[235] There are numerous editions of the _Heliand_: by Sievers (1878), by

Rückert (1876). Very complete is Heyne’s third edition (Paderborn, 1883).

Portions of it are given, with modern German interlinear translation, in

Piper’s _Die älteste Literatur_ (Deutsche Nat. Lit.), pp. 164-186.

Otfrid’s book is elaborately edited by Piper (2nd edition with notes and

glossary, Freiburg i. B., 1882). See also Piper’s _Die älteste Literatur_,

where portions of the work are given with modern German interlinear

translation. Compare Ebert, _Literatur des Mittelalters_, iii. 100-117.

[236] The _Heliand_ uses the epic phrases of popular poetry: they reappear

three centuries later in the _Nibelungenlied_.

[237] _Ante_, Chapter I.

[238] _Ante_, Chapter VI.

[239] _Ante_, Chapter IX.

[240] _E.g._ Charles Martell and Pippin drove the Saracens from

Narbonne--not Charlemagne, to whom these _chansons_ ascribe the deed.

[241] The dates are 801 and 765.

[242] Historical atlases usually devote a double map to the Empire of

Charlemagne, and little side-maps to the Merovingian realm, which included

vast German territories, and for a time extended into Italy.

[243] A part of the serious historian’s task is to get rid of “epochs” and

“renaissances”--Carolingian, Twelfth Century, or Italian. For such there

should be substituted a conception of historical continuity, with effect

properly growing out of cause. Of course, one must have convenient terms,

like “periods,” etc., and they are legitimate; for the Carolingian period

did differ in degree from the Merovingian, and the twelfth century from

the eleventh. But it would be well to eliminate “renaissance.” It seems to

have been applied to the culture of the _quattrocento_, etc., in Italy

sixty or seventy years ago (1845 is the earliest instance in Murray’s

_Dictionary_ of this use of the word), and carries more false notions than

can be contradicted in a summer’s day.

[244] The architecture, sculpture, and painting of the Carolingian time

continued the Christian antique or Byzantine styles. Church interiors were

commonly painted, a custom coming from early Christian mosaic and fresco

decoration. Charlemagne’s Capitularies provided for the renovation of the

churches, including their decorations. No large sculpture has survived;

but we see that there was little artistic originality either in the

illumination of manuscripts or in ivory carving. The royal chapel at Aix

was built on the model of St. Vitale at Ravenna, and its columns appear to

have been taken from existing structures and brought to Aix.

[245] Charlemagne’s famous open letters of general admonition, _de

litteris colendis_ and _de emendatione librorum_, and his _admonitio

generalis_ for the instruction of his legates (_missi_), show that the

fundamental purpose of his exhortations was to advance the true

understanding of Scripture: “ut facilius et rectius divinarum scripturarum

mysteria valeatis penetrare.” To this end he seeks to improve the Latin

education of monks and clergy; and to this end he would have the texts of

Scripture emended and a proper liturgy provided; and, as touching the

last, he refers to the efforts of his father Pippin before him. The best

edition of these documents is by Boretius in the _Monumenta Germaniac

historica_.

[246] As to the stylistic qualities of Carolingian prose and metre see

_post_, Chapters XXXI., XXXII.

[247] Alcuin’s works are printed conveniently in tomes 100 and 101 of

Migne’s _Patrologia Latina_. Extracts are given, _post_, Chapter XXXI., to

indicate the place of Carolingian prose in the development of mediaeval

Latin styles.

[248] Printed in Migne 101, col. 849-902. Alcuin adopted for his _Grammar_

the dialogue form frequent in Anglo-Saxon literature; and from his time

the question and answer of _Discipulus_ and _Magister_ will not cease

their cicada chime in didactic Latin writings.

[249] Migne 101, col. 857. See Mullinger, _Schools of Charles the Great_,

p. 76 (an excellent book), and West’s _Alcuin_, chap. v. (New York, 1892).

[250] As in his _Disputatio Pippini_ (the son of Charlemagne), Migne 101,

col. 975-980, which is just a series of didactic riddles: What is a

letter? The guardian of history. What is a word? The betrayer of the mind.

What generates language? The tongue. What is the tongue? The whip of the

air--and so forth.

[251] _De orthographia_, Migne 101, col. 902-919.

[252] Migne 101, col. 919-950. Mullinger, _o.c._ pp. 83-85.

[253] Migne 101, col. 951-976.

[254] Migne 101, col. 956.

[255] Migne 101, col. 11-56.

[256] Migne 101, col. 613-638.

[257] Migne 100, cols. 737, 744.

[258] An important person. He was born at Mainz about 776. Placed as a

child in the convent of Fulda, his talents and learning caused him to be

sent at the age of twenty-one to Alcuin at Tours for further instruction.

After Alcuin’s death in 804, Rabanus returned to Fulda and was made

Principal of the monastery school. In 822 he was elected Abbot. His

labours gained for him the title of Primus praeceptor Germaniae. Resigning

in 842, he withdrew to devote himself to literary labours; but he was soon

drawn from his retreat and made Archbishop of Mainz. He died in 856. While

archbishop, and also while abbot, Rabanus with spiteful zeal prosecuted

that rebellious monk, the high-born Saxon Gottschalk, who, among other

faults, held too harsh views upon Predestination. His works are published

in Migne, _Pat. Lat._ 107-112.

Rabanus has left huge Commentaries upon the books of the Old and New

Testaments, in which he and his pupils gathered the opinions of the

Fathers. He also added such needful comment of his own as his “exiguity”

of mind permitted (Praef. to _Com. in Lib. Judicum_, Migne 108, col.

1110). His Commentaries were superseded by the _Glossa ordinaria_ (Migne

113 and 114) of his own pupil, Walafrid Strabo, which was systematically

put together from Rabanus and those upon whom he drew. It was smoothly

done, and the writer knew how to eliminate obscurity and prolixity, and in

fact make his work such that it naturally became the Commentary in widest

use for centuries. The dominant interest of these commentators is in the

allegorical significance of Scripture, as we shall see (Chapter XXVII.).

On Rabanus and Walafrid, see Ebert, _Allge. Gesch. der Lit. des

Mittelalters_, ii. 120-166.

[259] _De cleric. inst._ iii. 26 (Migne 107, col. 404).

[260] _Ibid._ iii. 18.

[261] _Ibid._ iii. 20 (Migne 107, col. 397).

[262] Migne III, col. 9-614.

[263] Raban’s excruciating _De laudibus sanctae crucis_ shows what he

could do as a virtuoso in allegorical mystification (Migne 107, col.

137-294).

[264] _De cleric. inst._ iii. 16 (Migne 107, col. 392).

[265] _De cleric. inst._ iii. 25 (Migne 107, col. 403).

[266] Compare his _De magicis artibus_, Migne 110, col. 1095 _sqq._

[267] Migne 107, col. 419 _sqq._

[268] Migne 120, col. 1267-1350.

[269] Ratramnus, _De corpore, etc._ (Migne 121, col. 125-170).

[270] On the Carolingian controversies upon Predestination and the

Eucharist, see Harnack, _Dogmengeschichte_, vol. iii. chap. vi.

[271] Migne 119, col. 102. Florus called his tract “Libellus Flori

adversus cuiusdam vanissimi hominis, qui cognominatur Joannes, ineptias et

errores de praedestinatione,” etc. Florus was a contemporary of Eriugena.

[272] Migne 106.

[273] Hincmar, _Ep._ 23 (Migne 126, col. 153).

[274] Migne 122, col. 357.

[275] _De div. nat._ i. 69 (Migne 122, col. 513).

[276] One may say that the work of Eriugena in presenting Christianity

transformed in substance as well as form, stood to the work of such a one

as Thomas Aquinas as the work of the Gnostics in the second century had

stood toward the dogmatic formulation of Christianity by the Fathers of

the Church. With the Church Fathers as with Thomas, there was earnest

endeavour to preserve the substance of Christianity, though presenting it

in a changed form. This cannot be said of either the Gnostics or Eriugena.

[277] See Prantl, _Ges. der Logik_, ii. 20-36.

[278] Claudius died about 830. His works are in tome 104 of Migne.

[279] Migne 104, col. 147-158.

[280] Compare Agobard’s Ep. _ad Bartholomaeum_ (Migne 104, col. 179).

[281] _Liber contra judicium Dei_ (Migne 104, col. 250-268). Here the

powerful Hincmar, Archbishop of Rheims, is emphatically on the opposite

side, and argues lengthily in support of the _judicium aquae frigidae_, in

_Epist._ 26, Migne 126, col. 161. Hincmar (cir. 806-882) was a man of

imposing eminence. He was a great ecclesiastical statesman. The compass

and character of his writings is what might be expected from such an

archiepiscopal man of affairs. They include edifying tracts for the use of

the king, an authoritative Life of St Remi, and writings theological,

political, and controversial. As the writer was not a profound thinker,

his works have mainly that originality which was impressed upon them by

the nature of whatever exigency called them forth. They are contained in

Migne 125, 126.

[282] _Liber de imaginibus sanctorum_ (Migne 104, col. 199-226).

[283] These writings are also in vol. 104 of Migne.

[284] See Wattenbach, _Deutschlands Geschichtsquellen_, i. 130-142 (5th

ed.). Writings known as _Annales_ drew their origin from the notes made by

monks upon the margin of their calendars. These notes were put together

the following year, and subsequently might be revised, perhaps by some

person of larger view and literary skill. Thus the Annals found in the

cloister of Lorsch are supposed to have been rewritten in part by Einhart.

[285] There were two great earlier examples of such histories: one was the

_Historia Francorum_ of Gregory of Tours, the author of which was of

distinguished Roman descent, born in 540 and dying in 594; the other was

Bede’s _Church History of the English People_, which was completed shortly

before its author’s death in 735. In individuality and picturesqueness of

narrative, these two works surpass all the historical writings of the

Carolingian time.

[286] In _Mon. Germ. hist. scrip._ ii.; also Migne, vol. 116, col. 45-76;

trans, in German in _Geschichtsschreiber der deutschen Vorzeit_ (Leipzig).

See also Wattenbach, _Deutschlands Geschichtsquellen_, i., and Ebert,

_Ges. der Lit._ ii. 370 _sqq._

[287] In both these respects a contrary condition had made possible the

endurance of the Roman Empire. Its territories in the main were civilized,

and were traversed by the best of roads, while many of them lay about that

ancient common highway of peoples, the Mediterranean. Then the whole

Empire was leavened, and one part made capable of understanding another,

by the Graeco-Roman culture.

[288] Within his hereditary domain, Hugh had the powers of other feudal

lords; but this domain, instead of expanding, tended to shrink under the

reigns of the Capetians of the eleventh century.

[289] In Conrad’s reign “Burgundy,” comprising most of the eastern and

southern regions of France, and with Lyons and Marseilles, as well as

Basle and Geneva within its boundaries, was added to the Empire.

[290] Papal elections were freed from lay control, and a great step made

toward the emancipation of the entire Church, by the decree of Nicholas

II. in 1059, by which the election of the popes was committed to the

conclave of cardinals.

[291] For the matter of clerical celibacy, and the part played by

monasticism in these reforms, see _post_, Chapter XV.

[292] Gregory VII., _Ep._ iv. 2 (Migne 148, col. 455).

[293] _Ep._ viii. 21 (Migne 148, col. 594).

[294] Migne 148, col. 407, 408. Cf. _post_, Chapter XXXIII.

[295] As between the Empire and the Papacy the particular struggle over

investitures was adjusted by the Concordat of Worms (1122), by which the

Church should choose her bishops; but the elections were to be held in the

presence of the king, who conferred, by special investiture, the temporal

fiefs and privileges. For translations of Gregory’s Letters and other

matter, see J. H. Robinson’s _Readings in European History_, i. 274-293.

[296] See _post_, Chapter XII. The copying of manuscripts was a lucrative

profession in Italy.

[297] Tetralogus, Pertz, _Mon. Germ, scriptores_, xi. 251.

[298] The clerical schools were no less important than the lay, but less

distinctive because their fellows existed north of the Alps. Cathedral

schools may be obscurely traced back to the fifth century; and there were

schools under the direction of the parish priests. In them aspirants for

the priesthood were educated, receiving some Latin and some doctrinal

instruction. So the cathedral and parochial schools helped to preserve the

elements of antique education; but they present no such open cultivation

of letters for their own profane sake as may be found in the schools of

lay grammarians. The monastic schools are better known. From the ninth

century they usually consisted of an outer school (_schola exterior_) for

the laity and youths who wished to become secular priests, and an inner

school (_interior_) for those desiring to become monks. At different times

the monastery schools of Bobbio, Farfa, and other places rose to fame, but

Monte Cassino outshone them all.

