This battle, from the circumstances which attended and followed it,

presents a striking example of the wretched state of military discipline

in those times. The enemy's forces being defeated and driven into the

Borgo, the commissaries desired to pursue them, in order to make the

victory complete, but not a single condottiere or soldier would obey,

alleging, as a sufficient reason for their refusal, that they must take

care of the booty and attend to their wounded; and, what is still more

surprising, the next day, without permission from the commissaries, or

the least regard for their commanders, they went to Arezzo, and, having

secured their plunder, returned to Anghiari; a thing so contrary to

military order and all subordination, that the merest shadow of a

regular army would easily and most justly have wrested from them

the victory they had so undeservedly obtained. Added to this, the

men-at-arms, or heavy-armed horse, who had been taken prisoners, whom

the commissaries wished to be detained that they might not rejoin the

enemy, were set at liberty, contrary to their orders. It is astonishing,

that an army so constructed should have sufficient energy to obtain

the victory, or that any should be found so imbecile as to allow such a

disorderly rabble to vanquish them. The time occupied by the Florentine

forces in going and returning from Arezzo, gave Niccolo opportunity of

escaping from the Borgo, and proceeding toward Romagna. Along with him

also fled the Florentine exiles, who, finding no hope of their return

home, took up their abodes in various parts of Italy, each according

to his own convenience. Rinaldo made choice of Ancona; and, to gain

admission to the celestial country, having lost the terrestrial, he

performed a pilgrimage to the holy sepulcher; whence having returned, he

died suddenly while at table at the celebration of the marriage of one

of his daughters; an instance of fortune's favor, in removing him from

the troubles of this world upon the least sorrowful day of his exile.

Rinaldo d'Albizzi appeared respectable under every change of condition;

and would have been more so had he lived in a united city, for many

qualities were injurious to him in a factious community, which in an

harmonious one would have done him honor.

When the forces returned from Arezzo, Niccolo being then gone, the

commissaries presented themselves at the Borgo, the people of which were

willing to submit to the Florentines; but their offer was declined,

and while negotiations were pending, the pope's legate imagined the

commissaries designed to take it from the church. Hard words were

exchanged and hostilities might have ensued between the Florentine

and ecclesiastical forces, if the misunderstanding had continued much

longer; but as it was brought to the conclusion desired by the legate,

peace was restored.

While the affair of the Borgo San Sepolcro was in progress, Niccolo

Piccinino was supposed to have marched toward Rome; other accounts

said La Marca, and hence the legate and the count's forces moved toward

Perugia to relieve La Marca or Rome, as the case might be, and Bernardo

de Medici accompanied them. Neri led the Florentine forces to recover

the Casentino, and pitched his camp before Rassina, which he took,

together with Bibbiena, Prato Vecchio, and Romena. From thence he

proceeded to Poppi and invested it on two sides with his forces, in one

direction toward the plain of Certomondo, in the other upon the hill

extending to Fronzole. The count finding himself abandoned to his fate,

had shut himself up in Poppi, not with any hope of assistance, but with

a view to make the best terms he could. Neri pressing him, he offered

to capitulate, and obtained reasonable conditions, namely, security for

himself and family, with leave to take whatever he could carry away, on

condition of ceding his territories and government to the Florentines.

When he perceived the full extent of his misfortune, standing upon the

bridge which crosses the Arno, close to Poppi, he turned to Neri in

great distress, and said, "Had I well considered my own position and

the power of the Florentines, I should now have been a friend of the

republic and congratulating you on your victory, not an enemy compelled

to supplicate some alleviation of my woe. The recent events which to you

bring glory and joy, to me are full of wretchedness and sorrow. Once

I possessed horses, arms, subjects, grandeur and wealth: can it be

surprising that I part with them reluctantly? But as you possess both

the power and the inclination to command the whole of Tuscany, we must

of necessity obey you; and had I not committed this error, my misfortune

would not have occurred, and your liberality could not have been

exercised; so, that if you were to rescue me from entire ruin, you would

give the world a lasting proof of your clemency. Therefore, let your

pity pass by my fault, and allow me to retain this single house to

leave to the descendants of those from whom your fathers have received

innumerable benefits." To this Neri replied: "That his having expected

great results from men who were capable of doing only very little, had

led him to commit so great a fault against the republic of Florence;

that, every circumstance considered, he must surrender all those places

to the Florentines, as an enemy, which he was unwilling to hold as a

friend: that he had set such an example, as it would be most highly

impolitic to encourage; for, upon a change of fortune, it might injure

the republic, and it was not himself they feared, but his power while

lord of the Casentino. If, however, he could live as a prince in

Germany, the citizens would be very much gratified; and out of love

to those ancestors of whom he had spoken, they would be glad to assist

him." To this, the count, in great anger, replied: "He wished the

Florentines at a much greater distance." Attempting no longer to

preserve the least urbanity of demeanor, he ceded the place and all

its dependencies to the Florentines, and with his treasure, wife, and

children, took his departure, mourning the loss of a territory which his

forefathers had held during four hundred years. When all these victories

were known at Florence, the government and people were transported

with joy. Benedetto de' Medici, finding the report of Niccolo having

proceeded either to Rome or to La Marca, incorrect, returned with his

forces to Neri, and they proceeded together to Florence, where the

highest honors were decreed to them which it was customary with the city

to bestow upon her victorious citizens, and they were received by the

Signory, the Capitani di Parte, and the whole city, in triumphal pomp.

BOOK VI

CHAPTER I

Reflections on the object of war and the use of victory--Niccolo

reinforces his army--The duke of Milan endeavors to recover the services

of Count Francesco Sforza--Suspicions of the Venetians--They acquire

Ravenna--The Florentines purchase the Borgo San Sepolcro of the

pope--Piccinino makes an excursion during the winter--The count besieged

in his camp before Martinengo--The insolence of Niccolo Piccinino--The

duke in revenge makes peace with the league--Sforza assisted by the

Florentines.

Those who make war have always and very naturally designed to enrich

themselves and impoverish the enemy; neither is victory sought or

conquest desirable, except to strengthen themselves and weaken the

enemy. Hence it follows, that those who are impoverished by victory or

debilitated by conquest, must either have gone beyond, or fallen short

of, the end for which wars are made. A republic or a prince is enriched

by the victories he obtains, when the enemy is crushed and possession

is retained of the plunder and ransom. Victory is injurious when the foe

escapes, or when the soldiers appropriate the booty and ransom. In such

a case, losses are unfortunate, and conquests still more so; for the

vanquished suffers the injuries inflicted by the enemy, and the victor

those occasioned by his friends, which being less justifiable, must

cause the greater pain, particularly from a consideration of his being

thus compelled to oppress his people by an increased burden of taxation.

A ruler possessing any degree of humanity, cannot rejoice in a victory

that afflicts his subjects. The victories of the ancient and well

organized republics, enabled them to fill their treasuries with gold and

silver won from their enemies, to distribute gratuities to the people,

reduce taxation, and by games and solemn festivals, disseminate

universal joy. But the victories obtained in the times of which we

speak, first emptied the treasury, and then impoverished the people,

without giving the victorious party security from the enemy. This arose

entirely from the disorders inherent in their mode of warfare; for the

vanquished soldiery, divesting themselves of their accoutrements, and

being neither slain nor detained prisoners, only deferred a renewed

attack on the conqueror, till their leader had furnished them with arms

and horses. Besides this, both ransom and booty being appropriated

by the troops, the victorious princes could not make use of them for

raising fresh forces, but were compelled to draw the necessary means

from their subjects' purses, and this was the only result of victory

experienced by the people, except that it diminished the ruler's

reluctance to such a course, and made him less particular about his mode

of oppressing them. To such a state had the practice of war been

brought by the sort of soldiery then on foot, that the victor and the

vanquished, when desirous of their services, alike needed fresh supplies

of money; for the one had to re-equip them, and the other to bribe

them; the vanquished could not fight without being remounted, and the

conquerors would not take the field without a new gratuity. Hence it

followed, that the one derived little advantage from the victory, and

the other was the less injured by defeat; for the routed party had to be

re-equipped, and the victorious could not pursue his advantage.

