo, angelis et fidelium ordinibus._
VIII. _De ecclesia et sectis diversis._
IX. _De linguis, gentibus, regnis, etc._ (Concerning the various
peoples of the earth and their languages, and other matters.)
X. _Vocum certarum alphabetum._ (An etymological vocabulary of many
Latin words.)
XI. _De homine et portentis._ (The names and definitions of the
various parts of the human body, the ages of life, and prodigies and
monsters.)
XII. _De animalibus._
XIII. _De mundo et partibus._ (The universe and its parts--atoms,
elements, sky, thunder, winds, waters, etc.)
XIV. _De terra et partibus._ (Geographical.)
XV. _De aedificiis et agris._ (Cities, their public constructions,
houses, temples, and the fields.)
XVI. _De lapidibus et metallis._ (Stones, metals, and their qualities
curious and otherwise.)
XVII. _De rebus rusticis._ (Trees, herbs, etc.)
XVIII. _De bello et ludis._ (On war, weapons, armour; on public games
and the theatre.)
XIX. _De navibus, aedificiis et vestibus._ (Ships, their parts and
equipment, buildings and their decoration; garments and their
ornament.)
XX. _De penu et instrumentis domesticis et rusticis._ (On wines and
provisions, and their stores and receptacles.)
[132] The exaggerated growth of grammatical and rhetorical studies is
curiously shown by the mass of words invented to indicate the various
kinds of tropes and figures. See the list in Bede, _De schematis_ (Migne
90, col. 175 _sqq._).
[133] Cf. Hodgkin, _Italy and her Invaders_, 8 vols.; Villari, _The
Barbarian Invasions of Italy_, 2 vols.
[134] This demand was not so extraordinary in view of the common Roman
custom in the provinces of billeting soldiers upon the inhabitants, with
the right to one-third of the house and appurtenances.
[135] Cf. _post_, Chapter XXXIII., II.
[136] On the Codes see Hodgkin, _o.c._ vol. vi.
[137] The Lombard language was still spoken in the time of Paulus Diaconus
(eighth century).
[138] Apollinaris Sidonius, _Ep._ i. 2 (trans. by Hodgkin, _o.c._ vol. ii.
352-358), gives a sketch of a Visigothic king, Theodoric II., son of him
who fell in the battle against the Huns. He ascended the throne in 453,
having accomplished the murder of his brother Thorismund. In 466, he was
himself slain by his brother Euric. In the meanwhile he appears to have
been a good half-barbaric, half-civilized king.
[139] See _post_, Chapter XXXIII., II. For the Visigothic kingdom of Spain
the great reigns were those of Leowigild (568-586) and his son Reccared
(586-601). In Justinian’s time the “Roman Empire” had again made good its
rule over the south of Spain. Leowigild pushed the Empire back to a narrow
strip of southern coast, where there were still important cities. Save for
this, he conquered all Spain, finally mastering the Suevi in the
north-west. His capital was Toledo. Great as was his power, it hardly
sufficed to hold in check the overweening nobles and landowners. Under the
declining Empire there had sprung up a system of clientage and protection,
in which the Teutons found an obstacle to the establishment of monarchies.
In Spain this system hastened the downfall of the Visigothic kingdom.
Another source of trouble for Leowigild, who was still an Arian, was the
opposition of the powerful Catholic clergy. Reccared, his son, changed to
the Catholic or “Roman” creed, and ended the schism between the throne and
the bishops.
[140] The Spanish Roman Church, which controlled or thwarted the destinies
of the doomed Visigothic kingdom, was foremost among the western churches
in ability and learning. It had had its martyrs in the times of pagan
persecution; it had its universally venerated Hosius, Bishop of Cordova,
and prominent at the Council of Nicaea; it had its fiercely quelled
heresies and schisms; and it had an astounding number of councils, usually
held at Toledo. Its bishops were princes. Leander, Bishop of Seville, had
been a tribulation to the powerful, still Arian, King Leowigild, who was
compelled to banish him. That king’s son, Reccared, recalled him from
banishment, to preside at the Council of Toledo in 589, when the
Visigothic monarchy turned to Roman Catholicism. Leander was succeeded in
his more than episcopal see by his younger brother Isidore (Bishop of
Seville from 600 to 636). A princely prelate, Isidore was to have still
wider and more lasting fame for sanctity and learning. The last
encyclopaedic scholar belonging to the antique Christian world, he became
one of the great masters of the Middle Ages (see _ante_, Chapter V.). The
forger and compiler of the _False Decretals_ in selecting the name of
Isidore rather than another to clothe that collection with authority,
acted under the universal veneration felt for this great Spanish
Churchman.
[141] Marriages between Romans and Franks were legalized as early as 497.
[142] See Flach, _Les Origines de l’ancienne France_, vol. i. chap. i.
_sqq._ (Paris, 1886).
[143] See _post_, Chapter XXXIII., II.
[144] The physiological criterion of a race is consanguinity. But
unfortunately racial lineage soon loses itself in obscurity. Moreover,
during periods as to which we have some knowledge, no race has continued
pure from alien admixture; and every people that has taken part in the
world’s advance has been acted upon by foreign influences from its
prehistoric beginnings throughout the entire course of its history.
Indeed, foreign suggestions and contact with other peoples appear
essential to tribal or national progress. For the historian there exists
no pure and unmixed race, and even the conception of one becomes
self-contradictory. To him a race is a group of people, presumably related
in some way by blood, who appear to transmit from generation to generation
a common heritage of culture and like physical and spiritual traits. He
observes that the transmitted characteristics of such a group may weaken
or dissipate before foreign influence, and much more as the group scatters
among other people; or again he sees its distinguishing traits becoming
clearer as the members draw to a closer national unity under the action of
a common physical environment, common institutions, and a common speech.