As to the schools and culture of Italy during the early Middle Ages, see

Ozanam, _Les Écoles en Italie aux temps barbares_ (in his _Documents

inédits, etc._, and printed elsewhere); Giesebrecht, _De literarum studiis

apud Italos, etc._ (translated into Italian by C. Pascal, Florence, 1895,

under the title _L’ Istruzione in Italia nei primi secoli del Medio-Evo_);

G. Salvioli, _L’ Istruzione publica in Italia nei secoli VIII._, _IX._,

_X._ (Florence, 1898); Novati, _L’ Influsso del pensiero latino sopra la

civilità italiana del Medio-Evo_ (2nd ed., Milan, 1899).

[299] See _post_, Chapter XXXIII., III.

[300] At Salerno, according to the Constitution of Frederick II., three

years’ preliminary study of the _scientia logicalis_ was demanded, because

“numquam sciri potest scientia medicinae nisi de scientia logicali aliquid

praesciatur” (cited by Novati, _L’ Influsso del pensiero latino, etc._, p.

220). Just as Law and Medical Schools in the United States may require a

college diploma from applicants for admission.

[301] On Constantine see Wüstenfeld, “Übersetzungen arabischer Werke,”

etc. _Abhand. Göttingen Gesellschaft_, vol. 22 (1877), pp. 10-20, and p.

55 _sqq._ Also on the Salerno school, Daremberg, _Hist. des sciences

médicales_, vol. i. p. 254 _sqq._

[302] _Traube_, “O Roma nobilis,” _Abhand. philos.-philol. Classe Bayer.

Akad._ Bd. 19, p. 301. This poem probably belongs to the tenth century.

“Archos” is mediaeval Greek for “The Lord.”

[303] The _Rationes dictandi_, a much-used book on the art of composing

letters, comes from the hand of one Alberic, who was a monk at Monte

Cassino in the middle of the eleventh century. He died a cardinal in 1088.

The _ars dictaminis_ related either to drawing legal documents or

composing letters. See _post_, Chapter XXX., II.

[304] See E. Bertaux, _L’Art dans l’Italie méridionale_, i. 155 _sqq._

(Paris, 1904).

[305] The poems of Alphanus are in Migne, _Pat. Lat._ 147, col. 1219-1268.

[306] “Ad Romualdum causidicum,” printed in Ozanam, _Doc. inédits_, p.

259.

[307] Printed in Giesebrecht, _De lit. stud. etc._

[308] Printed by Dummler in _Anselm der Peripatetiker_, pp. 94-102. See

also the rhyming colloquy between Helen and Ganymede, of the twelfth

century, printed in Ozanam, _Documents inédits, etc._, p. 19.

[309] On Liutprand see Ebert, _Ges. der Lit._ iii. 414-427; Molinier,

_Sources de l’histoire de France_, i. 274. His works are in the _Monumenta

Ger._, also in 136 of Migne. The _Antapodosis_ and _Embassy to

Constantinople_ are translated into German in the _Geschichtsschreiber der

deutschen Vorzeit_.

[310] See _Antapod._ vi. 1 (Migne 136, col. 893).

[311] _Antapod._ i. 1 (Migne 136, col. 791).

[312] Migne 136, col. 837.

[313] _Legatio Constantinopolitana_ (Migne 136, col. 909-937).

[314] Migne, _Pat. Lat._ 136, col. 1283-1302.

[315] See Ebert, _Allgem. Ges._ iii. 370, etc.; Novati, _L’Influsso del

pensiero latino, etc._, p. 31 _sqq._; and Migne, _Pat. Lat._ 136.

[316] See Novati, _L’Influsso, etc._, pp. 188-191. The passage is from the

vituperative polemic of a certain Ademarus (Migne, _Pat. Lat._ 141, col.

107-108).

[317] Dummler, “Gedichte aus Abdinghof,” in _Neues Archiv_, v. 1 (1876),

p. 181 (cited by Novati, p. 192).

[318] Dummler, _Anselm der Peripatetiker_, p. 36 _sqq._; cf. Hauréau,

_Singularités historiques_, p. 179 _sqq._

[319] The account is from Radolphus Glaber, _Historiarum libri_, ii. 12.

[320] On Damiani’s views of classical studies, see _Opusc._ xi., _Liber

qui dicitur Dominus vobiscum_, cap. i. (Migne 145, col. 232); _Opusc._

xlv., _De sancta simplicitate_ (_ibid._ col. 695); _Opusc._ lviii., _De

vera felicitate et sapientia_ (_ibid._ col. 831). For the life and works

of this interesting man see _post_, p. 262 _sqq._, and _post_, Chapter

XVI.

[321] _Vita Anselmi_, 1247 (cited by Ronca, p. 227).

[322] Another great politico-ecclesiastical Italian was Lanfranc (cir.

1005-1089), whose life was almost exactly contemporaneous with that of

Hildebrand. He was born in high station at Pavia, and educated in letters

and the law. Seized with the desire to be a monk, he left his home and

passed through France, sojourning on his way, until he came to the convent

of Bec in Normandy, in the year 1042. A man of practical ability and a

great teacher, it was he that made the monastery great. Men, lay and

clerical, noble and base, came thronging to hear him: Anselm came and Ives

of Chartres, both future saints, and one who afterwards as Pope Alexander

II. rose before Lanfranc, then Archbishop of Canterbury, and said: “Thus I

honour, not the Archbishop of Canterbury, but the master of the school of

Bec, at whose feet I sat with other pupils.” William the Conqueror made

Lanfranc Primate of England and prince-ruler of the land in the

Conqueror’s absence.

[323] _Petri Damiani Ep._ i. xvi. (Migne 144, col. 236). Damiani’s works

are contained in Migne 144 and 145. Alexander II. was pope from 1061 to

1073, when he was succeeded by Hildebrand.

[324] Migne, _Pat. Lat._ 145, col. 961, 967.

[325] _Opusculum_, xxxvi. (Migne 145, col. 595). It is also bad to be an

abbot, as Damiani shows in plaintive and almost humorous verses:

“Nullus pene abbas modo

Valet esse monachus,

Dum diversum et nocivum

Sustinet negotium:

Et, quod velit sustinere,

Velut iniquus patitur

* * *

“Spiritaliter abbatem

Volunt fratres vivere,

Et per causas saeculares

Cogunt illum pergere;

Per tam itaque diversa

Quis valet incedere?”

_De abbatum miseria rhythmus_

(Migne, _Pat. Lat._ 145, col. 972).

[326] Lib. v. Ep. iv.; cf. Jer. xiii.

[327] Ep. iv. 11 (Migne, _Pat. Lat._ 144, col. 313).

[328] He died in 1072, a year before Hildebrand was made pope.

[329] _Opusc._ xvii., _De coelibatu_; _Opusc._ xviii., _Contra

intemperantes clericos_; _Opusc._ xxii., _Contra clericos aulicos_, etc.

[330] Lib. iv. Ep. 5 (Migne, _Pat. Lat._ 144, col. 300).

[331] Lib. v. Ep. 3 (Migne 144, col. 343).

[332] Lib. v. Ep. 2 (Migne 144, col. 340). Damiani’s _Rhythmus poenitentis

monachi_ (Migne, _Pat. Lat._ 145, col. 971) expresses the passionate

remorse of a sinful monk.

[333] _Post_, Chapter XIX.

[334] Lib. vii. Ep. 18 (Migne 144, col. 458).

[335] Much is contained in the eighth book of his letters. The third

letter of this book is addressed to a nobleman who did not treat his

mother as Peter would have had him. The whole family situation is given in

two sentences: “But you may say: ‘My mother exasperates me often, and with

her rasping words worries me and my wife. We cannot endure such

reproaches, nor tolerate the burden of her severity and interference.’ But

for this, your reward will be the richer, if you return gentleness for

contumely, and mollify her with humility when you are sprinkled with the

salt of her abuse” (Migne, _Pat. Lat._ 144, col. 467). Some sentences from

this letter are given _post_, Chapter XXXI., as examples of Latin style.

The next letter is addressed to the same nobleman and his wife on the

death of their son. It gently points out to them that his migration to the

_coelestia regna_, where among the angels he has put on the garment of

immortality, is cause for joy.

[336] _Opusc._ ix., _De eleemosyna_ (Migne 145, col. 207 _sqq._).

[337] _Opusc._ ix., _De eleemosyna_, cap. i.

[338] Seneca, _De vita beata_, 20.

[339] Lib. viii. Ep. 8 (Migne, _Pat. Lat._ 144, col. 476). Cf. _ante_, p.

260.

[340] Extracts will be given _post_, Chapter XVI., together with Damiani’s

remarkable Life of Romuald.

[341] Migne 158, col. 50 _sqq._

[342] Anselm was born in 1033 and died in 1109. His works are in Migne

158, 159. See also Domet de Vorges, _S. Anselme_ (Les grands Philosophes,

1901).

[343] “Districtio ordinis,” _Vita_, i. 6. This indicates that liberal

studies were not favoured in Cluny at this time, cir. 1060.

[344] In a convent where there is an abbot, the prior is the officer

directly under him.

[345] _Ante_, Chapter X.

[346] _Cur Deus homo_, i. 1 (Migne, _Pat. Lat._ 158, col. 361).

[347] In the _Cur Deus homo_, i. 2, Anselm has his approved disciple state

the same point of view: “As the right order prescribes that we should

believe the profundities of the Christian Faith, before presuming to

discuss them by reason, so it seems to me neglect if after we are

confirmed in faith we do not study to understand what we believe.

Wherefore, since by the prevenient grace of God, I deem myself to hold the

faith of our redemption, so that even if I could by no reason comprehend

what I believe, there is nothing that could pluck me from it, I ask from

thee, as many ask, that thou wouldst set forth to me, as thou knowest it,

by what necessity and reason, God, being omnipotent, should have assumed

the humility and weakness of human nature for its restoration.”

[348] There is indeed an early treatise, _De grammatico_ (Migne 158, col.

561-581), in which Anselm seems to abandon himself to dialectic concerned

with an academic topic. The question is whether _grammaticus_, a

grammarian, is to be subsumed under the category of substance or quality;

dialectically is a grammarian a man or an incident?

[349] Cf. Kaulich, _Ges. der scholastischen Philosophie_, i. 293-332;

Hauréau, _Histoire de la philosophie scholastique_, i. 242-288; Stöckl,

_Philosophie des Mittelalters_, i. 151-208; De Wulf, _History of Medieval

Philosophy_, 3rd ed. (Longmans, 1909), p. 162 _sqq._, and authorities.

[350] The _locus classicus_ is _Proslogion_, cap. 2.

[351] _Cur Deus homo_, i. 12.

[352] _Ibid._ i. 5.

[353] _Ibid._ i. 7.

[354] Examples of Anselm’s prose are given _post_, Chapter XXXI.

[355] On Gerbert see _Lettres de Gerbert publiées avec une introduction,

etc._, par Julien Havet (Paris: Picard, 1889; I have cited them according

to this edition); _Œuvres de Gerbert_, ed. by Olleris (Clermont and Paris,

1867); also in Migne, _Pat. Lat._ 139; Richerus, _Historiarum libri IV._

(especially lib. iii. cap. 55 _sqq._); _Mon. Germ. script._ iii. 561

_sqq._; Migne, _Pat. Lat._ 138, col. 17 _sqq._ Also Picavet, _Gerbert, une

pape philosophe_ (Paris: Leroux, 1897); Cantor, _Ges. der Mathematik_, i.

728-751 (Leipzig, 1880); Prantl, _Ges. der Logik_, ii. 53-57 (Leipzig,

1861).

[356] _Ep._ 12.

[357] _Mon. Germ. scriptores_, iii. 686.

[358] _Ep._ 44.

[359] Presumably Gerbert’s German-speaking scholars are meant.

[360] _Ep._ 45, _Raimundo monacho_.

[361] _Ep._ 46, _ad Geraldum Abbatem_.

[362] _I.e._ on the affairs of the monastery of Bobbio.

[363] A Greek doctor of Augustus’s time, who wrote on the diseases of the

eye.

[364] _Ep._ 130.

[365] _Ep._ 167 (in Migne, _Ep._ 174).

[366] Richer, _Hist._ iii. 47, 48.

[367] Several of his compositions are extant.

[368] Richer, _Hist._ iii. 48-53.

[369] Richer, _Hist._ iii. cap. 55-65.