From this disorderly and perverse method of procedure, it arose, that

before Niccolo's defeat became known throughout Italy, he had again

reorganized his forces, and harassed the enemy with greater vigor than

before. Hence, also, it happened, that after his disaster at Tenna, he

so soon occupied Verona: that being deprived of his army at Verona, he

was shortly able to appear with a large force in Tuscany; that being

completely defeated at Anghiari, before he reached Tuscany, he was more

powerful in the field than ever. He was thus enabled to give the duke of

Milan hopes of defending Lombardy, which by his absence appeared to

be lost; for while Niccolo spread consternation throughout Tuscany,

disasters in the former province so alarmed the duke, that he was afraid

his utter ruin would ensue before Niccolo, whom he had recalled, could

come to his relief, and check the impetuous progress of the count. Under

these impressions, the duke, to insure by policy that success which he

could not command by arms, had recourse to remedies, which on similar

occasions had frequently served his turn. He sent Niccolo da Esti,

prince of Ferrara, to the count who was then at Peschiera, to persuade

him, "That this war was not to his advantage; for if the duke became

so ruined as to be unable to maintain his position among the states of

Italy, the count would be the first to suffer; for he would cease to be

of importance either with the Venetians or the Florentines; and to

prove the sincerity of his wish for peace, he offered to fulfill the

engagement he had entered into with regard to his daughter, and send her

to Ferrara; so that as soon as peace was established, the union might

take place." The count replied, "That if the duke really wished

for peace, he might easily be gratified, as the Florentines and the

Venetians were equally anxious for it. True, it was, he could with

difficulty credit him, knowing that he had never made peace but from

necessity, and when this no longer pressed him, again desired war.

Neither could he give credence to what he had said concerning the

marriage, having been so repeatedly deceived; yet when peace was

concluded, he would take the advice of his friends upon that subject."

The Venetians, who were sometimes needlessly jealous of their soldiery,

became greatly alarmed at these proceedings; and not without reason.

The count was aware of this, and wishing to remove their apprehensions,

pursued the war with unusual vigor; but his mind had become so unsettled

by ambition, and the Venetians' by jealousy, that little further

progress was made during the remainder of the summer, and upon the

return of Niccolo into Lombardy, winter having already commenced, the

armies withdrew into quarters, the count to Verona, the Florentine

forces to Tuscany, the duke's to Cremona, and those of the pope to

Romagna. The latter, after having been victorious at Anghiari, made an

unsuccessful attack upon Furli and Bologna, with a view to wrest them

from Niccolo Piccinino; but they were gallantly defended by his son

Francesco. However, the arrival of the papal forces so alarmed the

people of Ravenna with the fear of becoming subject to the church, that,

by consent of Ostasio di Polenta their lord, they placed themselves

under the power of the Venetians; who, in return for the territory, and

that Ostasio might never retake by force what he had imprudently given

them, sent him and his son to Candia, where they died. In the course of

these affairs, the pope, notwithstanding the victory at Anghiari, became

so in want of money, that he sold the fortress of Borgo San Sepolcro to

the Florentines for 25,000 ducats.

Affairs being thus situated, each party supposed winter would protect

them from the evils of war, and thought no more of peace. This was

particularly the case with the duke, who, being rendered doubly secure

by the season and by the presence of Niccolo, broke off all attempts to

effect a reconciliation with the count, reorganized Niccolo's forces,

and made every requisite preparation for the future struggle. The count

being informed of this, went to Venice to consult with the senate on the

course to be pursued during the next year. Niccolo, on the other hand,

being quite prepared, and seeing the enemy unprovided, did not await the

return of spring, but crossed the Adda during severe weather, occupied

the whole Brescian territory, except Oddula and Acri, and made

prisoners two thousand horse belonging to Francesco's forces, who had

no apprehension of an attack. But the greatest source of anxiety to the

count, and alarm to the Venetians, was the desertion of his service by

Ciarpellone, one of his principal officers. Francesco, on learning these

matters, immediately left Venice, and, arriving at Brescia, found that

Niccolo, after doing all the mischief he could, had retired to his

quarters; and therefore, finding the war concluded for the present was

not disposed to rekindle it, but rather to use the opportunity afforded

by the season and his enemies, of reorganizing his forces, so as to be

able, when spring arrived, to avenge himself for his former injuries.

To this end he induced the Venetians to recall the forces they had

in Tuscany, in the Florentine service, and to order that to succeed

Gattamelata, who was dead, Micheletto Attendulo should take the command.

On the approach of spring, Niccolo Piccinino was the first to take

the field, and encamped before Cignano, a fortress twelve miles from

Brescia; the count marched to its relief, and the war between them was

conducted in the usual manner. The count, apprehensive for the city of

Bergamo, besieged Martinengo, a castle so situated that the possession

of it would enable him to relieve the former, which was closely pressed

by Niccolo, who, having foreseen that the enemy could impede him only

from the direction of Martinengo, had put the castle into a complete

state of defense, so that the count was obliged to lend his whole

force to the siege. Upon this, Niccolo placed his troops in a situation

calculated to intercept the count's provisions, and fortified himself

with trenches and bastions in such a manner that he could not be

attacked without the most manifest hazard to his assailant. Hence the

besiegers were more distressed than the people of Martinengo whom they

besieged. The count could not hold his position for want of food, nor

quit it without imminent danger; so that the duke's victory appeared

certain, and defeat equally inevitable to the count and the Venetians.

But fortune, never destitute of means to assist her favorites, or to

injure others, caused the hope of victory to operate so powerfully

upon Niccolo Piccinino, and made him assume such a tone of unbounded

insolence, that, losing all respect for himself and the duke, he sent

him word that, having served under his ensign for so long, without

obtaining sufficient land to serve him for a grave, he wished to know

from himself what was to be the reward of his labors; for it was in his

power to make him master of Lombardy, and place all his enemies in

his power; and, as a certain victory ought to be attended by a sure

remuneration, he desired the duke to concede to him the city of

Piacenza, that when weary with his lengthened services he might at

last betake himself to repose. Nor did he hesitate, in conclusion, to

threaten, if his request were not granted, to abandon the enterprise.

This injurious and most insolent mode of proceeding highly offended the

duke, and, on further consideration, he determined rather to let the

expedition altogether fail, than consent to his general's demand. Thus,

what all the dangers he had incurred, and the threats of his enemies,

could not draw from him, the insolent behavior of his friends made him

willing to propose. He resolved to come to terms with the count,

and sent Antonio Guido Buono, of Tortona, to offer his daughter and

conditions of peace, which were accepted with great pleasure by the

count, and also by the colleagues as far as themselves were concerned.

The terms being secretly arranged, the duke sent to command Niccolo

to make a truce with the count for one year; intimating, that being

exhausted with the expense, he could not forego a certain peace for a

doubtful victory. Niccolo was utterly astonished at this resolution,

and could not imagine what had induced the duke to lose such a glorious

opportunity; nor could he surmise that, to avoid rewarding his friends,

he would save his enemies, and therefore to the utmost of his power he

opposed this resolution; and the duke was obliged, in order to induce

his compliance, to threaten that if he did not obey he would give him up

to his soldiers and his enemies. Niccolo submitted, with the feelings

of one compelled to leave country and friends, complaining of his hard

fate, that fortune and the duke were robbing him of the victory over his

enemies. The truce being arranged, the marriage of the duke's daughter,

Bianca, to the count was solemnized, the duke giving Cremona for her

portion. This being over, peace was concluded in November, 1441,

at which Francesco Barbadico and Pagolo Trono were present for the

Venetians, and for the Florentines Agnolo Acciajuoli. Peschiera, Asola,

and Lonato, castles in the Mantuan territory, were assigned to the

Venetians.