The historian will not accept as conclusive any single kind of evidence
regarding race. He may attach weight to complexion, stature, and shape of
skull, and yet find their interpretation quite perplexing when compared
with other evidence, historical or linguistic. He will consider customs
and implements, and yet remember that customs may be borrowed, and
implements are often of foreign pattern. Language affords him the most
enticing criterion, but one of the most deceptive. It is a matter of
observation that when two peoples of different tongues meet together, they
may mingle their blood through marriage, combine their customs, and adopt
each other’s utensils and ornaments; but the two languages will not
structurally unite: one will supplant the other. The language may thus be
more single in source than the people speaking it; though, conversely,
people of the same race, by reason of special circumstances, may not speak
the same tongue. Hence linguistic unity is not conclusive evidence of
unity of race.
[145] As to the Celts in Gaul and elsewhere, and the early non-Celtic
population of Gaul, see A. Bertrand, _La Gaule avant les Gaulois_ (Paris,
1891); _La Religion des Gaulois_ (Paris, 1897); _Les Celtes dans les
vallées du Pô et du Danube_ (in conjunction with S. Reinach); D’Arbois de
Jubainville, _Les Premiers Habitants de l’Europe_ (second edition, Paris,
1894); Fustel de Coulanges, _Institutions politiques de l’ancienne France_
(Paris, 1891); Karl Müllenhoff, _Deutsche Altertumskunde_, Bde. I. and
II.; Zupitza, “Kelten und Gallier,” _Zeitschrift für keltische
Philologie_, 1902.
[146] See _ante_, Chapter II.
[147] The Latin literature produced by their descendants in the fourth
century is usually good in form, whatever other qualities it lack. This
statement applies to the works of the nominally Christian, but really
pagan, rhetorician and poet, Ausonius, born in 310, at Bordeaux, of
mingled Aquitanian and Aeduan blood; likewise to the poems of Paulinus of
Nola, born at the same town, in 353, and to the prose of Sulpicius
Severus, also born in Aquitaine a little after. In the fifth century,
Avitus, an Auvernian, Bishop of Vienne, and Apollinaris Sidonius continue
the Gallo-Latin strain in literature.
[148] Without hazarding a discussion of the origin of the Irish, of their
proportion of Celtic blood, or their exact relation to the Celts of the
Continent, it may in a general way be said, that Ireland and Great Britain
were inhabited by a prehistoric and pre-Celtic people. The Celts came from
the Continent, conquered them, and probably intermarried with them. The
Celtic inflow may have begun in the sixth century before Christ, and
perhaps continued until shortly before Caesar’s time. Evidences of
language point to a dual Celtic stock, Goidelic and Brythonic. It may be
surmised that the former was the first to arrive. The Celtic dialect
spoken by them is now represented by the Gaelic of Ireland, Man, and
Scotland. The Brythonic is still represented by the speech of Wales and
the Armoric dialects of Brittany. This was the language of the Britons who
fought with Caesar, and were subdued by later Roman generals. After the
Roman time they were either pressed back into Wales and Cornwall by
Angles, Jutes, and Saxons, or were absorbed among these conquering
Teutons. Probably Caesar was correct in asserting the close affinity of
the Britons with the Belgic tribes of the Continent. See the opening
chapters of Rhys and Brynmor-Jones’s _Welsh People_; also Rhys’s _Early
Britain_ (London, 1882); Zupitza, “Kelten und Gallier,” _Zeitschrift für
keltische Phil._, 1902; T. H. Huxley, “On some Fixed Points in British
Ethnology,” _Contemporary Review_ for 1871, reprinted in Essays
(Appleton’s, 1894); Ripley, _Races of Europe_, chap. xii. (New York,
1899).
[149] The Irish art of illumination presents analogies to the literature.
The finesse of design and execution in the _Book of Kells_ (seventh
century) is astonishing. Equally marvellous was the work of Irish
goldsmiths. Both arts doubtless made use of designs common upon the
Continent, and may even have drawn suggestions from Byzantine or late
Roman patterns. Nevertheless, illumination and the goldsmith’s art in
Ireland are characteristically Irish and the very climax of barbaric
fashions. Their forms pointed to nothing further. These astounding
spirals, meanders, and interlacings, combined with utterly fantastic and
impossible drawings of the human form, required essential modification
before they were suited to form part of that organic development of
mediaeval art which followed its earlier imitative periods.
Irish illumination was carried by Columba to Iona, and spread thence
through many monasteries in the northern part of Britain. It was imitated
in the Anglo-Saxon monasteries of Northumbria, and from them passed with
Alcuin to the Court of Charlemagne. Through these transplantings the Irish
art was changed, under the hands of men conversant with Byzantine and
later Roman art. The influence of the art also worked outward from Irish
monasteries upon the Continent, St. Gall, for example. The Irish
goldsmith’s art likewise passed into Saxon England, into Carolingian
France, and into Scandinavia. See J. H. Middleton, _Illuminated
Manuscripts_ (Cambridge Univ. Press, 1892), and the different view as to
the sources of Irish illuminating art in Muntz, _Études iconographiques_
(Paris, 1887); also Kraus, _Geschichte der christlichen Kunst_, i.