[370] See _post_, Chapter XXXV. If one should hesitate to find a phase of

the veritable Gerbert in Richer’s report of the disputation with Otric,

one may turn to Gerbert’s own philosophic or logical _Libellus--de

rationali et ratione uti_ (Migne 139, col. 159-168). It is addressed to

Otto II., and the opening paragraph recalls to the emperor the disputation

which we have been following. The _Libellus_ is naturally more coherent

than the disputation, in which Otric’s questions seem intended rather to

trip his adversary than to lead a topic on to its proper end. It is

devoted, however, to a problem exactly analogous to the point taken by

Otric, that the term rational was not as broad as the term mortal. For the

_Libellus_ discusses whether the use of reason (_ratione uti_) can be

predicated of the rational being (_rationale_). The concept of the

predicate should be the broader one, but here it might seem less broad,

since all reasonable beings do not exercise reason. The discussion closely

resembles the dispute in the character of the intellectual interests

disclosed, and its arguments are not more original than those employed

against Otric. Disputation and _Libellus_ alike represent necessary

endeavours of the mind, which has reached a certain stage of tuition and

development, to adjust itself with problems of logical order and method.

[371] _Post_, Chapter XV.

[372] Cf. Sackür, _Die Cluniacenser_, ii. 330 _sqq._; Pfister. _Études sur

le règne de Robert le Pieux_, p. 2 _sqq._ (the latter takes an extreme

view).

[373] Aimoin’s _Vita Abbonis_, cap. 7 (Migne, _Pat. Lat._ 139, col. 393).

The same volume contains most of Abbo’s extant writings, and those of

Aimoin. On Abbo see Sackür, _Die Cluniacenser_, ii. 345 _sqq._

An incredibly large number of students are said to have attended Abbo’s

lectures. His studies and teaching lay mainly in astronomy, mathematics,

chronology, and grammar. The pupil Aimoin cultivated history and

biography, compiling a History of the Francs and a History of the miracles

of St. Benedict, the latter a theme worthy of the tenth century. One

leaves it with a sigh of relief, so barren was it save for its feat of

gestation in giving birth to Gerbert.

[374] Jotsaldus, _Vita Odilonis_ (Migne 142, col. 1037).

[375] Odilo, _Vita Maioli_ (Migne 142, col. 951).

[376] See Taylor, _Classical Heritage of the Middle Ages_, p. 74 _sqq._

One may compare the influence of Cicero’s _De amicitia_ on the _De

amicitia Christiana_ of Peter of Blois (cir. 1200), Migne 207, col.

871-898.

[377] _Vita Odilonis_, chaps. vi.-xiii. (Migne 142, col. 909 _sqq._).

[378] _Bellum Gallicum_, vi. 13.

[379] Migne 143, col. 1290.

[380] For a description of these works, see _post_, Chapter XXX. II.

[381] The substance of this sketch of the school of Chartres is taken

chiefly from the Abbé Clerval’s exhaustive study, “Les Écoles de Chartres

au moyen âge,” _Mémoires de la Société archéologique d’Eure-et-Loir_, xi.,

1895. For the later fortunes of this school see _post_, Chapter XXX.

[382] The Histories of Gerbert’s pupil Richer are somewhat better, and

show an imitation of Sallust.

[383] Cf. Molinier, _Les Sources de l’histoire de France_, v., lxix.

[384] _Post_, Chapters XXXIV.-XLII.

[385] Born 1078; king from 1108-1137.

[386] _Ante_, Chapter X.

[387] _Ante_, Chapter IX.

[388] On Notker see Piper, _Die älteste Litteratur_ (Deutsche Nat. Lit.),

pp. 337-340.

[389] _Ante_, Chapter XI., where something was said of Liutprand also.

Ratherius was a restless intriguer and pamphleteer, a sort of stormy

petrel, who was born in 890 near Liège. In the course of his career he was

once bishop of that northern city, and three times bishop of Verona, where

he died, an old man of angry soul and bitter tongue. Two years and more

had he passed in a dungeon at Pavia--a sharpening experience for one

already given overmuch to hate. There he compiled his rather dreary six

books of _Praeloquia_ (Migne 136, col. 145-344), preparatory discourses,

perhaps precursive of another work, but at all events containing moral

instruction for all orders of society. It was in the nature of a

compilation, and yet touched with a strain of personal plaint, which

sometimes makes itself clearly audible in words that show this work to

have been its author’s prison _consolatio_: “Think what anguish impelled

me to it, what calamity, what necessity showed me these paths of

authorship. Dread of forgetting was my first reason for writing. Buried

under all sorts of the rubbish of wickedness, surrounded by the darkness

of evil, and distracted with the clamours of affairs, I feared that I

should forget, and was delighted to find how much I could remember. Books

were lacking, and friends to talk with, while sorrow gnawed the soul; so I

used this book of mine as a friend to chat with, and was comforted by it

as by a companion. Nor did I worry, asking who will read it; since I knew

me for its reader, and as its lover, if it had none other” (_Praeloq._ vi.

26; Migne 136, col. 342). On Ratherius see Ebert, _Ges. der Lit._, iii.

375 _sqq._

[390] _Vita Brunonis_, caps. 4, 6.

[391] _Vita Brunonis_, cap. 8.

[392] Cf. _post_, Chapter XXXII., III.

[393] Enough will be found regarding Hrotsvitha and her works in Ebert,

_Allgem. Ges. der Lit._, iii. 285-329.

[394] _Vita Bernwardi_, 6 (Migne 140, col. 397), by Thangmar, who was

Bernward’s teacher and outlived him to write his Life.

[395] Migne 141, col. 1229.

[396] See Froumundus, _Ep._ 9, 11, 13 (Migne 141, col. 1288 _sqq._). A

number of his poems are published by F. Seiler, _Zeitschrift für deutsche

Philologie_, Bd. 14, pp. 406-442.

[397] Migne 141, col. 1292. I am not sure that I have caught Froumund’s

meaning.

[398] _Mon. Ger. Scriptores_, v. 134 _sqq._ (Migne, _Pat. Lat._ 146, col.

1027 _sqq._).

[399] _Vita Hermanni_ (Migne 143, col. 29).

[400] The writings of Hermannus Contractus are in Migne, _Pat. Lat._ 143.

The poem is reprinted from Du Meril’s _Poésies populaires_; a more

complete text is in Bd XI. of the _Zeitschrift für deutsches Altertum_.

[401] _Ante_, Chapter XII., 1.

[402] Prantl, _Ges. Logik_, ii. 83.

[403] Cf. Endres, “Othloh’s von St. Emmeram Verhältnis zu den freien

Kunsten,” _Philos. Jahrbuch_, 1904.

[404] _Liber visionum._

[405] Othloh’s works are all in tome 146 of Migne’s _Patrologia Latina_.

[406] _Ante_, Chapter XII. 11.

[407] _Ante_, Chapters VIII., IX.

[408] Printed in Migne, _Pat. Lat._ 139, col. 871 _sqq._ and elsewhere.

For editions see Wattenbach, _Deutschlands Geschichtsquellen_, 6th ed. i.

485.

[409] _Post_, Chapter XVI.

[410] Cf. Taylor, _Ancient Ideals_, chaps. xv., xvi.; _Classical

Heritage_, chaps. ii., iii.

[411] Hosea i.-iii.

[412] Sulpicius Severus, _Epist._ iii.

[413] These words occur in Jerome’s famous letter (_Ep._ xiv.), in which

he exhorts the wavering Heliodoras to sever all ties and affections: “Do

not mind the entreaties of those dependent on you, come to the desert and

fight for Christ’s name. If they believe in Christ, they will encourage

you; if they do not,--let the dead bury their dead. A monk cannot be

perfect in his own land; not to wish to be perfect is a sin; leave all,

and come to the desert. The desert loves the naked. O desert, blooming

with the flowers of Christ! O solitude, whence are brought the stones of

the city of the Great King! O wilderness rejoicing close to God! What

would you, brother, in the world,--you that are greater than the world?

How long are the shades of roofs to oppress you? How long the dungeon of a

city’s smoke? Believe me, I see more of light! Do you fear poverty? Christ

called the poor “blessed.” Are you terrified at labour? No athlete without

sweat is crowned. Do you think of food? Faith fears not hunger. Do you

dread the naked ground for limbs consumed with fasts? The Lord lies with

you. Does the infinite vastness of the desert fright you? In the mind walk

abroad in Paradise. Does your skin roughen without baths? Who is once

washed in Christ needs not to wash again. And in a word, hear the apostle

answering: The sufferings of the present time are not to be compared with

the glory to come which shall be revealed in us!”

[414] In my _Classical Heritage_, pp. 136-197, I have given an account of

the origins of monasticism, and of its distinctive western features. There

I have also set out the Rule of Benedict, with sketches of the early

monastic character.

[415] Cyprian said in the third century, addressing himself to Christian

virgins: “Dominus vester et caput Christus est ad instar ad vicem masculi”

(_De habitu virginum_, 22). To realize how near to the full human

relationship was this wedded love of Christ, one should read the

commentaries and sermons upon Canticles. Those of a later time--St.

Bernard’s, for example--are the best, because they sum up so much that had

been gathering fervour through the centuries. One might look further to

those mediaeval instances that break through mysticism to a sensuousness

in which the man Christ becomes an almost too concrete husband for

ecstatic women. See _post_, Chapter XIX.

[416] The whole Christian love, first the love of God and then the love of

man, is felt and set forth by Augustine. “Thou hast made us toward thee,

and unquiet is our heart until it rests in thee.... That is the blessed

life to rejoice toward thee, concerning thee and because of thee.... Give

me thyself, my God.... All my plenty which is not my God is need.” With

his love of God his love for man accords. “This is true love, that

cleaving to truth we may live aright; and for that reason we contemn all

mortal things except the love of men, whereby we wish them to live aright.

Thus can we profitably be prepared even to die for our brethren, as the

Lord Jesus Christ taught us by His example.... It is love which unites

good angels and servants of God in the bond of holiness, joins us to them

and them to us, and subjoins all unto God.” These passages are from the

_Confessions_ and from the _De Trinitate_.

[417] Cf. _Classical Heritage_, p. 123 _sqq._

[418] Augustine, _Epp._ 155, c. 13.

[419] _Ante_, Chapter V.

[420] _Ante_, Chapter IX.

[421] Alcuin, _Ep._ 40 (Migne, _Pat. Lat._ 100, col. 201).

[422] Cf. Odo’s _Collationes_, in Migne 133, and Chapter XII. II., _ante_.

Gregory was Odo’s favourite author.

[423] Before Constantine’s reign there had been few Christian basilicas;

Christian art was sepulchral, drawing upon the galleries of the Catacombs,

in meagre and monotonous designs, the symbols of the soul’s deliverance

from death. These designs were antique in style and poor in execution.

[424] See Taylor, _Classical Heritage_, chap. x. sec. 2.

[425] See _Classical Heritage_, p. 267, and cf. _ibid._ chap. ix. sec. 1.

[426] See _post_, Chapter XXXII. II.

[427] The account of the evolution of the hymn from the prose sequence is

given _post_, Chapter XXXII. III.

[428] Further illustrations of the mediaeval emotionalizing of Latin

Christianity could be made from the history of certain Christian

conceptions, angels for example:--the Old and New Testaments and the

Apocrypha contain the revelation of their functions; next, their natures

are defined in the works of the Fathers and the _Celestial Hierarchy_ of

Pseudo-Dionysius the Areopagite. The matter is gone over at great length,

and their nature and functions logically perfected, by the schoolmen of

the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. But, all the while, religious

feeling, popular credences, and the imagination of poet and artist went on

investing with beauty and loveliness these guardian spirits who carried

out God’s care of man. Thus angels became the realities they were felt to

be.

[429] Hartmann belongs to that great group of courtly German poets whose

lives surround the year 1200. He was the translator of Chrètien de Troye’s

_Erec_ and _Ivain_. See Bech’s _Hartmann von Aue_ (Deutsche klassiker).

The verses quoted can hardly be rendered; but the meaning is as follows:

“My joys were never free from care until the day which showed me the

flowers of Christ which I wear here (_i.e._ the Crusader’s cross). They

herald a summer-time leading to sweet pastures of delight. God help us

thither! The world has treated me so that my spirit yearns therefor;--well

for me! God has been good to me, so that I am released from cares which

tie the feet of many, chaining them here, while I in Christ’s band with

blissful joys fare on.”

These lines carry that same yearning of the simple soul for heaven, _its

home_, which was expressed, some centuries before, in Otfried’s

_Evangelienbuch_ (_ante_, Chapter IX.). The words and their connotations

(_augenweide_, _wünneclich_) are utterly German. Yet the author lived in a

literary atmosphere of translation from the French.

[430] _Post_, Chapter XXV.

[431] The makers of love poems borrowed expressions from poems to the

Virgin. Cf. Wilmanns, _Leben und Dichtung Walter’s Von der Vogelweide_, p.

179. Touches of mortal passion sometimes appear in the adoration of men

for the Blessed Virgin. See _Caesar of Heisterbach_, vii. 32 and 50, and

viii. 58. Of course, many suggestions were drawn also from the antique

literature. See _post_, Chapter XXXII. IV. The subject of courtly and

romantic love will come up properly for treatment in Chapter XXIII.