The war in Lombardy was concluded; but the dissensions in the kingdom

of Naples continued, and the inability to compose them occasioned the

resumption of those arms which had been so recently laid aside. Alfonso,

of Aragon, had, during these wars, taken from René the whole kingdom

except Naples; so that, thinking he had the victory in his power, he

resolved during the siege of Naples to take Benevento, and his other

possessions in that neighborhood, from the count; and thought he might

easily accomplish this while the latter was engaged in the wars of

Lombardy. Having heard of the conclusion of peace, Alfonso feared the

count would not only come for the purpose of recovering his territories,

but also to favor René; and René himself had hope of his assistance for

the same reason. The latter, therefore, sent to the count, begging he

would come to the relief of a friend, and avenge himself of an enemy.

On the other hand, Alfonso entreated Filippo, for the sake of the

friendship which subsisted between them, to find the count some other

occupation, that, being engaged in greater affairs, he might not have

an opportunity of interfering between them. Filippo complied with this

request, without seeming to be aware that he violated the peace recently

made, so greatly to his disadvantage. He therefore signified to pope

Eugenius, that the present was a favorable opportunity for recovering

the territories which the count had taken from the church; and, that he

might be in a condition to use it, offered him the services of Niccolo

Piccinino, and engaged to pay him during the war; who, since the peace

of Lombardy, had remained with his forces in Romagna. Eugenius eagerly

took the advice, induced by his hatred of the count, and his desire to

recover his lost possessions; feeling assured that, although on a former

occasion he had been duped by Niccolo, it would be improper, now that

the duke interfered, to suspect any deceit; and, joining his forces to

those of Niccolo, he assailed La Marca. The count, astonished at such an

unexpected attack, assembled his troops, and went to meet the enemy. In

the meantime, King Alfonso took possession of Naples, so that the whole

kingdom, except Castelnuova, was in his power. Leaving a strong guard

at Castelnuova René set out and came to Florence, where he was most

honorably received; and having remained a few days, finding he could not

continue the war, he withdrew to Marseilles.

In the meantime, Alfonso took Castelnuova, and the count found himself

assailed in the Marca Inferiore, both by the pope and Niccolo. He

applied to the Venetians and the Florentines for assistance, in men and

money, assuring them that if they did not determine to restrain the pope

and king, during his life, they would soon afterward find their very

existence endangered, for both would join Filippo and divide Italy

among them. The Florentines and Venetians hesitated for a time, both to

consider the propriety of drawing upon themselves the enmity of the pope

and the king, and because they were then engaged in the affairs of the

Bolognese. Annibale Bentivoglio had driven Francesco Piccinino from

Bologna, and for defense against the duke, who favored Francesco, he

demanded and received assistance of the Venetians and Florentines; so

that, being occupied with these matters they could not resolve to assist

the count, but Annibale, having routed Francesco Piccinino, and those

affairs seeming to be settled, they resolved to support him. Designing

however to make sure of the duke, they offered to renew the league with

him, to which he was not averse; for, although he consented that war

should be made against the count, while King René was in arms, yet

finding him now conquered, and deprived of the whole kingdom, he was

not willing that the count should be despoiled of his territories; and

therefore, not only consented that assistance should be given him,

but wrote to Alfonso to be good enough to retire to his kingdom, and

discontinue hostilities against the count; and although reluctantly, yet

in acknowledgment of his obligations to the duke, Alfonso determined to

satisfy him, and withdrew with his forces beyond the Tronto.

CHAPTER II

Discords of Florence--Jealousy excited against Neri di Gino

Capponi--Baldaccio d'Anghiari murdered--Reform of government in favor

of the Medici--Enterprises of Sforza and Piccinino--Death of Niccolo

Piccinino--End of the war--Disturbances in Bologna--Annibale Bentivoglio

slain by Battista Canneschi, and the latter by the people--Santi,

supposed to be the son of Ercole Bentivoglio, is called to govern

the city of Bologna--Discourse of Cosmo de' Medici to him--Perfidious

designs of the duke of Milan against Sforza--General war in

Italy--Losses of the duke of Milan--The duke has recourse to the count,

who makes peace with him--Offers of the duke and the Venetians to the

count--The Venetians furtively deprive the count of Cremona.

While the affairs of Romagna proceeded thus, the city of Florence

was not tranquil. Among the citizens of highest reputation in the

government, was Neri di Gino Capponi, of whose influence Cosmo de'

Medici had more apprehension than any other; for to the great authority

which he possessed in the city was added his influence with the

soldiery. Having been often leader of the Florentine forces he had won

their affection by his courage and talents; and the remembrance of his

own and his father's victories (the latter having taken Pisa, and he

himself having overcome Niccolo Piccinino at Anghiari) caused him to

be beloved by many, and feared by those who were averse to having

associates in the government. Among the leaders of the Florentine army

was Baldaccio d'Anghiari, an excellent soldier, for in those times there

was not one in Italy who surpassed him in vigor either of body or mind;

and possessing so much influence with the infantry, whose leader he had

always been, many thought they would follow him wherever he chose to

lead them. Baldaccio was the intimate friend of Neri, who loved him for

his talents, of which he had been a constant witness. This excited great

suspicion in the other citizens, who, thinking it alike dangerous either

to discharge or retain him in their service, determined to destroy him,

and fortune seemed to favor their design. Bartolommeo Orlandini was

Gonfalonier of Justice; the same person who was sent to the defense of

Marradi, when Niccolo Piccinino came into Tuscany, as we have related

above, and so basely abandoned the pass, which by its nature was almost

impregnable. So flagrant an instance of cowardice was very offensive

to Baldaccio, who, on many occasions, both by words and letters, had

contributed to make the disgraceful fact known to all. The shame and

vexation of Bartolommeo were extreme, so that of all things he wished to

avenge himself, thinking, with the death of his accuser, to efface the

stain upon his character.

This feeling of Bartolommeo Orlandini was known to other citizens, so

that they easily persuaded him to put Baldaccio to death, and at one

avenge himself, and deliver his country from a man whom they must

either retain at great peril, or discharge to their greater confusion.

Bartolommeo having therefore resolved to murder him, concealed in his

own apartment at the palace several young men, all armed; and Baldaccio,

entering the piazza, whither it was his daily custom to come, to confer

with the magistrates concerning his command, the Gonfalonier sent for

him, and he, without any suspicion, obeyed. Meeting him in the corridor,

which leads to the chambers of the Signory, they took a few turns

together discoursing of his office, when being close to the door of the

apartments in which the assassins were concealed, Bartolommeo gave them

the signal, upon which they rushed out, and finding Baldaccio alone and

unarmed, they slew him, and threw the body out of the window which looks

from the palace toward the dogano, or customhouse. It was thence carried

into the piazza, where the head being severed, it remained the whole day

exposed to the gaze of the people. Baldaccio was married, and had only

one child, a boy, who survived him but a short time; and his wife,

Annalena, thus deprived of both husband and offspring, rejected every

proposal for a second union. She converted her house into a monastery,

to which she withdrew, and, being joined by many noble ladies, lived

in holy seclusion to the end of her days. The convent she founded, and

which is named from her, preserves her story in perpetual remembrance.

This circumstance served to weaken Neri's power, and made him lose both

influence and friends. Nor did this satisfy the citizens who held the

reins of government; for it being ten years since their acquisition of

power, and the authority of the Balia expired, many began to exhibit

more boldness, both in words and deeds, than seemed consistent with

their safety; and the leaders of the party judged, that if they wished

to preserve their influence, some means must be adopted to increase it.