607-619; Margaret Stokes, _Early Christian Art in Ireland_ (South
Kensington Museum Art Hand-Books, 1894), vol. i. p. 32 _sqq._, and vol.
ii. pp. 73, 78; Sophus Müller, _Nordische Altertumskunde_, vol. ii. chap.
xiv. (Strassburg, 1898).
[150] The classification of ancient Irish literature is largely the work
of O’Curry, _Lectures on the Manuscript Materials of Ancient Irish
History_ (Dublin, 1861, 2nd ed., 1878). See also D. Hyde, _A Literary
History of Ireland_, chaps. xxi.-xxix. (London, 1899); D’Arbois de
Jubainville, _Introduction à l’étude de la littérature celtique_, chap.
préliminaire (Paris, 1883). The tales of the Ulster Cycle, in the main,
antedate the coming of the Norsemen in the eighth century; but the later
redactions seem to reflect Norse customs; see Pflugk-Hartung, in _Revue
celtique_, t. xiii. (1892), p. 170 _sqq._
[151] This comparison with Homeric society might be extended so as to
include the Celts of Britain and Gaul. Close affinities appear between the
Gauls and the personages of the Ulster Cycle. Several of its Sagas have to
do with the “hero’s portion” awarded to the bravest warrior at the feast,
a source of much pleasant trouble. Posidonius, writing in the time of
Cicero, mentions the same custom among the Celts of Gaul (Didot-Müller,
_Fragmenta hist. Graec._ t. iii. p. 260, col. 1; D’Arbois de Jubainville,
_Introduction_, etc., pp. 297, 298).
[152] Probably first written down in the seventh century. Some of the
Cuchulain Sagas are rendered by D’Arbois de Jubainville, _Épopée
celtique_; they are given popularly in E. Hull’s Cuchulain Saga (D. Nutt,
London, 1898). Also to some extent in Hyde’s _Lit. Hist., etc._
[153] See the famous Battle of the Ford between Cuchulain and Ferdiad
(Hyde, _Lit. Hist. of Ireland_, pp. 328-334). A more burlesque hyperbole
is that of the three caldrons of cold water prepared for Cuchulain to cool
his battle-heat: when he was plunged in the first, it boiled; plunged into
the second, no one could hold his hand in it; but in the third, the water
became tepid (D’Arbois de Jubainville, _Épopée celtique_, p. 204).
[154] Certain interpolated Christian chapters at the end tell how Mældun
is led to forgive the murderers--an idea certainly foreign to the original
pagan story, which may perhaps have had its own ending. The tale is
translated in P. W. Joyce’s _Old Celtic Romances_ (London, 1894), and by
F. Lot in D’Arbois de Jubainville’s _Épopée celtique_, pp. 449-500.
[155] Perhaps no one of the Ulster Sagas exhibits these qualities more
amusingly than _The Feast of Bricriu_, a tale in which contention for the
“hero’s portion” is the leading motive. Its _personae_ are the men and
women who constantly appear and reappear throughout this cycle. In this
Saga they act and speak admirably in character, and some of the
descriptions bring the very man before our eyes. It is translated by
George Henderson, Vol. II. Irish Texts Society (London, 1899), and also by
D’Arbois de Jubainville in his _Épopée celtique_ (Paris, 1892).
[156] For example, in a historical Saga the great King Brian speaks,
fighting against the Norsemen: “O God ... retreat becomes us not, and I
myself know I shall not leave this place alive; and what would it profit
me if I did? For Aibhell of Grey Crag came to me last night, and told me
that I should be killed this day.”
[157] “Deirdre, or the Fate of the Sons of Usnach,” is rendered in E.
Hull’s Cuchulain Saga; Hyde, _Lit. Hist._, chap, xxv., and D’Arbois de
Jubainville, _Épopée celtique_, pp. 217-319. _The Pursuit of Diarmuid and
Grainne_ was edited by O’Duffy for the Society for the Preservation of the
Irish Language (Dublin, Gill and Son, 1895), and less completely in
Joyce’s _Old Celtic Romances_ (London, 1894).
[158] Cf. Hyde, _o.c._, chaps. xxi. xxxvi.
[159] _The Voyage of Bran_, edited and translated by Kuno Meyer, with
essays on the _Celtic Otherworld_, by Alfred Nutt (2 vols., David Nutt,
London, 1895). A Saga usually is prose interspersed with lyric verses at
critical points of the story.
[160] On Tara, see Index in O’Curry’s _Manners and Customs of the Ancient
Irish_; also Hyde, _Literary History_, pp. 126-130. For this story, see
O’Grady, _Silva Gaedelica_, pp. 77-88 (London, 1892); Hyde, pp. 226-232.
[161] See D’Arbois de Jubainville, _Introduction à la lit. celtique_, pp.
259-271 (Paris, 1883).
[162] See D’Arbois de Jubainville, _Introduction_, etc., p. 129 _sqq._;
Bertrand, _La Religion des Gaulois_, chap. xx. (Paris, 1897). Also
O’Curry, _o.c._ _passim_.
[163] For this whole story see H. Zimmer, “Über die frühesten Berührungen
der Iren mit den Nordgermanen,” _Sitzungsbericht der Preussischen Akad._,
1891 (1), pp. 279-317.
[164] For the life of Saint Columba the chief source is the _Vita_ by
Adamnan, his eighth successor as abbot of Iona. It contains well-drawn
sketches of the saint and much that is marvellous and incredible. It was
edited with elaborate notes by Dr. W. Reeves, for the Irish Archaeological
Society, in 1857. His work, rearranged and with a translation of the
_Vita_, was republished as Vol. VI. of _The Historians of Scotland_
(Edinburgh, 1874). The _Vita_ may also be found in Migne, _Patrologia
Latina_, 88, col. 725-776. Bede, _Ecc. Hist._ iii. 4, refers to Columba.