[432] One will bear in mind that much mediaeval phraseology goes back to

the Fathers. For example, in monkish vilification of woman there is no

phrase more common than _janua diaboli_, and it was Tertullian’s, who died

in the first part of the third century.

[433] For the different meanings of the term _clericus_ see Du Cange,

_Glossarium_, under that word.

[434] For the meanings of this term also see Du Cange, _Glossarium_, under

that word.

[435] Regular clergy are the monks, who live under a _regula_.

[436] _Dialogus miraculorum_, ed. J. Strange, iv. i. (Cologne, 1851). Of

course Caesar was a monk.

[437] _Ante_, Chapter XIV.

[438] See Sackur, _Die Cluniacenser, etc._, _passim_, and Bd. II. 464

(Halle, 1892).

[439] On the differences between Cluny and Citeaux see Vacandard, _Vie de

St Bernard_, chap. iv. (2nd ed., Paris, 1897), and Zöckler, _Askese und

Mönchtum_, 2nd ed. pp. 406-415 (Frankfurt a. M., 1897).

[440] Migne, _Pat. Lat._ 166, col. 1377-1384.

[441] In fact, paragraph 15 provides that at the Chapter accusations

against an abbot shall be brought only by an abbot.

[442] It is interesting to observe how much of Stephen of Bourbon’s

description of the Poor of Lyons applies to Franciscan beginnings, and how

much more of it would have applied had not St. Francis possessed the gift

of obedience among his other virtues. Stephen was a Dominican of the first

half of the thirteenth century, and himself an inquisitor. Thus he

describes these misled people: “The Waldenses are called after the author

of this heresy, whose name was Waldensis. They are also called the Poor of

Lyons, because there they first professed poverty. Likewise they call

themselves the Poor in Spirit, because the Lord says: ‘Blessed are the

poor in spirit....’ Waldensis, who lived in Lyons, was a man of wealth,

but of little education. Hearing the Gospels, and curious to understand

their meaning, he bargained with two priests that they should make a

translation in the vulgar tongue. This they did, with other books of the

Bible and many precepts from the writings of the saints. When this

townsman had read the Gospel till he knew it by heart, he set out to

follow apostolic perfection, just as the Apostles themselves. So, selling

all his goods, in contempt of the world, he tossed his money like dirt to

the poor. Then he presumed to usurp the office of the Apostles, and

preached the Gospels in the open streets. He led many men and women to do

the same, exercising them in the Gospels. He also sent them to preach in

the neighbouring villages. These ignorant men and women running through

villages, entering houses, and preaching in the open places as well as the

churches, drew others to the same ways.”

Up to this point we are close to the Franciscans. But now the Archbishop

of Lyons forbids these ignorant irregular evangelists to preach. Their

leader answers for them, that they must obey God rather than man, and

Scripture says to preach the Gospel to every creature. Thus they fell into

disobedience, contumacy, and incurred excommunication, says Stephen

(_Anecdotes, etc., d’Étienne de Bourbon_, edited by Lecoy de la Marche

(Soc. de l’Histoire de France, Paris, 1877), cap. 342).

[443] The rôle of Franciscans and Dominicans in the spread of philosophic

knowledge in the thirteenth century will be considered _post_, Chapter

XXXVII. Chapter XVIII., _post_, is devoted to the personal qualities of

Francis.

[444] Peter Damiani, _De contemptu saeculi_, cap. 32 (Migne 145, col.

287).

[445] On Damiani, see _ante_, Chapter XI. IV.

[446] Peter Damiani, _Opusc._ xi., _Dominus vobiscum_, cap. 19 (Migne 145,

col. 246).

[447] Peter Damiani, _De contemptu saeculi_, cap. 25 (Migne 145, col.

278).

[448] Peter Damiani, _De perfectione monachi_, caps. 2, 3 (Migne 145, col.

294).

[449] _De perfectione monachi_, cap. 8 (Migne 145, col. 303).

[450] _De perf. mon._ cap. 13 (Migne 145, col. 307).

[451] _De ins. ord. eremitarum_, cap. 26 (Migne 145, col. 358). On the

distraction from the _vita contemplativa_ involved in an abbot’s duties

see Damiani’s verses, _De abbatum miseria_, _ante_, Chapter XI. IV.

For such as have feeling for these matters, I give the following extracts

from Damiani’s _Opusc._ xiii., _De perfectione monachi_, caps. 12, 13:

“Let the brother love fasting and cherish privation, let him flee the

sight of men, withdraw from affairs, keep his mouth from vain

conversation, seek the hiding-place of his mind wherein with his whole

strength he burns to see the face of his Creator; and let him pant for

tears, and beset God for them with daily prayer. For the dew of tears

cleanses the soul from every stain and makes fruitful the meadows of our

hearts so that they bring forth the sprouts of virtue. For often as under

an icy frost the wretched soul sheds its foliage, and, grace departing, it

is left to itself barren and stripped of its shortlived blossoms. But anon

tears given by the Tester of hearts burst forth, and this same soul is

loosed from the cold of its slothful torpor, and becomes green again with

the renewed leafage of its virtues, as a tree in spring kindled by the

south wind.

“Tears, moreover, which are from God, with fidelity approach the tribunal

of divine hearing, and quickly obtaining what they ask, assure us of the

remission of our sins. Tears are intermediaries in concluding peace

between God and men; they are the truthful and the very wisest

(_doctissimae_) teachers in the dubiousness of human ignorance. For when

we are in doubt whether something may be pleasing to God, we can reach no

better certitude than through prayer, weeping truthfully. We need never

again hesitate as to what our mind has decided on under such conditions.

“Tears,” continues Damiani, “washed the noisomeness of her guilt from the

Magdalen, saved the Apostle who denied his Lord, restored King David after

deadly sin, added three years to Hezekiah’s life, preserved inviolate the

chastity of Judith, and won for her the head of Holophernes. Why mention

the centurion Cornelius, why mention Susanna? indeed were I to tell all

the deeds of tears, the day would close before my task were ended. For it

is they that purify the sinner’s soul, confirm his inconstant heart,

prepare joy out of grief, and, breaking forth from our eyes of flesh,

raise us to the hope of supernal beatitude. For their petition may not be

set aside, so mighty are their voices in the Creator’s ears. Before the

pious Judge they hesitate at nothing, but vindicate their claim to mercy

as a right, and exult confident of having obtained what they implore.

“O ye tears, joys of the spirit, sweeter than honey, sweeter than nectar!

which with a sweet and pleasant taste refresh minds lifted up to God, and

water consumed and arid hearts with a flood of penetrating grace from

heaven. Weeping eyes terrify the devil; he fears the onslaught of tears

bursting forth, as one would flee a tempest of hail driven by the fury of

all the winds. As the torrent’s rush cleanses the river-bed, the flowing

tears purge the weeper’s mind from the devil’s tares and every pest of

sin.”

[452] _De inst. ord. er._ cap. 1 (Migne 145, col. 337).

[453] The _Vita Romualdi_ is printed in Migne 144, col. 950-1008.

[454] Romuald died in 1027; _lustrum_ here may mean four years, which

would bring the time of writing to 1039.

[455] _Vita Romualdi_, caps. 8, 9. Damiani does not say this here, but

quite definitely suggests it in cap. 64. The lives of these eastern

hermits were known to Romuald; hermits in Italy had imitated them; and the

connection with the knowledge of the Orient was not severed. See Sackur,

_Die Cluniacenser, etc._, i. 324 _sqq._ Thus for their models these

Italian hermits go behind the _Regula Benedicti_ to the anchorite examples

of Cassian and the East. Cf. Taylor, _Classical Heritage_, p. 160. A good

example was St. Nilus, a Calabrian, perhaps of Greek stock. As Abbot of

Crypta-Ferrata in Agro-Tusculano, he did not cease from his austerities,

and still dwelt in a cave. He died in 1005 at the alleged age of

ninety-five. His days are thus described: from dawn to the third hour he

copied rapidly, filling a τετραδεῖον (quaternion) each day. From the third

to the sixth hour he stood before the Cross of the Lord, reciting psalms

and making genuflections; from the sixth to the ninth, he sat and read--no

profane book we may be sure. When the ninth hour was come, he addressed

his evening hymn to God and went out to walk and study Him in His works.

See his _Vita_, from the Greek, in _Acta sanctorum_, sept. t. vii. pp.

279-343, especially page 293.

[456] _Vita Romualdi_, cap. 13.

[457] _Ibid._ cap. 20.

[458] _Vita Romualdi_, cap. 51.

[459] _Vita Romualdi_, cap. 35.

[460] _Ibid._ cap. 40.

[461] _Ibid._ cap. 45.

[462] _Vita_, caps. 49, 50.

[463] The Syrian region famous for its early anchorites.

[464] _Vita Romualdi_, cap. 64.

[465] Cf. Sackur, _Die Cluniacenser_, i. 328 note.

[466] _Vita Romualdi_, 69.

[467] Peter Damiani, _Vitae SS. Rodulphi et Dominici loricati_, cap. 8

(Migne 144, col. 1015.)

[468] _Ibid._ cap. 10 (Migne 144, col. 1017).

[469] This story is told in all the early lives of Bruno, the _Vita

antiquior_, the _Vita altera_, and the _Vita tertia_ (Migne, _Pat. Lat._

152, col. 482, 493, and 525). These lives, especially the _Vita altera_,

are interesting illustrations of the ascetic spirit, which, as might be

expected, also moulds Bruno’s thoughts and his understanding of Scripture.

All of which appears in his long _Expositio in Psalmos_ (Migne, _Pat.

Lat._ 152). To us, for example, the note of the twenty-third (in the

Vulgate the twenty-second) psalm is love; to Bruno it is disciplinary

guidance: the Lord guides me in the place of pasture, that is, He is my

guide lest I go astray in the Scriptures, where the souls of the faithful

are fed; I shall not want, that is an understanding of them shall not fail

me. Thy rod, that is the lesser tribulation; thy staff, that is the

greater tribulation, correct and chastise me.

[470] Guigo was born in 1083 at St. Romain near Valence, of noble family

(like most monks of prominence). There was close sympathy between him and

St. Bernard, as their letters show. Cf. _post_, Chapter XVII.

[471] Migne 153, col. 601-631.

[472] A bibliography of what has been written on Bernard would make a

volume. His own writings and the _Vitae_ and _Acta_ (as edited by

Mabillon) are printed in Migne, tomes 182-185. The _Vie de Saint Bernard_,

by the abbé Vacandard, in two volumes, is to be recommended (2nd ed.,

Paris, 1897).

[473] _Vita prima_, iii. cap. 1 (Migne, _Pat. Lat._ 185). This _Vita_ was

written by contemporaries of the saint who knew him intimately. But one

must be on one’s guard as to these apparently close descriptions of the

saints in their _vitae_; for they are commonly conventionalized. This

description of Bernard, excepting perhaps the colour of his hair, would

have fitted Francis of Assisi.

[474] _Vita prima_, iii. 3. Bernard himself said that his aim in preaching

was not so much to expound the words (of Scripture) as to move his

hearers’ hearts (_Sermo xvi. in Cantica canticorum_). That his preaching

was resistless is universally attested.

[475] See, _e.g._, Vacandard, _o.c._ chap. i.

[476] _Post_, Chapter XLIII.

[477] _Vita prima_, i. cap. 11. This William became Abbot of St. Thierry

and one of Bernard’s biographers.

[478] _E.g._ _Ep._ 107.

[479] _Ep._ 2.

[480] _Ep._ 110 (this is the whole letter).

[481] _Ep._ 112 (the entire letter). The Latin of this letter is given

_post_, Chapter XXXI.

[482] _Ep._ 111.

[483] _Ep._ 152, _ad Innocentium papam_, A.D. 1135.

[484] _Ep._ 170, _ad Ludovicum_. Written in 1138.

[485] _Ep._ 191.

[486] Cf. _post_, Chapter XXXVI. I., regarding this instance of Bernard’s

zeal. His position is critically set out in Wilhelm Meyer’s “Die

Anklagesätze des h. Bernard gegen Abaelard,” _Göttingische gelehrte

Nachrichten, philol. hist. Klasse_, 1898, pp. 397-468.

[487] _Ep._ 196, _ad Guidonen_; cf. _Ep._ 195 (A.D. 1140). See for the

Latin of this letter _post_, Chapter XXXI.

[488] _Ep._ 147, to Peter the Venerable, Abbot of Cluny (A.D. 1138).

[489] _Ep._ 101, _ad religiosos_; cf. also _Ep._ 136.

[490] _Ep._ 300.

[491] _Vita prima_, lib. vii. cap. 15.

[492] It was Bernard’s third absence in Italy.

[493] _Ep._ 144, _ad suos Clarae-Vallenses_.