To this end, in 1444 the councils created a new Balia, which reformed

the government, gave authority to a limited number to create the

Signory, re-established the Chancery of Reformations, depriving Filippo

Peruzzi of his office of president in it, and appointing another wholly

under their influence. They prolonged the term of exile to those who

were banished; put Giovanni di Simone Vespucci in prison; deprived the

Accoppiatori of their enemies of the honors of government, and with

them the sons of Piero Baroncelli, the whole of the Seragli, Bartolommeo

Fortini, Francesco Castellani, and many others. By these means they

strengthened their authority and influence, and humbled their enemies,

or those whom they suspected of being so.

Having thus recovered and confirmed their government, they then

turned their attention to external affairs. As observed above, Niccolo

Piccinino was abandoned by King Alfonso, and the count having been

aggrandized by the assistance of the Florentines, attacked and routed

him near Fermo, where, after losing nearly the whole of his troops,

Niccolo fled to Montecchio, which he fortified in such a manner that in

a short time he had again assembled so large an army as enabled him to

make head against the count; particularly as the season was now come for

them to withdraw into quarters. His principal endeavor during the winter

was to collect troops, and in this he was assisted both by the pope and

Alfonso; so that, upon the approach of spring, both leaders took the

field, and Niccolo, being the strongest, reduced the count to extreme

necessity, and would have conquered him if the duke had not contrived to

frustrate his designs. Filippo sent to beg he would come to him with

all speed, for he wished to have a personal interview, that he might

communicate matters of the highest importance. Niccolo, anxious to hear

them, abandoned a certain victory for a very doubtful advantage; and

leaving his son Francesco to command the army, hastened to Milan.

The count being informed of the circumstance, would not let slip the

opportunity of fighting in the absence of Niccolo; and, coming to an

engagement near the castle of Monte Loro, routed the father's forces and

took the son prisoner. Niccolo having arrived at Milan saw that the duke

had duped him, and learning the defeat of his army and the capture of

his son, he died of grief in 1445, at the age of sixty-four, having been

a brave rather than a fortunate leader. He left two sons, Francesco and

Jacopo, who, possessing less talent than their father, were still more

unfortunate; so that the arms of the family became almost annihilated,

while those of Sforza, being favored by fortune, attained augmented

glory. The pope, seeing Niccolo's army defeated and himself dead, having

little hope of assistance from Aragon, sought peace with the count, and,

by the intervention of the Florentines, succeeded. Of La Marca, the pope

only retained Osimo, Fabriano, and Recanati; all the rest remained in

the count's possession.

Peace being restored to La Marca, the whole of Italy would have obtained

repose had it not been disturbed by the Bolognese. There were in Bologna

two very powerful families, the Canneschi and the Bentivogli. Of the

latter, Annibale was the head; of the former, Battista, who, as a means

of confirming their mutual confidence, had contracted family alliances;

but among men who have the same objects of ambition in view, it is

easy to form connections, but difficult to establish friendship. The

Bolognese were in a league with the Venetians and Florentines, which had

been effected by the influence of Annibale, after they had driven

out Francesco Piccinino; and Battista, knowing how earnestly the duke

desired to have the city favorable to him, proposed to assassinate

Annibale, and put Bologna into his power. This being agreed upon, on the

twenty-fifth of June, 1445, he attacked Annibale with his men, and slew

him: and then, with shouts of "the duke, the duke," rode through the

city. The Venetian and Florentine commissaries were in Bologna at the

time, and at first kept themselves within doors; but finding that the

people, instead of favoring the murderers, assembled in the piazza,

armed in great numbers, mourning the death of Annibale, they joined

them; and, assembling what forces they could, attacked the Canneschi,

soon overpowered them, slew part, and drove the remainder out of the

city. Battista, unable to effect his escape, or his enemies his capture,

took refuge in a vault of his house, used for storing grain. The friends

of the Bentivogli, having sought him all day, and knowing he had not

left the city, so terrified his servants, that one of them, a groom,

disclosed the place of his concealment, and being drawn forth in

complete armor he was slain, his body dragged about the streets, and

afterward burned. Thus the duke's authority was sufficient to prompt the

enterprise, but his force was not at hand to support it.

The tumults being settled by the death of Battista, and the flight of

the Canneschi, Bologna still remained in the greatest confusion. There

not being one of the house of Bentivogli of age to govern, Annibale

having left but one son whose name was Giovanni, only six years old,

it was apprehended that disunion would ensue among the Bentivogli,

and cause the return of the Cannecshi, and the ruin both of their own

country and party. While in this state of apprehension, Francesco,

sometime Count di Poppi, being at Bologna, informed the rulers of

the city, that if they wished to be governed by one of the blood of

Annibale, he could tell them of one; and related that about twenty years

ago, Ercole, cousin of Annibale, being at Poppi, became acquainted with

a girl of the castle, of whom was born a son named Santi, whom Ercole,

on many occasions acknowledged to be his own, nor could he deny it,

for whoever knew him and saw the boy, could not fail to observe the

strongest resemblance. The citizens gave credit to the tale, and

immediately sent to Florence to see the young man, and procure of Cosmo

and Neri permission to return with him to Bologna. The reputed father

of Santi was dead, and he lived under the protection of his uncle, whose

name was Antonio da Cascese. Antonio was rich, childless, and a friend

of Neri, to whom the matter becoming known, he thought it ought neither

to be despised nor too hastily accepted; and that it would be best

for Santi and those who had been sent from Bologna, to confer in the

presence of Cosmo. They were accordingly introduced, and Santi was not

merely honored but adored by them, so greatly were they influenced by

the spirit of party. However, nothing was done at the time, except that

Cosmo, taking Santi apart, spoke to him thus: "No one can better advise

you in this matter than yourself; for you have to take that course

to which your own mind prompts you. If you be the son of Ercole

Bentivoglio, you will naturally aspire to those pursuits which are

proper to your family and worthy of your father; but if you be the son

of Agnolo da Cascese, you will remain in Florence, and basely spend the

remainder of your days in some branch of the woolen trade." These words

greatly influenced the youth, who, though he had at first almost refused

to adopt such a course, said, he would submit himself wholly to what

Cosmo and Neri should determine. They, assenting to the request of the

Bolognese, provided suitable apparel, horses, and servants; and in a

few days he was escorted by a numerous cavalcade to Bologna, where the

guardianship of Annibale's son and of the city were placed in his hands.

He conducted himself so prudently, that although all his ancestors had

been slain by their enemies, he lived in peace and died respected by

everyone.

After the death of Niccolo Piccinino and the peace of La Marca, Filippo

wishing to procure a leader of his forces, secretly negotiated with

Ciarpellone, one of the principal captains of Count Francesco, and

arrangements having been made, Ciarpellone asked permission to go to

Milan to take possession of certain castles which had been given him by

Filippo during the late wars. The count suspecting what was in progress,

in order to prevent the duke from accommodating himself at his expense,

caused Ciarpellone to be arrested, and soon afterward put to death;

alleging that he had been detected plotting against him. Filippo was

highly annoyed and indignant, which the Venetians and the Florentines

were glad to observe, for their greatest fear was, that the duke and the

count should become friends.