The Gaelic life from the _Book of Lismore_ is published, with a
translation by M. Stokes, _Anecdota Oxoniensia_ (Oxford, Clarendon Press,
1890). The Bodleian Eulogy, _i.e._ the _Amra Choluim chille_, was
published, with translation by M. Stokes, in _Revue celtique_, t. xx.
(1899); as to its date, see _Rev. celtique_, t. xvii. p. 41. Another
(later) Gaelic life has been published by R. Henebry in the _Zeitschrift
für celtische Philologie_, 1901, and later. There is an interesting
article on the hymns ascribed to Columba in _Blackwood’s Magazine_ for
September 1899. See also Cuissard, _Rev. celtique_, t. v. p. 207. The
hymns themselves are in Dr. Todd’s _Liber Hymnorum_. Montalembert’s _Monks
of the West_, book ix. (vol. iii. Eng. trans.), gives a long, readable,
and uncritical account of “St. Columba, the Apostle of Caledonia.”
[165] The Irish monastery was ordered as an Irish clan, and indeed might
be a clan monastically ordered. At the head was an abbot, not elected by
the monks, but usually appointed by the preceding abbot from his own
family; as an Irish king appointed his successor. The monks ordinarily
belonged to the abbot’s clan. They lived in an assemblage of huts. Some
devoted themselves to contemplation, prayer, and writing; more to manual
labour. There were recluses among them. Besides the monks, other members
of the clan living near the “monastery” owed it duties and were entitled
to its protection and spiritual ministration. The abbot might be an
ordained priest; he rarely was a bishop, though he had bishops under him
who at his bidding performed such episcopal functions as that of
ordination. But he was the ruler, lay as well as spiritual. Not
infrequently he also was a king. Although there was no common ordering of
Irish monasteries, a head monastery might bear rule over its daughter
foundations, as did Columba’s primal monastery of Iona over those in
Ireland or Northern Britain which owed their origin to him. Irish
monasteries might march with their clan on military expeditions, or carry
on a war of monastery against monastery. “A.D. 763. A battle was fought at
Argamoyn, between the fraternities of Clonmacnois and Durrow, where Dermod
Duff, son of Donnell, was killed with 200 men of the fraternity of Durrow.
Bresal, son of Murchadh, with the fraternity of Clonmacnois, was victor”
(_Ancient Annals_). This entry is not alone, for there is another one of
the year 816, in which a “fraternity of Colum-cille” seems to have been
worsted in battle, and then to have gone “to Tara to curse” the reigning
king. See Reeve’s _Adamnan’s Life of Columba_, p. 255. Of course Irish
armies felt no qualms at sacking the monasteries and slaying the monks of
another kingdom. The sanctuaries of Clonmacnois, Kildare, Clonard, Armagh
were plundered as readily by “Christian” Irishmen as by heathen Danes. In
the ninth century, Phelim, King of Munster, was an abbot and a bishop too;
but he sacked the sacred places of Ulster and killed their monks and
clergy. See G. T. Stokes, _Ireland and the Celtic Church_; Killen, _Eccl.
Hist. of Ireland_, vol. i. p. 145 _sqq._
[166] The title of saint is regularly given to the higher clergy of this
period in Ireland.
[167] _“The History of Ireland by Geoffrey Keating” in the original Gaelic
with an English translation, by Comyn and Dineen_ (Irish Texts Society.
David Nutt, London, 1902-1908).
[168] This means that he copied a manuscript belonging to Finnian.
[169] The Life of Colomb Cille from the _Book of Lismore_.
[170] Adamnan.
[171] _B.G._ iv. 1-3; vi. 21-28. For convenience I use the word _Teuton_
as the general term and _German_ as relating to the Teutons of the lands
still known as German. But with reference to the times of Caesar and
Tacitus the latter word must be taken generally.
[172] These views are set forth brilliantly, but with exaggeration, by
Fustel de Coulanges, in _L’Invasion germanique_, vol. ii. of his
_Institutions politiques_, etc. (revised edition, Paris, 1891).
[173] Apoll. Sid. _Epist._ viii. 6 (Migne, _Pat. Lat._ 58, col. 697).
[174] See Pollock and Maitland, _History of English Law_; and Pollock,
_English Law before the Norman Conquest_, _Law Quarterly Review_.
[175] The ancient Anglo-Saxon version is Anglo-Saxon through and through.
The considerable store of Latin (or Greek) words retained by the
“authorized” English version (for example, Scripture, Testament, Genesis,
Exodus, etc., prophet, evangelist, religion, conversion, adoption,
temptation, redemption, salvation, and damnation) were all translated into
sheer Anglo-Saxon. See Toller, _Outlines of the History of the English
Language_ (Macmillan & Co., 1900), pp. 90-101. Some hundreds of years
before, Ulfilas’s fourth century Gothic translation had shown a Teutonic
tongue capable of rendering the thought of the Pauline epistles.
[176] See the “Beowulf” translated in Gummere’s _Oldest English Epic_
(Macmillan & Co., 1909).
[177] This is the closing sentence of Alfred’s _Blossoms_, culled from
divers sources. Hereafter (Chapter IX.) when speaking of the introduction
of antique and Christian culture there will be occasion to note more
specifically what Alfred accomplished in his attempt to increase knowledge
throughout his kingdom.
[178] See _e.g._ in Otfried’s _Evangelienbuch_, _post_, Chapter IX.