[494] _Vita prima_, lib. iii. cap. 7.

[495] _Sermo xxvi. in Cantica._

[496] “Finem verborum indicunt lacrymae; tu illis, Domine, finem modumque

indixeris.”

[497] _Ante_, Chapter XVI.

[498] As Augustine before him. Cf. Taylor, _The Classical Heritage, etc._,

pp. 129-131.

[499] _Ep._ 11, _ad Guigonem_. Bernard adds that when Paul says that flesh

and blood shall not inherit the kingdom of God, it is not to be understood

that the substance of flesh will not be there, but that every carnal

necessity will have ceased; the love of flesh will be absorbed in the love

of the spirit, and our weak human affections transformed into divine

energies.

[500] Migne, _Pat. Lat._ 182, col. 973-1000.

[501] Love, fear, joy, sorrow.

[502] Migne 183, col. 785-1198.

[503] _Sermo xx. in Cantica._

[504] _Sermo lxxix. in Cantica._

[505] _Sermo lxxxiii. in Cantica._ This is nearly the whole of this

sermon. Bernard’s sermons were not long. See _post_, Chapter XXXVI. II.,

as to Bernard’s use of the symbolism of the kiss.

[506] _Post_, Chapter XIX.

[507] The present chapter is intended as an appreciation of the

personality of Francis; incidents of his life are used for illustration. I

have endeavoured to confine myself to such as are generally accepted as

authentic, and to those parts of the sources which are confirmed by

corroborative testimony. The reader doubtless is aware that the sources of

Franciscan history are abundant, but that there is still much critical and

even polemic controversy touching their trustworthiness. Of the _Speculum

perfectionis_, edited by Sabatier, I would make this remark: many of its

narratives contain such wisdom and human truth as seem to me to bring them

very close to the acts and words of some great personality, _i.e._

Francis. This is no sure proof of their authenticity, and yet is a fair

reason for following their form of statement of some of the incidents in

Francis’s life, the human value of which perhaps appears narrowed and

deflected in other accounts.

The chief sources for the life of St. Francis of Assisi are first his own

compositions, edited conveniently under the title of _Opuscula sancti

patris Francisci Assisiensis_, by the Franciscans of Quarrachi (1904).

They have been translated by P. Robinson (Philadelphia, The Dolphin Press,

1906). Next in certainty of authenticity come the two Lives by Celano,

_i.e._ _Vita prima S. Francisci Assisiensis_, auctore B. Thoma de Celano,

ejus discipulo, Bollandi _Acta sanctorum_, tome 46 (Oct. tome 2), pp.

683-723; also edited by Canon Amoni (Rome, 1880); _Vita secunda seu

appendix ad Vitam primam_, ed. by Amoni (Rome, 1880). Better editions than

Amoni’s are those of Edouard d’Alençon (Rome, 1906), and H. G. Rosedale

(Dent, London, 1904). Of great importance also is the _Legenda trium

sociorum_ (_Leo, Rufinus, Angelus_), Bollandi _Acta sanctorum_, t. 46

(Oct. t. 2), pp. 723-742; also ed. by Amoni (Rome, 1880). (Amoni’s texts

differ somewhat from those of the Bollandist.) It is also edited by

Pulignani (Foligno, 1898), and edited and hypothetically completed from

the problematical Italian version, by Marcellino da Civezza and Teofilo

Domenichelli (Rome, 1899). Perhaps most vivid of all the early sources is

the so-called _Speculum perfectionis seu S. Francisci Assisiensis legenda

antiquissima auctore fratre Leone_, as edited by Paul Sabatier (Paris,

1898). It has been translated into English several times. Its date and

authenticity are still under violent discussion. One may conveniently

refer to the article “Franciscan Literature” in the _Edinburgh Review_ for

January 1904, and to P. Robinson’s _Short Introduction to Franciscan

Literature_ (New York, 1907) for further references, which the student

must supplement for himself from the mass of recent literature in books

and periodicals touching the life of Francis and its sources. See also

Fierens, _La Question franciscaine, etc._ (Louvain, 1909). Among modern

Lives, that of Sabatier is probably known to all readers of this note. The

Lives by Bonghi and Le Monnier may be referred to. Gebhard’s _Italie

mystique_ is interesting in connection with Francis.

[508] Consciousness of direct authority from God speaks in the saint’s

unquestionably authentic Testament: “And after the Lord gave me some

brothers, no one showed me what I ought to do, but the Most High himself

revealed to me that I ought to live according to the model of the holy

Gospel.” It is also rendered with picturesque vehemence in a scene

(_Speculum perfectionis_, ed. Sabatier, ch. 68) which may or may not be

authentic. At a general meeting of the Order, certain wise brethren had

persuaded the Cardinal-Bishop of Ostia to advise Francis to follow their

counsel, and had adduced certain examples from the monastic rule of

Benedict and others. “When the Cardinal had related these matters to the

blessed Francis, in the way of admonition, the blessed Francis answered

nothing, but took him by the hand and led him before the assembled

brothers, and spoke to the brothers in the fervour and power of the Holy

Spirit, thus: ‘My brothers, my brothers, the Lord called me in the way of

simplicity and humility, and showed me in truth this way for myself and

for those who wish to believe and imitate me. And therefore I desire that

you will not name any rule to me, neither the rule of St. Benedict, nor

that of St. Augustine or St. Bernard, or any other rule or model of living

except that which was mercifully shown and given me by the Lord. And the

Lord said that He wished me to be a new covenant (_pactum_) in the world,

and did not wish us to live by any other way save by that knowledge.’”

[509] These songs (none of which survive) were apparently in the _langue

d’oïl_ and not in the _langue d’oc_. The phrases used by the biographers

are _lingua francigena_ (1 Cel. i. 7) and _lingua gallica_ (_III. Soc._

iii.) or _gallice cantabat_ (_Spec. perf._ vii. 93).

[510] In fact this is vouched for in _III. Soc._ i.

[511] St. Martin of Tours had done the same.

[512] _III. Soc._ v. par. 13, 14.

[513] _III. Soc._ vi. par. 20.

[514] “Sancta paupertas,” “domina paupertas” are the phrases. The first is

used by St. Bernard.

[515] _III. Soc._ viii.; 1 Cel. ix.

[516] _III. Soc._ viii.; see 1 Cel. x. and 2 Cel. x.

[517] _Spec. per._ 3, 9, 19, 122. How truly he also felt their spirit is

seen in the story of his words, at a somewhat later period, to a certain

Dominican: “While he was staying at Siena, a certain doctor of theology,

of the order of the Preachers, himself an humble and spiritual man, came

to him. When they had spoken for a while about the words of the Lord, this

master interrogated him concerning this text of Ezekiel: ‘If thou dost not

declare to the wicked man his wickedness, I will require his soul of thy

hand’ (Ezek. iii. 18). And he added: ‘I know many indeed, good father, in

mortal sin, to whom I do not declare their wickedness. Will their souls be

required at my hand?’

“To whom the blessed Francis humbly said that it was fitting that an

ignorant person like himself should be taught by him rather than give

answer upon the meaning of Scripture. Then that humble master replied:

‘Brother, albeit I have heard the exposition of this text from a number of

the wise, still would I willingly make note of your understanding of it.’

“So the blessed Francis said: ‘If the text is to be understood generally,

I take it to mean that the servant of God ought by his life and holiness

so to burn and shine in himself, that the light of his example and the

tenor of his holy conversation would reprove all wicked men. Thus I say

will his splendour and the odour of his reputation declare their

iniquities to all,’” _Spec. perf._ 53; also 2 Cel. iii. 46.

[518] As to the acquisition of the Portiuncula see _Spec. perf._ 55, and

on Francis’s love of it see _Spec. perf._ 82-84, 124.

[519] 1 Cel. xi.

[520] This seems to be true of Francis’s great Exemplar.

[521] _Spec. perf._ 69; 2 Cel. iii. 124; _III. Soc._ 25.

[522] _Francisci admonitiones_, xx.

[523] _Spec. perf._ 62; 2 Cel. iii. 71.

[524] _Spec. perf._ 61; see 1 Cel. 19.

[525] 2 Cel. iii. 81; _Spec. perf._ 39.

[526] _Spec. perf._ 50.

[527] _Spec. perf._ 54; 2 Cel. iii. 84.

[528] _Spec. perf._ 44.

[529] _Spec. perf._ 64; _III. Soc._ 39; 2 Cel. iii. 83; cf. _Admon._ iii.

[530] Cf. _Spec. perf._ 22 and 23; 2 Cel. iii. 23.

[531] _III. Soc._ xii. 50, 51.

[532] _Spec. perf._ 18; cf. 2 Cel. iii. 20.

[533] _Spec. perf._ 25; 2 Cel. iii. 22.

[534] _Spec. perf._ 95; 2 Cel. iii. 65. But Francis condemned all vain and

foolish words which move to laughter (_Admon._ xxi.; _Spec. perf._ 96).

[535] _Spec. perf._ 93; 2 Cel. iii. 67.

[536] _Spec. perf._ 34.

[537] Cf. _Spec. perf._ 108; 2 Cel. 132.

[538] _Spec. perf._ 27, 28, 33; cf. 2 Cel. i. 15; _ibid._ iii. 30 and 36.

[539] _Spec. perf._ 101. This is one of the apparently unsupported stories

of the _Speculum_, that none would like to doubt.

[540] 2 Cel. iii. cap. 101.

[541] One is tempted to amuse oneself with paradox, and say: Not he of

Vaucluse, who ascended a mountain for the view and left a record of his

sentiments, but he of Assisi, who loved the sheep, the birds, the flowers,

the stones, and fire and water, was “the first modern man.” But such

statements are foolish; there was no “first modern man.”

[542] _Spec. perf._ 113.

[543] 1 Cel. xxi. 58.

[544] 1 Cel. cap. xxviii.

[545] 1 Cel. cap. xxix.

[546] 2 Cel. iii. 101. These matters are set forth more picturesquely in

the _Speculum perfectionis_; if authentic, they throw a vivid light on

this wonderful person. Here are examples:

“Francis had come to the hermitage of Fonte Palumbo, near Riete, to cure

the infirmity of his eyes, as he was ordered on his obedience by the

lord-cardinal of Ostia and by Brother Elias, minister-general. There the

doctor advised a cautery over the cheek as far as the eyebrow of the eye

that was in worse state. Francis wished to wait till brother Elias came,

but when he was kept from coming Francis prepared himself. And when the

iron was set in the fire to heat it, Francis, wishing to comfort his

spirit, lest he be afraid, spoke to the fire: ‘My Brother Fire, noble and

useful among other creatures, be courteous to me in this hour, since I

have loved and will love thee for the love of Him who made thee. I also

beseech our Creator, who made us both, that He may temper thy heat so that

I may bear it.’ And when his prayer was finished he made the sign of the

cross over the fire.

“We indeed who were with him then fled for pity and compassion, and the

doctor remained alone with him. When the cautery was finished, we

returned, and he said to us: ‘Fearful and of little faith, why did you

flee? I tell you truly I felt no pain, nor any heat of the fire. If it is

not well seared he may sear it better.’

“The astonished doctor assured them all that the cautery was so severe

that a strong man, let alone one so weak, could hardly have endured it,

while Francis showed no sign of pain” (_Spec. perf._ 115). “Thus fire

treated Francis courteously; for he had never failed to treat it

reverently and respect its rights. Once his clothes caught fire, and he

would not put it out, and forbade a brother, saying: ‘Nay, dearest

brother, do no harm to the fire.’ He would never put out fire, and did not

wish any brother to throw away a fire or push a smoking log away, but

wished that it should be just set on the ground, out of reverence to Him

whose creature it is” (_ibid._ 116).

“Next to fire he had a peculiar love for water, wherein is figured holy

penitence and the tribulation with which the soul’s uncleanness is washed

away, and because the first washing of the soul is through the water of

baptism. So when he washed his hands he would choose a place where the

water which fell would not be trodden on. Also when he walked over rocks,

he walked with trembling and reverence for the love of Him who is called

the ‘Rock’; and whenever he repeated that psalm, ‘Thou hast exalted me

upon a rock,’ he would say with great reverence and devotion: ‘Under the

foot of the rock thou hast exalted me.’”

“He directed the brother who cut and fetched the fire-wood never to cut a

whole tree, so that some part of it might remain untouched for the love of

Him who was willing to work out our salvation upon the wood of the cross.

“Likewise he told the brother who made the garden, not to devote all of it

to vegetables, but to have some part for flowering plants, which in their

seasons produce Brother Flowers for love of Him who is called the ‘Flower

of the field and the Lily of the valley.’ He said indeed that Brother

Gardener always ought to make a beautiful patch in some part of the

garden, and plant it with all sorts of sweet-smelling herbs and herbs that

produce beautiful flowers, so that in their season they may invite men

seeing them to praise the Lord. For every creature cries aloud, ‘God made

me for thy sake, O man.’ We that were with him saw that inwardly and

outwardly he did so greatly rejoice in all created things, that touching

or seeing them his spirit seemed not to be upon the earth, but in heaven”

(_ibid._ 113).