The duke's anger caused the renewal of war in La Marca. Gismondo

Malatesti, lord of Rimino, being son-in-law of the count, expected to

obtain Pesaro; but the count, having obtained possession, gave it to

his brother, Alessandro. Gismondo, offended at this, was still further

exasperated at finding that Federigo di Montefeltro, his enemy, by the

count's assistance, gained possession of Urbino. He therefore joined the

duke, and solicited the pope and the king to make war against the count,

who, to give Gismondo a taste of the war he so much desired, resolved to

take the initiative, and attacked him immediately. Thus Romagna and La

Marca were again in complete confusion, for Filippo, the king, and the

pope, sent powerful assistance to Gismondo, while the Florentines and

Venetians supplied the count with money, though not with men. Nor was

Filippo satisfied with the war in Romagna, but also desired to take

Cremona and Pontremoli from the count; but Pontremoli was defended by

the Florentines, and Cremona by the Venetians. Thus the war was renewed

in Lombardy, and after several engagements in the Cremonese, Francesco

Piccinino, the leader of the duke's forces, was routed at Casale, by

Micheletto and the Venetian troops. This victory gave the Venetians hope

of obtaining the duke's dominions. They sent a commissary to Cremona,

attacked the Ghiaradadda, and took the whole of it, except Crema. Then

crossing the Adda, they overran the country as far as Milan. Upon this

the duke had recourse to Alfonso, and entreated his assistance, pointing

out the danger his kingdom would incur if Lombardy were to fall into

the hands of the Venetians. Alfonso promised to send him troops, but

apprised him of the difficulties which would attend their passage,

without the permission of the count.

Filippo, driven to extremity, then had recourse to Francesco, and begged

he would not abandon his father-in-law, now that he had become old and

blind. The count was offended with the duke for making war against him;

but he was jealous of the increasing greatness of the Venetians, and

he himself began to be in want of money, for the League supplied him

sparingly. The Florentines, being no longer in fear of the duke, ceased

to stand in need of the count, and the Venetians desired his ruin; for

they thought Lombardy could not be taken from him except by this means;

yet while Filippo sought to gain him over, and offered him the entire

command of his forces, on condition that he should restore La Marca to

the pope and quit the Venetian alliance, ambassadors were sent to him by

that republic, promising him Milan, if they took it, and the perpetual

command of their forces, if he would push the war in La Marca, and

prevent Alfonso from sending troops into Lombardy. The offers of the

Venetians were great, as also were their claims upon him, having begun

the war in order to save him from losing Cremona; while the injuries

received from the duke were fresh in his memory, and his promises had

lost all influence, still the count hesitated; for on the one hand, were

to be considered his obligations to the League, his pledged faith,

their recent services, and his hopes of the future, all which had

their influence on him; on the other, were the entreaties of his

father-in-law, and above all, the bane which he feared would be

concealed under the specious offers of the Venetians, for he doubted

not, that both with regard to Milan and their other promises, if they

were victorious, he would be at their mercy, to which no prudent men

would ever submit if he could avoid it. These difficulties in the way

of his forming a determination, were obviated by the ambition of the

Venetians, who, seeing a chance of occupying Cremona, from secret

intelligence with that city, under a different pretext, sent troops into

its neighborhood; but the affair was discovered by those who commanded

Cremona for the count, and measures were adopted which prevented

its success. Thus without obtaining Cremona, they lost the count's

friendship, who, now being free from all other considerations, joined

the duke.

CHAPTER III

Death of Filippo Visconti, duke of Milan--The Milanese appoint Sforza

their captain--Milan becomes a republic--The pope endeavors to restore

peace to Italy--The Venetians oppose this design--Alfonso attacks the

Florentines--The neighborhood of Piombino becomes the principal

theater of war--Scarcity in the Florentine camp--Disorders occur in

the Neapolitan and Florentine armies--Alfonso sues for peace and is

compelled to retreat--Pavia surrenders to the count--Displeasure of

the Milanese--The count besieges Caravaggio--The Venetians endeavor to

relieve the place--They are routed by the count before Caravaggio.

Pope Eugenius being dead, was succeeded by Nicholas V. The count had his

whole army at Cotignola, ready to pass into Lombardy, when intelligence

was brought him of the death of Filippo, which happened on the last

day of August, 1447. This event greatly afflicted him, for he doubted

whether his troops were in readiness, on account of their arrears of

pay; he feared the Venetians, who were his armed enemies, he having

recently forsaken them and taken part with the duke; he was in

apprehension from Alfonso, his inveterate foe; he had no hope from the

pontiff or the Florentines; for the latter were allies of the Venetians,

and he had seized the territories of the former. However, he resolved to

face his fortune and be guided by circumstances; for it often happens,

that when engaged in business valuable ideas are suggested, which in a

state of inaction would never have occurred. He had great hopes, that if

the Milanese were disposed to defend themselves against the ambition of

the Venetians, they could make use of no other power but his. Therefore,

he proceeded confidently into the Bolognese territory, thence to Modena

and Reggio, halted with his forces upon the Lenza, and sent to offer his

services at Milan. On the death of the duke, part of the Milanese were

inclined to establish a republic; others wished to choose a prince, and

of these, one part favored the count, and another Alfonso. However, the

majority being in favor of freedom, they prevailed over the rest,

and organized a republic, to which many cities of the Duchy refused

obedience; for they, too, desired to live in the enjoyment of their

liberty, and even those who did not embrace such views, refused to

submit to the sovereignty of the Milanese. Lodi and Piacenza surrendered

themselves to the Venetians; Pavia and Parma became free. This confused

state of things being known to the count, he proceeded to Cremona, where

his ambassadors and those of the Milanese arranged for him to command

the forces of the new republic, with the same remuneration he had

received from the duke at the time of his decease. To this they added

the possession of Brescia, until Verona was recovered, when he should

have that city and restore Brescia to the Milanese.

Before the duke's death, Pope Nicholas, after his assumption of the

pontificate, sought to restore peace among the princes of Italy, and

with this object endeavored, in conjunction with the ambassadors sent by

the Florentines to congratulate him on his accession, to appoint a diet

at Ferrara to attempt either the arrangement of a long truce, or the

establishment of peace. A congress was accordingly held in that city,

of the pope's legate and the Venetian, ducal, and Florentine

representatives. King Alfonso had no envoy there. He was at Tivoli with

a great body of horse and foot, and favorable to the duke; both having

resolved, that having gained the count over to their side, they would

openly attack the Florentines and Venetians, and till the arrival of

the count in Lombardy, take part in the treaty for peace at Ferrara, at

which, though the king did not appear, he engaged to concur in whatever

course the duke should adopt. The conference lasted several days, and

after many debates, resolved on either a truce for five years, or a

permanent peace, whichsoever the duke should approve; and the ducal

ambassadors, having returned to Milan to learn his decision, found him

dead. Notwithstanding this, the Milanese were disposed to adopt the

resolutions of the assembly, but the Venetians refused, indulging

great hopes of becoming masters of Lombardy, particularly as Lodi and

Piacenza, immediately after the duke's death, had submitted to them.

They trusted that either by force or by treaty they could strip Milan

of her power; and then so press her, as to compel her also to surrender

before any assistance could arrive; and they were the more confident of

this from seeing the Florentines involved in war with King Alfonso.

The king being at Tivoli, and designing to pursue his enterprise against

Tuscany, as had been arranged between himself and Filippo, judging

that the war now commenced in Lombardy would give him both time and

opportunity, and wishing to have a footing in the Florentine state

before he openly commenced hostilities, opened a secret understanding

with the fortress of Cennina, in the Val d'Arno Superiore, and took

possession of it. The Florentines, surprised with this unexpected event,

perceiving the king already in action, and resolved to do them all

the injury in his power, hired forces, created a council of ten for

management of the war, and prepared for the conflict in their usual

manner. The king was already in the Siennese, and used his utmost

endeavors to reduce the city, but the inhabitants of Sienna were firm in

their attachment to the Florentines, and refused to receive him within

their walls or into any of their territories. They furnished him with

provisions, alleging in excuse, the enemy's power and their inability

to resist. The king, finding he could not enter by the Val d'Arno, as he

had first intended, both because Cennina had been already retaken, and

because the Florentines were now in some measure prepared for their

defense, turned toward Volterra, and occupied many fortresses in that

territory. Thence he proceeded toward Pisa, and with the assistance of

Fazio and Arrigo de' Conti, of the Gherardesca, took some castles, and

issuing from them, assailed Campiglia, but could not take it, the place

being defended by the Florentines, and it being now in the depth of

winter. Upon this the king, leaving garrisons in the places he had taken

to harass the surrounding country, withdrew with the remainder of his

army to quarters in the Siennese. The Florentines, aided by the season,

used the most active exertions to provide themselves troops, whose

captains were Federigo, lord of Urbino, and Gismondo Malatesti da

Rimino, who, though mutual foes, were kept so united by the prudence

of the commissaries, Neri di Gino and Bernardetto de' Medici, that they

broke up their quarters while the weather was still very severe and

recovered not only the places that had been taken in the territory of

Pisa, but also the Pomerancie in the neighborhood of Volterra, and so

checked the king's troops, which at first had overrun the Maremma, that

they could scarcely retain the places they had been left to garrison.