[179] For example: _skidunga_ (Scheidung), _saligheit_ (Seligkeit),
_fiantscaft_ (Feindschaft), _heidantuom_ (Heidentum). By the eighth
century the High German of the Bavarians and Alemanni began to separate
from the Low German of the lower Rhine, spoken by Saxons and certain of
the Franks. The greater part of the Frankish tribes, and the Thuringians,
occupied intermediate sections of country and spoke dialects midway
between Low German and High.
[180] Text in Piper’s _Die älteste Literatur_ (Deutsche National Lit.).
[181] On the Waltari poem, see Ebert, _Allgemeine Gesch. der Literatur des
Mittelalters_, Bd. iii. 264-276; also K. Strecker, “Probleme in der
Walthariusforschung,” _Neue Jahrbücher für klass. Altertumsgesch. und
Deutsche Literatur_, 2te Jahrgang (Leipzig, 1899), pp. 573-594, 629-645.
The author is called Ekkehart I. (d. 973), being the first of the
celebrated monks bearing that name at St. Gall. The poem is edited by
Peiper (Berlin, 1873), and by Scheffel and Holder (Stuttgart, 1874); it is
translated into German by the latter, by San Marte (Magdeburg, 1853), and
by Althof (Leipzig, 1902).
[182] The description of Siegfried’s love for Kriemhild is just touched by
the chivalric love, which exists in Wolfram’s _Parzival_, in Gottfried’s
_Tristan_, and of course in their French models. See _post_, Chapter
XXIII. For example, as he first sees her who was to be to him “beide lieb
und leit,” he becomes “bleich unde rôt”; and at her greeting, his spirit
is lifted up: “dô wart im von dem gruoze vil wol gehoehét der muot.” And
the scene is laid in May (_Nibelungenlied_, Aventiure V., stanzas 284,
285, 292, 295).
[183] A convenient edition of the _Kudrun_ is Pfeiffer’s in _Deutsche
Klassiker des Mittelalters_ (Leipzig, 1880). Under the name of _Gudrun_ it
is translated into modern German by Simrock, and into English by M. P.
Nichols (Boston, 1899).
[184] _Kudrun_, viii. 558. Whatever may have been the facts of German life
in the Middle Ages, the literature shows respect for marriage and woman’s
virtue. This remark applies not only to those works of the Middle High
German tongue which are occupied with themes of Teutonic origin, but also
to those--Wolfram’s _Parzival_, for example--whose foreign themes do not
force the poet to magnify adulterous love. When, however, that is the
theme of the story, the German writer, as in Gottfried’s _Tristan_, does
not fail to do it justice.
Willmans, in his _Leben und Dichtung Walthers von der Vogelweide_ (Bonn,
1882), note 1{a} on page 328, cites a number of passages from Middle High
German works on the serious regard for marriage held by the Germans. Even
the German minnesingers sometimes felt the contradiction between the
broken marriage vow and the ennobling nature of chivalric love. See
Willmans, _ibid._ p. 162 and note 7.
[185] _Kudrun_, xx. 1013.
[186] _Kudrun_, xxx. 1632 _sqq._
[187] As to the _Parzival_, and Walter’s poems, see _post_, Chapters XXIV.
XXVI.
[188] _Ante_, Chapter I.
[189] It is not known when Teutons first entered Denmark and the
Scandinavian peninsula. Although non-Teutonic populations may have
preceded them, the archaeological remains do not point clearly to a
succession of races, while they do indicate ages of stone, bronze, and
iron (Sophus Müller, _Nordische Altertumskunde_). The bronze ages began in
the Northlands a thousand years or more before Christ. In course of time,
beautiful bronze weapons show what skill the race acquired in working
metals not found in Scandinavia, but perhaps brought there in exchange for
the amber of the Baltic shores. The use of iron (native to Scandinavia)
begins about 500 B.C. A progressive facility in its treatment is evinced
down to the Christian Era. Then a foreign influence appears--Rome. For
Roman wares entered these countries where the legionaries never set foot,
and native handicraft copied Roman models until the fourth century, when
northern styles reassert themselves. The Scandinavians themselves were
unaffected by Roman wares; but after the fifth century they began to
profit from their intercourse with Anglo-Saxons and Irish.
[190] It is said that some twenty-five thousand Arabian coins, mostly of
the Viking periods, have been found in Sweden.
[191] See Vigfusson and Powell, _Corpus poeticum Boreale_, i. 238.
[192] There is much controversy as to the date (the Viking Age?) and place
of origin (Norway, the Western Isles, or Iceland?) of the older Eddic
poems; also as to the presence of Christian elements. The last are denied
by Müllenhoff (_Deutsche Altertumskunde_, Bd. v., 1891) and others; while
Bugge finds them throughout the whole Viking mythology (_Home of the Eddic
Poems_, London, D. Nutt, 1899), and Chr. Bang has endeavoured to prove
that the _Voluspa_, the chief Eddic mythological poem, was an imitation of
the Christian Sibyl’s oracles (_Christiania Videnskabsselskabs
Forhanlinger_, 1879, No. 9; Müllenhoff, _o.c._ Bd. v. p. 3 _sqq._).
Similar views are held in Vigfusson and Powell’s _Corpus poeticum Boreale_
(i. ci.-cvii. and 427). These scholars find Celtic influences in the Eddic
poems. The whole controversy is still far from settlement.