“Above all things lacking reason he loved the sun and fire most

affectionately, for he would say: ‘In the morning when the sun rises every

man ought to praise God who created it for our use, because by day our

eyes are illumined by it; in the evening, when night comes, every man

ought to give praise on account of Brother Fire, because by it our eyes

are illumined by night. For all of us are blind, and the Lord through

those two brothers lightens our eyes; and therefore for these, and for

other creatures which we daily use, we ought to praise the Creator.’ Which

indeed he did himself up to the day of his death” (_ibid._ 119).

[547] Translated from the text as given in E. Monaci’s _Crestomazia

italiana dei primi secoli_. Substantially the same text is given in _Spec.

perf._ 120.

[548] The mediaeval term _apex mentis_ is not inapt.

[549] Assurance of the soul’s communion, and even union, with God is the

chief element of what is termed mysticism, which will be discussed briefly

in connection with scholastic philosophy, _post_, Chapter XXXVI. II. In

the twelfth and thirteenth centuries those who experienced the divine

through visions, ecstasies, and rapt contemplation, were not as

analytically and autobiographically self-conscious as later mystics. Yet

St. Theresa’s (sixteenth century) mystical analysis of self and God (for

which see H. Delacroix, _Études d’histoire et de psychologie du

mysticisme_, Paris, 1908) might be applied to the experiences of St.

Elizabeth of Schönau or St. Hildegard of Bingen.

[550] _Ante_, Chapter XIII. II.

[551] Neither Othloh’s visions, nor those to be recounted, were narratives

of voyages to the other world. The name of these is legion. They begin in

_Bede’s Ecclesiastical History_, and continue through the Middle

Ages--until they reach their apotheosis in the _Divina Commedia_. See

_post_, Chapter XLIII.

[552] Migne, _Pat. Lat._ 195.

[553] The works of St. Hildegard of Bingen are published in vol. 197 of

Migne’s _Pat. Lat._ and in vol. viii. of Pitra’s _Analecta sacra_, under

the title _Analecta Sanctae Hildegardis opera Spicilegio Solesmensi

parata_ (1882). Certain supplementary passages to the latter volume are

published in _Analecta Bollandiana_, i. (Paris, 1882). These publications

are completed by F. W. E. Roth’s _Lieder und die unbekannte Sprache der h.

Hildegardis_ (Wiesbaden, 1880). The same author has a valuable article on

Hildegard in _Zeitschrift für kirchliche Wissenschaft, etc._, 1888, pp.

453-471. See also an article by Battandier, _Revue des questions

historiques_, 33 (1883), pp. 395-425. Other literature on Hildegard in

Chevalier’s _Répertoire des sources historiques du moyen âge_, under her

name.

Her two most interesting works, for our purposes at least, are the

_Scivias_ (meaning _Scito vias Domini_), completed in 1151 after ten years

of labour, and the _Liber vitae meritorum per simplicem hominem a vivente

luce revelatorum_ (Pitra, _o.c._ pp. 1-244), begun in 1159, and finished

some five years later. Extracts from these are given in the text. Other

works show her extraordinary intellectual range. Of these the _Liber

divinorum operum simplicis hominis_ (Migne 197, col. 741-1038) is a vision

of the mysteries of creation, followed by a voluminous commentary upon the

world and all therein, including natural phenomena, human affairs, the

nature of man, and the functions of his mind and body. It closes with a

discussion of Antichrist and the Last Times. The work was begun about

1164, when Hildegard finished the _Liber vitae meritorum_, and was

completed after seven years of labour. She also wrote a Commentary on the

Gospels, and sundry lives of saints, and there is ascribed to her quite a

prodigious work upon natural history and the virtues of plants, the whole

entitled: _Subtilitatum diversarum naturarum creaturarum libri IX._ (Migne

197, col. 1118-1351); and probably she composed another work on medicine,

_i.e._ the unpublished _Liber de causis et curis_ (see Pitra, _o.c._,

prooemium, p. xi.). Preger’s contention (_Geschichte der deutschen

Mystik_, i. pp. 13-27, 1874) that the works bearing Hildegard’s name are

forgeries, never obtained credence, and is not worth discussing since the

publication of Pitra’s volume.

[554] _Analecta Sanctae Hildegardis opera Spicilegio Solesmensi parata_,

p. 523; cf. _ibid._ p. 561; also _Ep._ 27 of Hildegard in Migne 197, col.

186.

[555] These questions and Hildegard’s solutions are given in Migne 197,

col. 1038-1054, and the letter in Pitra, _o.c._ 399-400.

[556] Pitra, _o.c._ 394, 395.

[557] By _visio_ as used here, Hildegard refers to the general undefined

light--the _umbra viventis lucis_, in which she saw her special visions.

[558] Pitra, _o.c._ 332.

[559] This is from the prologue to the _Scivias_, Pitra, _o.c._ 503, 504

(Migne 197, 483, 484). Guibert in his _Vita_ speaks of Hildegard as

_indocta_ and unable to penetrate the meaning of Scripture _nisi cum vis

internae aspirationis illuminans eam juvaret_, Pitra, _o.c._ 413. Compare

Hildegard’s prooemium to her _Life of St. Disibodus_ (Pitra, _o.c._ 357)

and the preface to her _Liber divinorum operum_ (Migne 197, 741, 742).

[560] Guibertus to Radilfus, a monk of Villars (Pitra, _o.c._ 577)

apparently written in 1180.

[561] Pitra, _o.c._ pp. 1-244.

[562] Pitra, _o.c._ pp. 8-10. The translation is condensed, but is kept

close to the original.

[563] _Ibid._ p. 13.

[564] Pitra, _o.c._ p. 24.

[565] _Ibid._ p. 51 _sqq._

[566] Pitra, _o.c._ p. 92 _sqq._

[567] _Ibid._ p. 131 _sqq._ Of course, one at once thinks of the

punishments in Dante’s _Inferno_, which in no instance are identical with

those of Hildegard, and yet offer common elements. Dante is not known to

have read the work of Hildegard.

[568] Pitra, _o.c._ pp. 230-240. I am not clear as to Hildegard’s ideas of

Purgatory, for which she seems to have no separate region. In the case of

sinners who have begun, but not completed, their penances on earth, the

punishments described work _purgationem_, and the souls are loosed

(_ibid._ p. 42). In Part III. of the work we are considering, the

paragraphs describing the punishments are entitled _De superbiae_,

_invidiae_, _inobedientiae_, _infidelitatis_, etc., _poenis purgatoriis_

(_ibid._ p. 130). But each paragraph is followed by one entitled _De

poenitentia superbiae_, etc., and the _poenitentia_ referred to is worked

out with penance in this life. Consequently it is not quite clear that the

word _purgatoriis_ attached to _poenis_ signifies temporary punishment to

be followed by release.

In a vision of the Last Times (_ibid._ p. 225) Hildegard sees “black

burning darkness,” in which was _gehenna_, containing every kind of

horrible punishment. She did not then see _gehenna_ itself, because of the

darkness surrounding it; but heard the frightful cries. Cf. _Aeneid_, vi.

548 _sqq._

[569] This is the view expounded so grandly by Hugo of St. Victor in his

_De sacramentis_, _post_, Chapter XXVIII.

[570] Migne 197, col. 433. All this is interesting in view of the many

figures of the Church and Synagogue carved on the cathedrals, most of them

later than Hildegard’s time. The “Synagogue” of sculpture has her eyes

bound, the sculpturesque expression of eyelessness. The rest of

Hildegard’s symbolism was not followed in sculpture.

[571] Migne 197, col. 437 _sqq._ Cf. St. Bernard, _Sermo xix. in Cantica_.

[572] Migne 197, col. 449.

[573] Notice the supra-terrestrial term, which can hardly be translated so

as to fit an actual wall.

[574] Migne 197, col. 583. Compare this vision with the symbolic

interpretation of the cathedral edifice, _post_, Chapter XXIX.

[575] Cf. St. Bernard’s treatment of this matter, _ante_, Chapter XVII.

[576] In a Middle High German Marienleben, by Bruder Phillips (13th

century) the young virgin is made herself to say to God:

“Du bist min lieber priutegam (bridegroom),

Dir gib ich minen magetuom (maidenhood),

Du bist min vil schoener man.

“Du bist min vriedel (lover) und min vriunt (ami);

Ich bin von diner minne entzundt.”

Bobertag, _Erzählende Dichtungen des späteren Mittelalters_, p. 46

(Deutsche Nat. Litt.).

[577] _Vita B. Mariae Ogniacensis_, per Jacobum de Vitreaco, Bollandi,

_Acta sanctorum_ t. 21 (June t. iv. pp. 636-666). Jacques had good reason

to canonize her bones, since one of them, in his saddle-bags, had saved

his mule from drowning while crossing a river in Tuscany.

[578] Cant. ii. 5. The translation in the English Revised Version is:

“Stay me with cakes of raisins, comfort me with apples; for I am sick of

love.” The phrases of Canticles, always in the words of the Latin Vulgate,

come continually into the minds of these ecstatic women and their

biographers. The sonorous language of the Vulgate is not always close to

the meaning of the Hebrew. But it was the Vulgate and not the Hebrew that

formed the mediaeval Bible, and its language should be observed in

discussing mediaeval applications of Scripture.

[579] “Dum esset Rex in accubitu suo,” Cant. i. 11, in Vulgate; Cant. i.

12, in the English version, which renders it: “While the King sitteth at

His table.”

[580] _Vita B. Mariae, etc._, par. 2-8. Since we are seeing these

mediaeval religious phenomena as they impressed contemporaries, it would

be irrelevant to subject them to the analyses which pathological

psychology applies to not dissimilar phenomena.

[581] It is reported of St. Catharine of Siena that she would go for weeks

with no other food than the Eucharist.

[582] I am drawing from her _Vita_ by her contemporary, Thomas of

Cantimpré, _Acta SS._, Bollandi, t. 21 (t. 3 of June), p. 234 _sqq._

[583] Cf. Canticles iii. 2; _Vita_, lib. iii. par. 42.

[584] Cant. iii. 1, 7; i. 16.

[585] _Vita_, lib. iii. pars. 9, 11. It is well known how great a love of

her Lord possessed St. Elizabeth of Hungary, and how she sent her children

away from her, that she might not be distracted from loving Him alone. The

vision which came to her upon her expulsion from the Wartburg, after the

death of her husband, King Louis of Thuringia, is given as follows, in her

own words, according to the sworn statement of her waiting-women: “I saw

the heaven open, and that sweet Jesus, my Lord, bending toward me and

consoling me in my tribulation; and when I saw Him I was glad, and

laughed; but when He turned His face, as if to go away, I cried. Pitying

me, He turned His serene countenance to me a second time, saying: ‘If thou

wishest to be with me, I wish to be with thee.’ I responded: ‘Thou, Lord,

thou dost wish to be with me, and I wish to be with thee, and I wish never

to be separated from thee’” (_Libellus de dictis quatuor ancillarum_,

Mencken, _Scriptores Rerum Germ._ ii. 2020 A-C, Leipzig, 1728). The German

sermon of Hermann von Fritzlar (cir. 1340) tells this vision in nearly the

same words, putting, however, this phrase in Elizabeth’s mouth: “Our Lord

Jesus Christ appeared to me, and when He turned from me, I cried, and then

He turned to me, and I became red (blushed?), and before I was pale”

(Hildebrand, _Didaktik aus der Zeit der Kreuzzüge_, p. 36, Deutsche Nat.

Lit.).

[586] _Offenbarungen der Schwester Mechthild von Magdeburg oder das

fliessende Licht der Gottheit_, ed. by P. G. Morel, Regensburg, 1869. See

Preger, _Gesch. der deutschen Mystik_, i. 70, 91 _sqq._ Preger points out

that the High-German version of this work, which we possess, was made from

the Low-German original in the year 1344. Extracts from Mechthild’s book

are given by Vetter, _Lehrhafte Literatur des 14. und 15. Jahrhunderts_,

pp. 192-199; and by Hildebrand, _Didaktik aus der Zeit der Kreuzzüge_, pp.

6-10 (Deutsche Nat. Lit.).

[587] We pass over these portions of Mechthild’s book which exemplify the

close connection between ecstatic contemplation and the denunciation of

evil in the world.

[588] Mechthild constantly uses phrases from the courtly love poetry of

her time.

[589] _Das fliessende Licht, etc._, i. cap. 3. Hildebrand, _o.c._ p. 6,

cites this apposite verse from the thoughtful and knightly Minnesinger,

Reimar von Zweter:

“Got herre unuberwundenlich,

Wie uberwant die Minne dich!