Upon the return of the spring the commissaries halted with their whole

force, consisting of five thousand horse and two thousand foot, at the

Spedaletto. The king approached with his army, amounting to fifteen

thousand men, within three miles of Campiglia, but when it was expected

he would attack the place he fell upon Piombino, hoping, as it was

insufficiently provided, to take it with very little trouble, and thus

acquire a very important position, the loss of which would be severely

felt by the Florentines; for from it he would be able to exhaust them

with a long war, obtain his own provision by sea, and harass the whole

territory of Pisa. They were greatly alarmed at this attack, and,

considering that if they could remain with their army among the woods

of Campiglia, the king would be compelled to retire either in defeat

or disgrace. With this view they equipped four galleys at Livorno, and

having succeeded in throwing three hundred infantry into Piombino,

took up their own position at the Caldane, a place where it would be

difficult to attack them; and they thought it would be dangerous to

encamp among the thickets of the plain.

The Florentine army depended for provisions on the surrounding places,

which, being poor and thinly inhabited, had difficulty in supplying

them. Consequently the troops suffered, particularly from want of wine,

for none being produced in that vicinity, and unable to procure it from

more distant places, it was impossible to obtain a sufficient quantity.

But the king, though closely pressed by the Florentines, was well

provided except in forage, for he obtained everything else by sea. The

Florentines, desirous to supply themselves in the same manner, loaded

four vessels with provisions, but, upon their approach, they were

attacked by seven of the king's galleys, which took two of them and

put the rest to flight. This disaster made them despair of procuring

provisions, so that two hundred men of a foraging party, principally for

want of wine, deserted to the king, and the rest complained that

they could not live without it, in a situation where the heat was so

excessive and the water bad. The commissaries therefore determined

to quit the place, and endeavor to recover those castles which still

remained in the enemy's power; who, on his part, though not suffering

from want of provisions, and greatly superior in numbers, found his

enterprise a failure, from the ravages made in his army by those

diseases which the hot season produces in marshy localities; and which

prevailed to such an extent that many died daily, and nearly all were

affected. These circumstances occasioned overtures of peace. The king

demanded fifty thousand florins, and the possession of Piombino. When

the terms were under consideration, many citizens, desirous of peace,

would have accepted them, declaring there was no hope of bringing to a

favorable conclusion a war which required so much money to carry it on.

But Neri Capponi going to Florence, placed the matter in a more correct

light, and it was then unanimously determined to reject the proposal,

and take the lord of Piombino under their protection, with an alliance

offensive and defensive, provided he did not abandon them, but assist in

their defense as hitherto. The king being informed of this resolution,

saw that, with his reduced army, he could not gain the place, and

withdrew in the same condition as if completely routed, leaving behind

him two thousand dead. With the remainder of his sick troops he retired

to the Siennese territory, and thence to his kingdom, incensed against

the Florentines, and threatening them with new wars upon the return of

spring.

While these events were proceeding in Tuscany the Count Sforza, having

become leader of the Milanese forces, strenuously endeavored to secure

the friendship of Francesco Piccinino, who was also in their service,

that he might support him in his enterprises, or be less disposed to do

him injury. He then took the field with his army, upon which the people

of Pavia, conscious of their inability to resist him, and unwilling to

obey the Milanese, offered to submit themselves to his authority, on

condition that he should not subject them to the power of Milan. The

count desired the possession of Pavia, and considered the circumstance

a happy omen, as it would enable him to give a color to his designs. He

was not restrained from treachery either by fear or shame; for great men

consider failure disgraceful,--a fraudulent success the contrary. But

he was apprehensive that his possession of the city would excite the

animosity of the Milanese, and perhaps induce them to throw themselves

under the power of the Venetians. If he refused to accept the offer,

he would have occasion to fear the duke of Savoy, to whom many citizens

were inclined to submit themselves; and either alternative would deprive

him of the sovereignty of Lombardy. Concluding there was less danger in

taking possession of the city than in allowing another to have it, he

determined to accept the proposal of the people of Pavia, trusting he

would be able to satisfy the Milanese, to whom he pointed out the danger

they must have incurred had he not complied with it; for her citizens

would have surrendered themselves to the Venetians or to the duke of

Savoy; so that in either case they would have been deprived of the

government, and therefore they ought to be more willing to have himself

as their neighbor and friend, than a hostile power such as either of the

others, and their enemy. The Milanese were upon this occasion greatly

perplexed, imagining they had discovered the count's ambition, and

the end he had in view; but they thought it desirable to conceal their

fears, for they did not know, if the count were to desert them, to whom

they could have recourse except the Venetians, whose pride and tyranny

they naturally dreaded. They therefore resolved not to break with the

count, but by his assistance remedy the evils with which they were

threatened, hoping that when freed from them they might rescue

themselves from him also; for at that time they were assailed not only

by the Venetians but by the Genoese and the duke of Savoy, in the name

of Charles of Orleans, the son of a sister of Filippo, but whom the

count easily vanquished. Thus their only remaining enemies were the

Venetians, who, with a powerful army, determined to occupy their

territories, and had already taken possession of Lodi and Piacenza,

before which latter place the count encamped; and, after a long siege,

took and pillaged the city. Winter being set in, he led his forces into

quarters, and then withdrew to Cremona, where, during the cold season,

he remained in repose with his wife.

In the spring, the Venetian and Milanese armies again took the field. It

was the design of the Milanese, first to recover Lodi and then to come

to terms with the Venetians; for the expenses of the war had become very

great, and they were doubtful of their general's sincerity, so that they

were anxious alike for the repose of peace, and for security against the

count. They therefore resolved that the army should march to the siege

of Carravaggio, hoping that Lodi would surrender, on that fortress being

wrested from the enemy's hands. The count obeyed, though he would have

preferred crossing the Adda and attacking the Brescian territory. Having

encamped before Caravaggio, he so strongly entrenched himself, that if

the enemy attempted to relieve the place, they would have to attack

him at a great disadvantage. The Venetian army, led by Micheletto,

approached within two bowshots of the enemy's camp, and many skirmishes

ensued. The count continued to press the fortress, and reduced it to the

very last extremity, which greatly distressed the Venetians, since they

knew the loss of it would involve the total failure of their expedition.

Very different views were entertained by their military officers

respecting the best mode of relieving the place, but they saw no

course open except to attack the enemy in his trenches, in spite of

all obstacles. The castle was, however, considered of such paramount

importance, that the Venetian senate, though naturally timid, and averse

to all hazardous undertakings, chose rather to risk everything than

allow it to fall into the hands of the enemy.