As for English translations of the _Edda_, that by B. Thorpe (_Edda
Samundar_) is difficult to obtain. Those of the _Corpus poeticum Boreale_
are literal; but the phraseology of the renderings of the mythological
poems is shaped to the theory of Christian influence. A recent translation
(1909) is that of Olive Bray (Viking Club), _The Elder or Poetic Edda_,
Part I. The Mythological Poems.
[193] The best account of the Sagas, in English, is the Prolegomena to
Vigfusson’s edition of the Sturlunga Saga (Clarendon Press, 1878).
Dasent’s Introduction to his translation of the Njáls Saga (Edinburgh,
1861) is instructive as to the conditions of life in Iceland in the early
times. W. P. Ker’s _Epic and Romance_ (Macmillan & Co., 1897) has
elaborate literary criticism upon the Sagas. The following is Vigfusson’s:
“The Saga proper is a kind of prose Epic. It has its fixed laws, its set
phrases, its regular epithets and terms of expression, and though there
is, as in all high literary form, an endless diversity of interest and
style, yet there are also bounds which are never over-stepped, confining
the Saga as closely as the employment and restrictions of verse could do.
It will be best to take as the type the smaller Icelandic Saga, from which
indeed all the later forms of composition have sprung. This is, in its
original form, the story of the life of an Icelandic gentleman, living
some time in the tenth or eleventh centuries. It will tell first of his
kin, going back to the settler from whom he sprung, then of his youth and
early promise before he left his father’s house to set forth on that
foreign career which was the fitting education of the young Northern
chief. These _wanderjahre_ passed in trading voyages and pirate cruises,
or in the service of one of the Scandinavian kings, as poet or henchman,
the hero returns to Iceland a proved man, and the main part of the story
thus preluded begins. It recounts in fuller detail and in order of time
his friendships and his enmities, his exploits and renown, and finally his
death; usually concluding with the revenge taken for him by his kinsmen,
which fitly winds up the whole. This tale is told in an earnest,
straightforward way, as by a man talking, in short simple sentences,
changing when the interest grows into the historic present, with here and
there an ‘aside’ of explanation put in.... The whole composition, grouped
around a single man and a single place, is so well balanced and so
naturally unfolded piece by piece, that the great art shown therein often
at first escapes the reader.”
[194] The Story of Burnt Njal (Njáls Saga or Njála), trans. by Dasent (2
vols. Edinburgh, 1861). A prose narrative interspersed with occasional
lyric verses is the form which the Icelandic Sagas have in common with the
Irish. In view of the mutual intercourse and undoubted mingling of Norse
and Celtic blood both in Ireland and Iceland, it is probable that the
Norse Saga-form was taken from the Irish. But, except in the Laxdæla Saga
(trans. by Mrs. Press in the Temple Classics, Dent, 1899), one seems to
find no Celtic strain. The Sagas are the prose complement of the poetic
_Edda_. Both are Norse absolutely: fruit of one spirit, part of one
literature, a possession of one people. As to racial purity of blood in
their authors and fashioners, or in the men of whom the tales are told,
that is another matter. Who shall say that Celtic blood and inherited
Celtic gifts of expression were not the leaven of this Norse literature?
But whatever entered into it and helped to create it, became Norse just as
vitally as, ages before, every foreign suggestion adopted by a certain
gifted Mediterranean race was Hellenized, and became Greek. In Iceland, in
the Orkneys and the Faroes, Viking conditions, the Viking spirit, and
Norse blood, dominated, assimilating, transforming and doubtless using
whatever talents and capacities came within the vortex of Viking life.
It may be added that there is merely an accidental likeness between the
Saga and the Cantafable. In the Saga the verses are the utterances of the
heroes when specially moved. One may make a verse as a short death-song
when his death is imminent, or as a gibe on an enemy, whom he is about to
attack. In the Cantafable--_Aucassin and Nicolette_, for example--the
verses are a lyric summary of the parts of the narrative following them,
and are not spoken by the _dramatis personae_. The Cantafable (but not the
Sagas) perhaps may be traced back to such a work as Boëthius’s _De
consolatione_, which at least is identical in form, or Capella’s _De
nuptiis Philologiae et Mercurii_. The _De planctu naturae_ of Alanus de
Insulis (_post_, Chapter XXXII. 1) plainly shows such antecedents.
[195] Story of Gisli the outlaw, trans. by Dasent, chap. ix. (Edinburgh,
1866).
[196] The Story of Burnt Njal, chap. i., trans. by Dasent.
[197] The Story of Grettir the Strong (Grettis Saga), chaps. 32-35, trans.
by Magnusson and Morris (London, 1869). See also _ibid._ chaps. 65, 66.
These accounts are analogous to the story of Beowulf’s fights with Grendal
and his dam; but are more convincing.
[198] The stories of the Kings of Norway, called the _Round World_
(Heimskringla), by Snorri Sturluson, done into English by Magnusson and
Morris (London, 1893). Snorri Sturluson (b. 1178, d. 1241) composed or put
together the _Heimskringla_ from earlier writings, chiefly those of Ari
the Historian (b. 1067, d. 1148), “a man of truthfulness, wisdom, and good
memory,” who wrote largely from oral accounts.
[199] The Story of Egil Skallagrimson, trans. by W. C. Green (London,
1893).
[200] These poems are in the Saga, and will be found translated in Mr.
Green’s edition. They are also edited with prose translations in _C.P.B._,
vol. i. pp. 266-280. With Egil one may compare the still more truculent,
but very different Grettir, hero of the Grettis Saga. The Story of Grettir
the Strong, trans. by Magnusson and Morris (2nd ed., London, 1869).