Getorste ich, so spraech ich:

Si wart an dir so sigerich.”

[590] _Das fliessende Licht, etc._, i. 38-44.

[591] “I would gladly die of love, might that be my lot; for Him whom I

love I have seen with my bright eyes standing in my soul” (_ibid._ ii.

cap. 2).

[592] Cf. ii. 22.

[593] See i. 10; ii. 23.

[594] i. 13.

[595] ii. 4.

[596] iii. 1, 10.

[597] It is quite true that in the earliest Christian times the marriage

of priests was recognized, and continued to be at least connived at until,

say, the time of Hildebrand. Yet the best thoughtfulness and piety from

the Patristic period onward had disapproved of priestly marriages, which

consequently tended to sink to the level of concubinage, until they were

absolutely condemned by the Church.

[598] _Anecdotes, etc., d’Étienne de Bourbon_, ed. by Lecoy de la Marche,

p. 249 (Soc. de l’Histoire de France, t. 185, Paris, 1877). This story

refers to the years 1166-1171.

[599] Many bishops and abbots held definite secular rank; the Archbishop

of Rheims was a duke, and so was the Bishop of Langres and Laon; while the

bishops of Beauvais and Noyon were counts. In Germany, the archiepiscopal

dukes of Cologne and Mainz were among the chief princes of the land.

[600] There were, however, some (naturally shocking) instances of

inheritance, as where the Bishop of Nantes in 1049 admitted that he had

been invested with the bishopric during the lifetime of his father, the

preceding bishop. See Luchaire, in vol. ii. (2), pp. 107-117 of Lavisse’s

_Hist. de France_, for this and other examples of episcopal feudalism.

[601] _Sermo in Cantica_, 33, par. 15 (Migne 183, col. 958-959). With this

passage from St. Bernard, one may compare the far more detailed picture of

the luxury and dissolute ways of the secular clergy in France given in the

_Apologia of Guido of Bazoches_ (latter part of the twelfth century). W.

Wattenbach. “Die Apologie des Guido von Bazoches,” _Sitzungsberichte

Preussichen Akad._, 1893, (1), pp. 395-420.

[602] Ed. by T. Wright (Camden Society, London, 1841).

[603] The poem called _De ruina Romae_. It begins, “Propter Syon non

tacebo.”

[604] _Post_, Chapter XXVI.

[605] The “Bible” of Guiot is published in Barbazan’s _Fabliaux_, t. ii.

(Paris, 1808). It is conveniently given with other satirical or moralizing

compositions in Ch. V. Langlois, _La Vie en France au moyen âge d’après

quelques moralistes du temps_ (Paris, 1908).

[606] Salimbene gives an amusing picture of our worthy Rigaud hurrying to

catch sight of the king at a Franciscan Chapter. _Post_, Chapter XXI.

[607] _Regestrum visilationum archiepiscopi Rothomagensis_, ed. Bonnin

(Rouen, 1852). It is analyzed by L. V. Delisle, in an article entitled “Le

Clergé normand” (_Bib. de l’École des Chartes_, 2nd ser. vol. iii.).

[608] _Reg. vis._ p. 9.

[609] _R. V._ p. 10.

[610] _R. V._ p. 18.

[611] _R. V._ pp. 19-20.

[612] _R. V._ p. 222.

[613] _R. V._ p. 379.

[614] _R. V._ p. 154.

[615] See _e.g._ _R. V._ pp. 159, 162, 395-396.

[616] _R. V._ p. 109.

[617] _R. V._ p. 73.

[618] _R. V._ pp. 43-45.

[619] _R. V._ p. 607.

[620] In Pfeiffer’s ed. No. 159. See also _ibid._ 162.

[621] The above is drawn from the “Vita Sancti Engelberti,” by Caesar of

Heisterbach, in Boehmer, _Fontes rerum Germanicarum_, ii. 294-329

(Stuttgart, 1845). E. Michael, _Culturzustände des deutschen Volkes

während des 13{n} Jahrhunderts_, ii. 30 _sqq._ (Freiburg im Breisgau,

1899), has an excellent account drawn mainly from the same source.

[622] The _Dialogi miraculorum_ of Caesar of Heisterbach, and the

_Exempla_ of Étienne de Bourbon (d. 1262) and Jacques de Vitry (d. 1240)

present a huge collection of such stories. For the early Middle Ages, the

decades just before and after the year one thousand, the mechanically

supernatural view of any occurrence is illustrated in the five books of

_Histories_ of Radulphus Glaber, an incontinent and wandering, but

observing monk, native of Burgundy. Best edition by M. Prou, in

_Collection des textes, etc._ (Paris, Picard, 1886); also in Migne, _Pat.

Lat._ 142. An interesting study of his work by Gebhart, entitled, “Un

Moine de l’an 1000,” is to be found in the _Revue des deux mondes_, for

October 1, 1891. Glaber’s fifth book opens with some excellent devil

stories. As there was a progressive enlightenment through the mediaeval

centuries, such tales gradually became less common and less crude.

[623] _Anecdotes historiques d’Étienne de Bourbon_, par. 422, ed. by Lecoy

de la Marche (vol. 185 of Société de l’Histoire de France), Paris, 1877;

cf. _ibid._ par. 383.

[624] _Dialogus miraculorum_, iii. 2. Similar stories are told in _ibid._

iii. 3, 15, 19.

[625] _Exempla_ of Jacques de Vitry, ed. by T. F. Crane, pp. 110-111, vol.

26 (Folk-lore Society, London, 1890).

[626] _Dialogus miraculorum_, vii. 34. Caesar’s seventh book has many

similar tales.

[627] Ed. in eight volumes by Gaston Paris and U. Robert for the Société

des Anciens Textes Français.

[628] Étienne de Bourbon tells this same story in his Latin; _Anecdotes

historiques etc._, p. 114.

[629] See Étienne de Bourbon, _o.c._ pp. 109-110, 120.

[630] Étienne de Bourbon, _o.c._ p. 119.

[631] Étienne de Bourbon, _o.c._ p. 83.

[632] The chief part of the “Chronica Fr. Salembenis Parmensis” was

printed in 1857 in the _Monumenta Historica ad provincias Parmensem, etc._

The manner of its truncated editing has ever since been a grief to

scholars. The portions omitted from the Parma edition, covering years

before Salimbene’s time, are printed by Clédat, as an appendix to his

Thesis, _De Fr. Salimbene, etc._ (Paris, 1878). Novati’s article, “La

Cronaca di Salimbene” in vol. i. (1883) of the _Giornale storico della

letteratura italiana_, pp. 383-423, will be found enlightening as to the

faults of the Parma editor. A good consideration of the man and his

chronicle is Emil Michael’s _Salimbene und seine Chronik_ (Innsbruck,

1889), with which should be read Alfred Dove’s _Die Doppel Chronik von

Reggio und die Quellen Salimbene’s_ (Leipzig, 1873). A short translation

of some of the more or less autobiographical parts of Salimbene’s

narrative, by T. L. K. Olyphant, may be found in vol. i. of the

_Translations of the Historical Society_, pp. 449-478 (London, 1872); and

much of Salimbene is translated in Coulton’s _From St. Francis to Dante_

(London, 1907).

[633] Parma edition, p. 3.

[634] P. 31.

[635] The Latin is a little strong: “Non credas istis pissintunicis, idest

qui in tunicis mingunt.”

[636] These qualities led Salimbene to accept the teachings of Joachim and

the _Evangelium eternum_ (_post_, pp. 510 _sqq._).

[637] Parma ed. pp. 37-41. This coarse story is given for illustration’s

sake; there are many worse than it in Salimbene. Novati prints some in his

article in the _Giornale Storico_ that are amusing, but altogether beyond

the pale of modern decency.

[638] This in fact became the later legend of Eccelino.

[639] Pp. 90-93.

[640] He whose _Regesta_ we have read, _ante_ Chapter XX.

[641] Parma ed. pp. 93-97.

[642] _Post_, Chapter XXII.

[643] Cf. Tocco, _L’Eresia nel medio evo_, pp. 449-483 (Florence, 1884).

[644] From Novati, _o.c._ pp. 415, 416. Cf. pp. 97 _sqq._ of the Parma ed.

[645] For further interesting allusions to the prophecies of Merlin, see

Salimbene, pp. 303, 309 _sqq._

[646] Pp. 104-109.

[647] Cf. Joinville’s account, _post_, Chapter XXII.

[648] P. 225.

[649] Pp. 179, 180.

[650] P. 324.

[651] See Bourgain, _La Chaire française au XII{e} siècle_; Lecoy de la

Marche, _La Chaire française au XIII{e} siècle_.

[652] Certain kinds of literature, in nature satirical or merely gross,

portray, doubtless with grotesque exaggeration, the ways and manners of

clerks and merchants, craftsmen and vile serfs, as well as those of monks

and bishops, lords and ladies. A notable example is offered by the old

French _fabliaux_, which with coarse and heartless laughter, rather than

with any definite satirical intent, display the harshness, brutality, the

degradation and hardship of the ways of living coming within their range

of interest. In them we see the brutal and deceived husband, the wily

clerk, the merchant with his tricks of trade, the _vilain_, raised above

the brute, not by a better way of life as much as by a certain native wit.

The women were reviled as coarsely as in monkish writings; but a

Rabelaisian quality takes the place of doctrinal prurience. In weighing

the evidence of these fabliaux their satirical nature should be allowed

for. Cf. Langlois, _La Vie en France au moyen âge d’après quelques

moralistes du temps_ (Paris, 1908); also the _Sermons_ of Jacques de

Vitry; Pitra, _Analecta novissima spicilegii Solesmensis_, t. ii., and

Haurèau upon the same in _Journal des savants_, 1888, p. 410 _sqq._

[653] Such immunities were common before Charlemagne. Cf. Brunner,

_Deutsche Rechtsgeschichte_, ii. 243-302.

[654] _Gesta regum Anglorum_, iii. (Migne 179, col. 1213).

[655] Taken from the note to p. 274 of Gautier’s _Chevalerie_.

[656] See Du Cange, _Glossarium_, under “Miles,” etc.; where much

information may be found uncritically put together.

[657] Cf. Brunner, _Deutsche Rechtsgeschichte_, ii. 202-216.

[658] The way that _miles_ came to mean knight, has its analogy in the

etymological history of the word “knight” itself. In German and French the

words “Ritter” and “chevalier” indicate one who fought on horseback. Not

so with the English word “knight,” which in its original Anglo-Saxon and

Old-German forms (see Murray’s _Dictionary_) as _cniht_ and _kneht_ might

mean any armed follower. It lost its servile sense slowly. “In 1086 we

read that the Conqueror _dubbade his sunu Henric to ridere_; this ... is

the next year Englished by _cniht_” (Kington-Oliphant, _Old and Middle

English_, p. 130; Macmillan, 1878).

[659] We naturally use the term “free” with reference to modern

conditions, where law and its sanctions emanate, in fact as well as

theory, from a stable government. But in these early feudal periods where

a man’s life and property were in fact and theory protected by the power

of his immediate lord, to whom he was bound by the strongest ties then

recognized, to be “free” might be very close to being an unprotected

outlaw.

[660] In these respects it exhibits analogies to monkhood, which likewise

was recruited commonly from the upper classes of society.

[661] See Gautier, _La Chevalerie_, p. 256 _sqq._; Du Cange, under the

word “Miles.”

[662] Cf. Gautier, _o.c._ 296-308. It must be remembered that an abbot or

a bishop might also be a knight and so could make knights. See Du Cange,

_Glossarium_, “Abbas” (_abbates miletes_).

[663] On this blow, called in Latin _alapa_, in French _accolée_, in

English _accolade_, see Du Cange under “Alapa,” and Gautier, _o.c._ pp.

246-247, and 270 _sqq._

[664] _Chanson de Roland_, 2344 sqq. Lines 2500-2510 speak of

Charlemagne’s sword, named _Joiuse_ because of the honour it had in having

in its hilt the iron of the lance which pierced the Saviour.

[665] Gautier, _Chevalerie_, pp. 290, 297. Examples of these ceremonies

may be found as follows: the actual one of the knighting of Geoffrey

Plantagenet of Anjou by Henry I. of England, at Rouen in 1129, in the

Chronicle of Johannis Turonensis, _Historiens de France_, xii. p. 520;

Gautier, _Chevalerie_, p. 275. Gautier gives many examples, and puts

together a typical ceremony, as of the twelfth century, in _Chev._ p. 309

_sqq._ Perhaps the most famous account of all is that of the poem entitled

_Ordene de Chevalerie_ (thirteenth century), published by Barbazan,

_Fabliaux, etc._, i. 59-82 (Paris, 1808). It relates how a captive

Christian knight bestowed the order of chivalry, _i.e._ knighthood, upon

Saladin. See other accounts cited in Du Cange under “Miles.”