They therefore resolved to attack the count at all events, and early

the next morning commenced their assault upon a point which was least

defended. At the first charge, as commonly happens in a surprise,

Francesco's whole army was thrown into dismay. Order, however, was

soon so completely restored by the count, that the enemy, after various

efforts to gain the outworks, were repulsed and put to flight; and so

entirely routed, that of twelve thousand horse only one thousand escaped

the hands of the Milanese, who took possession of all the carriages

and military stores; nor had the Venetians ever before suffered such a

thorough rout and overthrow. Among the plunder and prisoners, crouching

down, as if to escape observation, was found a Venetian commissary, who,

in the course of the war and before the fight, had spoken contemptuously

of the count, calling him "bastard," and "base-born." Being made

prisoner, he remembered his faults, and fearing punishment, being taken

before the count, was agonized with terror; and, as is usual with

mean minds (in prosperity insolent, in adversity abject and cringing),

prostrated himself, weeping and begging pardon for the offenses he

had committed. The count, taking him by the arm, raised him up, and

encouraged him to hope for the best. He then said he wondered how a

man so prudent and respectable as himself, could so far err as to

speak disparagingly of those who did not merit it; and as regarded the

insinuations which he had made against him, he really did not know how

Sforza his father, and Madonna Lucia his mother, had proceeded together,

not having been there, and having no opportunity of interfering in the

matter, so that he was not liable either to blame or praise. However,

he knew very well, that in regard to his own actions he had conducted

himself so that no one could blame him; and in proof of this he would

refer both the Venetian senate and himself to what had happened that

day. He then advised him in future to be more respectful in speaking of

others, and more cautious in regard to his own proceedings.

CHAPTER IV

The count's successes--The Venetians come to terms with him--Views of

the Venetians--Indignation of the Milanese against the count--Their

ambassador's address to him--The count's moderation and reply--The count

and the Milanese prepare for war--Milanese ambassadors at Venice--League

of the Venetians and Milanese--The count dupes the Venetians and

Milanese--He applies for assistance to the Florentines--Diversity of

opinions in Florence on the subject--Neri di Gino Capponi averse to

assisting the count--Cosmo de' Medici disposed to do so--The Florentines

sent ambassadors to the count.

After this victory, the count marched into the Brescian territory,

occupied the whole country, and then pitched his camp within two miles

of the city. The Venetians, having well-grounded fears that Brescia

would be next attacked, provided the best defense in their power. They

then collected the relics of their army, and, by virtue of the treaty,

demanded assistance of the Florentines; who, being relieved from the

war with Alfonso, sent them one thousand foot and two thousand horse, by

whose aid the Venetians were in a condition to treat for peace. At one

time it seemed the fate of their republic to lose by war and win by

negotiation; for what was taken from them in battle was frequently

restored twofold on the restoration of peace. They knew the Milanese

were jealous of the count, and that he wished to be not their captain

merely, but their sovereign; and as it was in their power to make peace

with either of the two (the one desiring it from ambition, the other

from fear), they determined to make choice of the count, and offer him

assistance to effect his design; persuading themselves, that as the

Milanese would perceive they had been duped by him, they would in

revenge place themselves in the power of any one rather than in his; and

that, becoming unable either to defend themselves or trust the count,

they would be compelled, having no other resource, to fall into their

hands. Having taken this resolution, they sounded the count, and found

him quite disposed for peace, evidently desirous that the honor and

advantage of the victory at Caravaggio should be his own, and not accrue

to the Milanese. The parties therefore entered into an agreement, in

which the Venetians undertook to pay the count thirteen thousand florins

per month, till he should obtain Milan, and to furnish him, during the

continuance of the war, four thousand horse and two thousand foot. The

count engaged to restore to the Venetians the towns, prisoners, and

whatever else had been taken by him during the late campaigns, and

content himself with those territories which the duke possessed at the

time of his death.

When this treaty became known at Milan, it grieved the citizens more

than the victory at Caravaggio had exhilarated them. The rulers of the

city mourned, the people complained, women and children wept, and all

exclaimed against the count as false and perfidious. Although they

could not hope that either prayers or promises would divert him from his

ungrateful design, they sent ambassadors to see with what kind of color

he would invest his unprincipled proceedings, and being admitted to his

presence, one of them spoke to the following effect;--"It is customary

with those who wish to obtain a favor, to make use either of prayers,

presents, or threats, that pity, convenience, or fear, may induce a

compliance with their requests. But as with cruel, avaricious, or, in

their own conceit, powerful men, these arguments have no weight, it is

vain to hope, either to soften them by prayers, win them by presents, or

alarm them by menaces. We, therefore, being now, though late, aware of

thy pride, cruelty, and ambition, come hither, not to ask aught, nor

with the hope, even if we were so disposed, of obtaining it, but to

remind thee of the benefits thou hast received from the people of Milan,

and to prove with what heartless ingratitude thou hast repaid them,

that at least, under the many evils oppressing us, we may derive some

gratification from telling thee how and by whom they have been produced.

Thou canst not have forgotten thy wretched condition at the death of the

duke Filippo; the king and the pope were both thine enemies; thou hadst

abandoned the Florentines and the Venetians, who, on account of their

just indignation, and because they stood in no further need of thee,

were almost become thy declared enemies. Thou wert exhausted by thy

wars against the church; with few followers, no friends, or any money;

hopeless of being able to preserve either thy territories or thy

reputation. From these circumstances thy ruin must have ensued, but for

our simplicity; we received thee to our home, actuated by reverence for

the happy memory of our duke, with whom, being connected by marriage and

renewed alliance, we believed thy affection would descend to those

who had inherited his authority, and that, if to the benefits he had

conferred on thee, our own were added, the friendship we sought to

establish would not only be firm, but inseparable; with this impression,

we added Verona or Brescia to thy previous appointments. What more could

we either give or promise thee? What else couldst thou, not from

us merely, but from any others, have either had or expected? Thou

receivedst from us an unhoped-for benefit, and we, in return, an

unmerited wrong. Neither hast thou deferred until now the manifestation

of thy base designs; for no sooner wert thou appointed to command our

armies, than, contrary to every dictate of propriety, thou didst accept

Pavia, which plainly showed what was to be the result of thy friendship;

but we bore with the injury, in hope that the greatness of the advantage

would satisfy thy ambition. Alas! those who grasp at all cannot be

satisfied with a part. Thou didst promise that we should possess the

conquests which thou might afterward make; for thou wert well aware that

what was given at many times might be withdrawn at once, as was the case

after the victory at Caravaggio, purchased by our money and blood, and

followed by our ruin. Oh! unhappy states, which have to guard against

their oppressor; but much more wretched those who have to trust to

mercenary and faithless arms like thine! May our example instruct

posterity, since that of Thebes and Philip of Macedon, who, after

victory over her enemies, from being her captain became her foe and her

prince, could not avail us.

"The only fault of which we are conscious is our over-weening confidence

in one whom we ought not to have trusted; for thy past life, thy

restless mind, incapable of repose, ought to have put us on our guard;

neither ought we to have confided in one who betrayed the lord of Lucca,

set a fine upon the Florentines and the Venetians, defied the duke,

despised the king, and besides all this, persecuted the church of God,

and the Divinity himself with innumerable atrocities. We ought not to

have fancied that so many potentates possessed less influence over the

mind of Francesco Sforza, than the Milanese; or that he would preserve

unblemished that faith towards us which he had on so many occasions

broken with them. Still this want of caution in us does not excuse the

perfidy in thee; nor can it obliterate the infamy with which our just

complaints will blacken thy character throughout the world, or prevent

the remorse of thy conscience, when our arms are used for our own

destruction; for thou wilt see that the sufferings due to parricides are

fully deserved by thee. And though ambition should blind thine eyes, the

whole world, witness to thine iniquity, will compel thee to open them;

God himself will unclose them, if perjuries, if violated faith, if

treacheries displease him, and if, as ever, he is still the enemy of the

wicked. Do not, therefore, promise thyself any certainty of victory; for

the just wrath of the Almighty will weigh heavily upon thee; and we are

resolved to lose our liberty only with our lives; but if we found we

could not ultimately defend it, we would submit ourselves to anyone

rather than to thee. And if our sins be so great that in spite of

our utmost resolution, we should still fall into thy hands, be quite

assured, that the sovereignty which is commenced in deceit and villainy,

will terminate either in thyself or thy children with ignominy and

blood."