[201] Bede, _Hist. Ecc._ i. 13. Moreover, the chief partisan of Pelagius
(a Briton) was Coelestinus, an Irishman whose restless activity falls in
the thirty years preceding the mission of Palladius.
[202] As for the Irish Church in Ireland, there were many differences in
usage between it and the Church of Rome. In the matters of Easter and the
tonsure the southern Irish were won over to the Roman customs before the
middle of the seventh century, and after that the Roman Easter made its
way to acceptance through the island. Yet still the Irish appear to have
used their own Liturgy, and to have shown little repugnance to the
marriage of priests. The organization of the churches remained monastic
rather than diocesan or episcopal, in spite of the fact that “bishops,”
apparently with parochial functions, existed in great numbers. Hereditary
customs governed the succession of the great abbots, as at Armagh, until
the time of St. Malachy, a contemporary of St. Bernard. See St. Bernard’s
_Life of Malachy_, chap. x.; Migne 182, col. 1086, cited by Killen, _o.c._
vol. i. p. 173. The exertions of Gregory VII. and Lanfranc, Archbishop of
Canterbury, did much to bring the Irish Church into obedience to Rome.
Various Irish synods in the twelfth century completed a proper diocesan
system; and in 1155 a bull of Adrian IV. delivered the island over to
Henry II. Plantagenet. Cf. Killen, _Eccl. Hist. of Ireland_, vol. i. pp.
162-222.
[203] The works of St. Columbanus or Columban, usually called of Luxeuil,
are printed in Migne’s _Patrologia Latina_, 80, col. 209-296. The chief
source of knowledge of his life is the _Vita_ by Jonas his disciple:
Migne, _Pat. Lat._ 87, col. 1009-1046. It has been translated by D. C.
Munro, in vol. ii. No. 7 (series of 1895) of _Translations, etc._,
published by University of Pennsylvania (Phila. 1897). See also
Montalembert, _Monks of the West_, book vii. (vol. ii. of English
translation).
[204] The article of H. Zimmer, “Über die Bedeutung des irischen Elements
für die mittelalterliche Cultur,” _Preussische Jahrbücher_, Bd. 59, 1887,
presents an interesting summary of the Irish influence. His views, and
still more those of Ozanam in _Civilisation chrétienne chez les Francs_,
chap, v., should be controlled by the detailed discussion in Roger’s
_L’Enseignement des lettres classiques d’Ausone à Alcuin_ (Paris, 1905),
chaps. vi. vii. and viii. See also G. T. Stokes, _Ireland and the Celtic
Church_, Lect. XI. (London, 1892, 3rd ed.); D’Arbois de Jubainville,
_Introduction à l’étude de la littérature celtique_, livre ii. chap. ix.;
F. J. H. Jenkinson, _The Hisperica Famina_ (Cambridge and New York, 1909).
Obviously it is unjustifiable (though it has been done) to regard the
scholarship of gifted Irishmen who lived on the Continent in the ninth
century (Sedulius Scotus, Eriugena, etc.) as evidence of scholarship in
Ireland in the sixth, seventh, or eighth century. We do not know where
these later men obtained their knowledge; there is little reason to
suppose that they got it in Ireland.
[205] See the narrative in Green’s _History of the English People_.
[206] There is no positive evidence that Augustine painted the terrors of
the Day of Judgment in his first preaching. But it was a chief part of the
mediaeval Gospel, and never absent from the soul of Augustine’s master,
Gregory. The latter set it forth vividly in his letter to Ethelbert after
his baptism (Bede, _Hist. Ecc._ i. 32).
[207] Bede, _Hist. Ecc._ iii. 22, tells how a certain noble gesith slew
his king from exasperation with the latter’s practice of forgiving his
enemies, instead of requiting them, according to the principles of heathen
morality.
[208] Bede, _Hist. Ecc._ i. 30. Well known are the picturesque scenes
surrounding the long controversy as to Easter between the Roman clergy and
the British and Irish. The matter bulks hugely in Bede’s book, as it did
in his mind.
[209] Bede ii. 13.
[210] _E.g._ as in Bede iii. 1.
[211] One may bear in mind that practically all active proselytizing
Christianity of the period was of a monastic type.
[212] A.D. 709. _Hist. Ecc._ v. 19, where another instance is also given;
and see _ibid._ v. 7.
[213] See the pieces in Thorpe’s _Codex Exoniensis_, _e.g._ the
“Supplication,” p. 452.
[214] _Ecc. Hist._ iv. 22.
[215] Bede, _Hist. Ecc._ iii. 19; v. 12, 13, 14. Of these the most famous
is the vision of Fursa, an Irishman; but others were had by Northumbrians.
Plummer, in his edition of Bede, vol. ii. p. 294, gives a list of such
visions in the Middle Ages.
[216] On Aldhelm see Ebert, _Allegemeine Ges. des Lit. des Mittelalters_;
and Roger, _L’Enseignement des lettres classiques_, etc., p. 288 _sqq._
[217] This is noticeable in his Commentary on the Gospel of John, Migne,
_Pat. Lat._ 92, col. 633 _sqq._
[218] Migne, _Pat. Lat._ 91, col. 9. In another prefatory epistle to the
same bishop Acca, Bede intimates that he has abridged the language of the
Fathers: he says it is inconvenient always to put their names in the text.
Instead he has inscribed the proper initials of each Father in the margin
opposite to whatever he may have taken from him (_in Lucae Evangelium
expositio_, Migne 92, col. 304).
[219] Migne 90, col. 258; _ibid._ col. 422. I have not observed this
statement in Isidore.
[220] All of these are in t. 90 of Migne.