[666] Not war as we understand it, where with some large purpose one great

cohesive state directs its total military power against another; but

neighbourhood war, never permanently ended. When not actually attacking or

defending, men were anticipating attack, or expecting to make a raid.

Perhaps nothing better suggests the local and neighbourly character of

these feudal hostilities than the most famous means devised by the Church

to mitigate them. This was the “Truce of God,” promulgated in the eleventh

century. It forbade hostilities from Thursday to Monday and in Lent.

Whether this ordinance was effective or not, it indicates the nature of

the wars that could stop from Thursday to Monday!

[667] Courtly, chivalric, or romantic, love as an element of knightly

excellence is so inseverably connected with its romantic literature that I

have kept it for the next chapter.

[668] The following remarks upon the _regula_ of the Templars, and the

extracts which are given, are based on the introduction and text of _La

Règle du Temple_, edited by Henri de Curzon for the Société de l’Histoire

de France (Paris, 1886).

[669] The phraseology of the Latin _regula_ often follows that of the

Benedictine rule.

[670] Chaps. 33, 35.

[671] Chaps. 40, 41.

[672] Chap. 42.

[673] Chaps. 46, 48.

[674] Chap. 62 Latin _regula_ and chap. 14 of French _regle_.

[675] Chap. 51.

[676] Chap. 58 of the Latin, chap. 11 of the French. The chapters of the

French translation do not follow the order of the Latin.

[677] Page 167 of de Curzon’s edition.

[678] See in de Curzon’s edition, sections 431, 436, 448, 454, and 657

_sqq._

[679] It would seem as if military discipline, as moderns understand it,

took its rise in these Templars and Hospitallers.

[680] See _e.g._ de Curzon’s edition, sections 419, 420, 574.

[681] Raimundus de Agiles, _Hist. Francorum qui ceperunt Jerusalem_, cap.

38-39. (Migne 155, col. 659).

[682] On these poems see Pigeonneau, _Le Cycle de la Croisade_ (St. Cloud,

1877); Paulin Paris, in _Histoire littéraire de la France_, vol. 22, pp.

350-402, and _ibid._ vol. 25, p. 507 _sqq._; Gaston Paris, “La Naissance

du chevalier au Cygne,” _Romania_, 19, p. 314 _sqq._ (1890).

[683] “Vita Ludovici noni auctore Gaufrido de Belloloco” (_Recueil des

historiens des Gaules et de la France_, t. xx. pp. 3-26).

[684] The Testament of St. Louis, written for his eldest son, is a

complete rule of conduct for a Christian prince, and indicates St. Louis’

mind on the education of one. It has been printed and translated many

times. Geoffrey of Beaulieu gives it in Latin (chap. xv.) and in French at

the end of the _Vita_. It is also in Joinville.

[685] One sees here the same religious anxiety which is so well brought

out by Salimbene’s account of St. Louis, _ante_, Chapter XXI.

[686] The founder of the College of the Sorbonne.

[687] _Chroniques de J. Froissart_, ed. S. Luce (Société de l’Histoire de

France). The opening of the Prologue. It seemed desirable to render this

sentence literally. The rest of my extracts are from Thomas Johnes’s

translation, for which I plead a boyhood’s affection. For a brief account

of Froissart’s chief source (Jean le Bel), with excellent criticism, see

W. P. Ker, “Froissart” (_Essays on Medieval Literature_, Macmillan and

Co., 1905).

[688] Froissart, i. 210.

[689] Froissart, i. 220.

[690] Froissart, i. 290.

[691] Yet the matter was fit for legend and romance; and a late impotent

_chanson de geste_ was formed out of the career of du Guesclin.

[692] On the _chansons de geste_ see Gaston Paris, _Littérature française

au moyen âge_; Leon Gautier in Petit de Julleville’s _Histoire de la

langue et de la littérature française_, vol. i.; more at length Gautier,

_Épopées nationales_, and Paulin Paris in vol. 22 of _L’Histoire

littéraire de France_; also Nyrop, _Storia dell’ epopea francese nel medio

evo_. Ample bibliographies will be found in these works.

[693] On the field of Roncesvalles, Roland folds the hands of the dead

Archbishop Turpin, and grieves over him, beginning:

“E! gentilz hum chevaliers de bon aire, ...”

(_Roland_, line 2252).

[694] Leon Gautier, in his _Chevalerie_, makes the _chansons de geste_ his

chief source.

[695] 1006-1016.

[696] 1051 _sqq._ and 1700 _sqq._

[697] 1851-1868.

[698] 1940-2023.

[699] 2164 _sqq._

[700] _Raoul de Cambrai_, cited by Gautier, _Chevalerie_, p. 75.

[701] Unless indeed Oberon, the fairy king, be a romantic form of the

Alberich of the _Nibelungen_ (Gaston Paris).

[702] See Gaston Paris, _Lit. française, etc._, chaps. iii. and v.; and

Émile Littré in vol. 22 of the _Histoire littéraire de la France_. For

examples of these _romans_, see Langlois, _La Société française au XIII{e}

siècle d’après dix romans d’aventure_ (2nd ed., Paris, 1904).

[703] Chrétien, _Cligés_, line 201 _sqq._

[704] The Old French from vol. ii. of P. Paris, _Romans de la Table

Ronde_, p. 96. One sees that the coronation is a larger knighting, and

kingship a larger knighthood.

[705] _Romans de la Table Ronde_, iii. 96. This scene closely parallels

that between Bernier and Raoul de Cambrai, instanced above.

[706] See the first part of vol. iii. of _Romans de la Table Ronde_,

especially pp. 113-117.

[707] It would be easy to go on drawing illustrations of the actual and

imaginative elements in chivalry, until this chapter should grow into an

encyclopedia. They could so easily be taken from many kinds of mediaeval

literature in all the mediaeval tongues. The French has barely been

touched upon. It affords an exhaustless store. Then in the German we might

draw upon the courtly epics, Gottfried of Strassburg’s _Tristan_ or the

_Parzival_ of Wolfram von Eschenbach; or on the _Nibelungenlied_, wherein

Siegfried is a very knight. Or we might draw upon the knightly precepts

(the Ritterlehre) of the Winsbeke and the Winsbekin (printed in

Hildebrand’s _Didaktik aus der Zeit der Kreuzzüge_, Deutsche Nat. Litt.).

And we might delve in the great store of Latin Chronicles which relate the

mediaeval history of German kings and nobles. In Spanish, there would be

the _Cid_, and how much more besides. In Italian we should have latter-day

romantic chivalry; Pulci’s _Rotta di Roncisvalle_; Boiardo’s _Orlando

innamorato_; Ariosto’s _Orlando furioso_; still later, Tasso’s

_Gerusalemme liberata_, which takes us well out of the Middle Ages. And in

English there is much Arthurian romance; there is _Chevy Chace_; and we

may come down through Chaucer’s _Knight’s Tale_, to the sunset beauty of

Spenser’s _Fairie Queen_. This glorious poem should serve to fix in our

minds the principle that chivalry, knighthood, was not merely a material

fact, a ceremony and an institution; but that it also was that

ultra-reality, a spirit. And this spirit’s ideal creations--the ideal

creations of the many phases of this spirit--accorded with actual deeds

which may be read of in the old Chronicles. For final exemplification of

the actual and the ideally real in chivalry, the reader may look within

himself, and observe the inextricable mingling of the imaginative and the

real. He will recognize that what at one time seems part of his

imagination, at another will prove itself the veriest reality of his life.

Even such wavering verity of spirit was chivalry.

[708] See Gaston Paris in _Journal des savants_, 1892, pp. 161-163. Of

course the English reader cannot but think of the brief secret marriage

between Romeo and Juliet.

[709] Marriage or no marriage depends on the plot; but occasionally a

certain respect for marriage is shown, as in the _Eliduc_ of Marie de

France, and of course far more strongly in Wolfram’s _Parzival_. In

Chrétien’s _Ivain_ the hero marries early in the story; and thereafter his

wife acts towards him with the haughty caprice of an _amie_; Ivain, at her

displeasure, goes mad, like an _ami_. The _romans d’aventure_ afford other

instances of this courtly love, sometimes illicit, sometimes looking to

marriage. See Langlois, _La Société française au XIII{e} siècle d’après

dix romans d’aventure_.

[710] On Provençal poetry see Diez, _Poesie der Troubadours_ (2nd ed. by

Bartsch, Leipzig, 1883); _id._, _Leben und Werke der Troubadours_; Justin

H. Smith, _The Troubadours at Home_ (New York and London, 1899); Ida

Farnell, _Lives of the Troubadours_ (London).

[711] Cf. Gaston Paris, t. 30, pp. 1-18, _Hist. lit. de la France_; Paul

Meyer, _Romania_, v. 257-268; xix. 1-62. “Trouvère” is the Old French word

corresponding to Provençal “Troubadour.”

[712] On this work see Gaston Paris, _Romania_, xii. 524 _sqq._ (1883);

_id._ in _Journal des savants_, 1888, pp. 664 _sqq._ and 727 _sqq._; also

(for extracts) Raynouard, _Choix des poésies des Troubadours_, ii. lxxx.

sqq.

[713] On origins and sources see, generally, Gaston Paris, _Tristan and

Iseult_ (Paris, 1894), reprinted from _Revue de Paris_ of April 15, 1894;

W. Golther, _Die Sage von Tristan und Isolde_ (Munich, 1887).

[714] Cf. generally, J. L. Weston, _The Legend of Sir Lancelot du Lac_

(London, 1901, David Nutt).

[715] See Gaston Paris, _Romania_, xii. 459-534.

[716] Paulin Paris, _Romans de la Table Ronde_, iv. 280 _sqq._

[717] See Paulin Paris, _Romans de la Table Ronde_, iv. Guinevere’s

woman-mind is shown in the following scene. On an occasion the lovers’

sophisticated friend, the Dame de Malehaut, laughs tauntingly at Lancelot:

“‘Ah! Lancelot, Lancelot, dit-elle, je vois que le roi n’a plus d’autre

avantage sur vous que la couronne de Logres!’

“Et comme il ne trouvait rien à répondre de convenable, ‘Ma chère

Malehaut, dit la reine, si je suis fille de roi, il est fils de roi; si je

suis belle, il est beau; de plus, il est le plus preux des preux. Je n’ai

donc pas à rougir de l’avoir choisi pour mon chevalier’” (Paulin Paris,

_ibid._ iv. 58).

[718] Galahad’s mother was Helene, daughter of King Pelles (_roi

pêcheur_), the custodian of the Holy Grail. A love-philter makes Lancelot

mistake her for Guinevere; and so the knight’s loyalty to his mistress is

saved. The damsel herself was without passion, beyond the wish to bear a

son begotten by the best of knights (_Romans, etc._, v. 308 _sqq._).

[719] “For what is he that may yeve a lawe to lovers? Love is a gretter

lawe and a strengere to himself than any lawe that men may yeven”

(Chaucer, _Boece_, book iii. metre 12).

[720] As in Chrétien’s _Cligés_, 6751 _sqq._, when Cligés is crowned

emperor and Fenice becomes his queen, then: _De s’amie a feite sa

fame_--but he still calls her _amie et dame_, that he may not cease to

love her as one should an _amie_. Cf. also Chrétien’s _Erec_, 4689.

[721] See also Gawain’s words to _Ivain_ when the latter is married--in

Chrétien’s _Ivain_, 2484 _sqq._

[722] As a matter of fact, in those parts of Wolfram’s poem which are

covered by Chrétien’s unfinished _Perceval le Gallois_, the incidents are

nearly identical with Chrétien’s. For the question of the relationship of

the two poems, and for other versions of the Grail legend, see A. Nutt,

_Studies in the Legend of the Holy Grail_ (Folk-Lore Society Publications,

London, 1888); Birch-Hirshfeld, _Die Graal Sage_; _Einleitung_ to Piper’s

edition of Wolfram von Eschenbach, Stuttgart, Deutsche Nat. Litteratur;

_Einleitung_ to Bartch’s edition in Deutsche Klassiker des Mittelalters

(Leipzig, 1875). These two editions of the poem are furnished with modern

German glossaries. There is a modern German version by Zimmrock, and an

English translation by Jessie L. Weston (London, D. Nutt, 1894).

[723] In other versions of the Grail legend there is much about the virgin

or celibate state, and also plenty of unchastity and no especial esteem

for marriage.

[724] The Fisher King (_roi pêcheur_) was the regular title of the Grail

kings. See _e.g._ Pauline Paris, _Romans de la Table Ronde_, t. i. p. 306.

[725] _E.g._ the love-potion in the tale of Tristan.

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