[221] His writings fill about five volumes (90-95) in Migne’s _Patrol.
Latina_. A list may be found in the article “Bede” in the _Dictionary of
National Biography_. _Beda der Ehrwürdige_, by Karl Werner (Vienna, 1881),
is a good monograph.
[222] _Ante_, Chapter IV.
[223] _The Works of King Alfred the Great_ are translated from Anglo-Saxon
in the Jubilee edition of Giles (2 vols., London, 1858). The _Pastoral
Care_ and the _Orosius_ are translated by Henry Sweet in the publications
of the Early English Text Society. W. J. Sedgefield’s translation of
Alfred’s version of the _Consolations of Boëthius_ is very convenient from
the italicizing of the portions added by Alfred to Boëthius’s original.
The extracts given in the following pages have been taken from these
editions.
[224] Boëthius’s words, which Alfred here paraphrases and supplements are
as follows: “Tum ego, scis, inquam, ipsa minimum nobis ambitionem
mortalium rerum fuisse dominatam; sed materiam gerendis rebus optavimus,
quo ne virtus tacita consenesceret” (_De consol. phil._ ii. prosa 7).
[225] The substance of this bracketed clause is in Boëthius--the last
words quoted in the preceding note.
[226] Toward the close of his life Alfred gathered some thoughts from
Augustine’s _Soliloquies_ and from other writings, with which he mingled
reflections of his own. He called the book _Blossoms_. He says in his
preface: “I gathered me then staves and props, and bars, and helves for
each of my tools, and boughs; and for each of the works that I could work,
I took the fairest trees, so far as I might carry them away. Nor did I
ever bring any burden home without longing to bring home the whole wood,
if that might be; for in every tree I saw something of which I had need at
home. Wherefore I exhort every one who is strong, and has many wains, that
he direct his steps to the same wood where I cut the props. Let him there
get him others, and load his wains with fair twigs, that he may weave
thereof many a goodly wain, and set up many a noble house, and build many
a pleasant town, and dwell therein in mirth and ease, both winter and
summer, as I could never do hitherto. But He who taught me to love that
wood, He may cause me to dwell more easily, both in this transitory
dwelling ... and also in the eternal home which He has promised us”
(Translation borrowed from _The Life and Time of Alfred the Great_, by C.
Plummer, Clarendon Press, 1902). These metaphors represent Alfred’s way of
putting what Isidore or Bede or Alcuin meant when they spoke in their
prefaces of searching through the pantries of the Fathers or culling the
sweetest flowers from the patristic meadows. See _e.g._ _ante_, Chapter V.
and _post_, Chapter X.
[227] Far into the Frankish period there were many heathen in northern
Gaul and along the Rhine: Hauck, _Kirchengeschichte Deutschlands_, I. Kap.
i. (second edition, Leipzig, 1898). Cf. Vacandard, “L’Idolatrie en Gaule
au VI{e} et au VII{e} siècles,” _Rev. des questions historiques_, 65
(1899), 424-454.
[228] _Mon. Germ. hist. Auctores antiquissimi_, tom. i. Cf. Ebert, _Ges.
des Lit. des Mittelalters_, i. 452 _sqq._
[229] Cf. _ante_, Chapter VI.
[230] In those of its lands which were granted immunity from public
burdens, the Church gradually acquired a jurisdiction by reason of its
right to exact penalties, which elsewhere fell to the king.
[231] The synod of 549 declared (ineffectually) for the election of
bishops, to be followed by royal confirmation.
[232] Hauck, _Kirchenges. Deutschlands_, Bd. I. Buch ii. Kap. ii.; Möller,
_Kirchengeschichte_, Bd. II. p. 52 _sqq._ (2nd ed., Leipzig, 1893).
[233] Carloman went at first to Rome, and built a monastery, in which he
lived for a while. But here his _contemptum regni terreni_ brought him
more renown than his monk’s soul could endure. So, with a single
companion, he fled, and came unmarked and in abject guise to Monte
Cassino. He announced himself as a murderer seeking to do penance, and was
received on probation. At the end of a year he took the vows of a monk. It
happened that he was put to help in the kitchen, where he worked humbly
but none too dexterously, and was chidden and struck by the cook for his
clumsiness. At which he said with placid countenance, “May the Lord
forgive thee, brother, and Carloman.” This occurring for the third time,
his follower fell on the cook and beat him. When the uproar had subsided,
and an investigation was called before the brethren, the follower said in
explanation, that he could not hold back, seeing the vilest of the vile
strike the noblest of all. The brethren seemed contemptuous, till the
follower proclaimed that this monk was Carloman, once King of the Franks,
who had relinquished his kingdom for the love of Christ. At this the
terrified monks rose from their seats and flung themselves at Carloman’s
feet, imploring pardon, and pleading their ignorance. But Carloman,
rolling on the ground before them (_in terram provolutus_) denied it all
with tears, and said he was not Carloman, but a common murderer.
Nevertheless, thenceforth, recognized by all, he was treated with great
reverence (_Regino, Chronicon_, Migne, _Pat. Lat._ 132, col. 45).
[234] For example, immunity (from governmental taxation and visitation)
might attach to the lands of bishops and abbots, as it might to the lands
of a lay potentate. On the other hand, the lands of bishops and abbots
owed the Government such temporal aid in war and peace as would have
attached to them in the hands of laymen. Such dignitaries had high secular
rank. The king did not interfere with the appointment and control of the
lower clergy by their lords, the bishops and abbots, any more than he did
with the domestic or administrative appointments of great lay
functionaries within their households or jurisdictions.