The count, though not insensible to the just reproaches of the Milanese,

did not exhibit either by words or gestures any unusual excitement, and

replied, that "He willingly attributed to their angry feelings all the

serious charges of their indiscreet harangue; and he would reply to

them in detail, were he in the presence of anyone who could decide

their differences; for it would be evident that he had not injured the

Milanese, but only taken care that they should not injure him. They

well knew how they had proceeded after the victory of Caravaggio; for,

instead of rewarding him with either Verona or Brescia, they sought

peace with the Venetians, that all the blame of the quarrel might rest

on him, themselves obtaining the fruit of victory, the credit of peace,

and all the advantages that could be derived from the war. It would

thus be manifest they had no right to complain, when he had effected

the arrangements which they first attempted to make; and that if he had

deferred to do so a little longer, he would have had reason to accuse

them of the ingratitude with which they were now charging him. Whether

the charge were true or false, that God, whom they had invoked to avenge

their injuries, would show at the conclusion of the war, and would

demonstrate which was most his friend, and who had most justice on their

side."

Upon the departure of the ambassadors, the count determined to attack

the Milanese, who prepared for their defense, and appointed Francesco

and Jacopo Piccinino (attached to their cause, on account of the ancient

feud of the families of Braccio and Sforza) to conduct their forces in

support of liberty; at least till they could deprive the count of

the aid of the Venetians, who they did not think would long be either

friendly or faithful to him. On the other hand, the count, perfectly

aware of this, thought it not imprudent, supposing the obligation of

the treaty insufficient, to bind them by the ties of interest; and,

therefore, in assigning to each their portion of the enterprise, he

consented that the Venetians should attack Crema, and himself, with the

other forces, assail the remainder of the territory. The advantage of

this arrangement kept the Venetians so long in alliance with the count,

that he was enabled to conquer the whole of the Milanese territory, and

to press the city so closely, that the inhabitants could not provide

themselves with necessaries; despairing of success, they sent envoys to

the Venetians to beg they would compassionate their distress, and, as

ought to be the case between republics, assist them in defense of their

liberty against a tyrant, whom, if once master of their city, they would

be unable to restrain; neither did they think he would be content with

the boundaries assigned him by the treaty, but would expect all the

dependencies of Milan.

The Venetians had not yet taken Crema, and wishing before they changed

sides, to effect this point, they PUBLICLY answered the envoys, that

their engagements with the count prevented them from defending the

Milanese; but SECRETLY, gave them every assurance of their wish to do

so.

The count had approached so near Milan with his forces, that he was

disputing the suburbs with the inhabitants, when the Venetians having

taken Crema, thought they need no longer hesitate to declare in favor of

the Milanese, with whom they made peace and entered into alliance; among

the terms of which was the defense of their liberty unimpaired. Having

come to this agreement, they ordered their forces to withdraw from the

count's camp and to return to the Venetian territory. They informed

him of the peace made with the Milanese, and gave him twenty days to

consider what course he would adopt. He was not surprised at the step

taken by the Venetians, for he had long foreseen it, and expected its

occurrence daily; but when it actually took place, he could not

avoid feeling regret and displeasure similar to what the Milanese had

experienced when he abandoned them. He took two days to consider the

reply he would make to the ambassadors whom the Venetians had sent to

inform him of the treaty, and during this time he determined to dupe the

Venetians, and not abandon his enterprise; therefore, appearing openly

to accept the proposal for peace, he sent his ambassadors to Venice with

full credentials to effect the ratification, but gave them secret orders

not to do so, and with pretexts or caviling to put it off. To give the

Venetians greater assurance of his sincerity, he made a truce with the

Milanese for a month, withdrew from Milan and divided his forces among

the places he had taken. This course was the occasion of his victory and

the ruin of the Milanese; for the Venetians, confident of peace, were

slow in preparing for war, and the Milanese finding the truce concluded,

the enemy withdrawn, and the Venetians their friends, felt assured that

the count had determined to abandon his design. This idea injured them

in two ways: one, by neglecting to provide for their defense; the next,

that, being seed-time, they sowed a large quantity of grain in the

country which the enemy had evacuated, and thus brought famine upon

themselves. On the other hand, all that was injurious to his enemies

favored the count, and the time gave him opportunity to take breath and

provide himself with assistance.

The Florentines during the war of Lombardy had not declared in favor of

either party, or assisted the count either in defense of the Milanese or

since; for he never having been in need had not pressingly requested

it; and they only sent assistance to the Venetians after the rout at

Caravaggio, in pursuance of the treaty. Count Francesco, standing now

alone, and not knowing to whom else he could apply, was compelled to

request immediate aid of the Florentines, publicly from the state, and

privately from friends, particularly from Cosmo de' Medici, with whom he

had always maintained a steady friendship, and by whom he had constantly

been faithfully advised and liberally supported. Nor did Cosmo abandon

him in his extreme necessity, but supplied him generously from his own

resources, and encouraged him to prosecute his design. He also wished

the city publicly to assist him, but there were difficulties in the way.

Neri di Gino Capponi, one of the most powerful citizens of Florence,

thought it not to the advantage of the city, that the count should

obtain Milan; and was of opinion that it would be more to the safety

of Italy for him to ratify the peace than pursue the war. In the first

place, he apprehended that the Milanese, through their anger against the

count, would surrender themselves entirely to the Venetians, which would

occasion the ruin of all. Supposing he should occupy Milan, it appeared

to him that so great military superiority, combined with such an extent

of territory, would be dangerous to themselves, and that if as count

he was intolerable, he would become doubly so as duke. He therefore

considered it better for the republic of Florence and for Italy, that

the count should be content with his military reputation, and that

Lombardy should be divided into two republics, which could never be

united to injure others, and separately are unable to do so. To attain

this he saw no better means than to refrain from aiding the count, and

continuing in the former league with the Venetians. These reasonings

were not satisfactory to Cosmo's friends, for they imagined that Neri

had argued thus, not from a conviction of its advantage to the republic,

but to prevent the count, as a friend of Cosmo, from becoming duke,

apprehending that Cosmo would, in consequence of this, become too

powerful.

Cosmo, in reply, pointed out, that to lend assistance to the count would

be highly beneficial both to Italy and the republic; for it was unwise

to imagine the Milanese could preserve their own liberty; for the nature

of their community, their mode of life, and their hereditary feuds were

opposed to every kind of civil government, so that it was necessary,

either that the count should become duke of Milan, or the Venetians her

lords. And surely under such circumstances, no one could doubt which

would be most to their advantage, to have for their neighbor a powerful

friend or a far more powerful foe. Neither need it be apprehended

that the Milanese, while at war with the count, would submit to the

Venetians; for the count had a stronger party in the city, and

the Venetians had not, so that whenever they were unable to defend

themselves as freemen, they would be more inclined to obey the count

than the Venetians.

These diverse views kept the city long in suspense; but at length it

was resolved to send ambassadors to the count to settle the terms of

agreement, with instructions, that if they found him in such a condition

as to give hopes of his ultimate success, they were to close with him,

but, if otherwise, they were to draw out the time in diplomacy.

CHAPTER V

Prosecution of the war between the count and the Milanese--The Milanese

reduced to extremity--The people rise against the magistrates--Milan

surrenders to the count--League between the new duke of Milan and the

Florentines, and between the king of Naples and the Venetians--Venetian

and Neapolitan ambassadors at Florence--Answer of Cosmo de' Medici to

the Venetian ambassador--Preparations of the Venetians and the king

of Naples for the war--The Venetians excite disturbances in

Bologna--Florence prepares for war--The emperor, Frederick III.

at Florence--War in Lombardy between the duke of Milan and the

Venetians--Ferrando, son of the king of Naples, marches into Tuscany

against the Florentines.

The ambassadors were at Reggio when they heard that the count had become

lord of Milan; for as soon as the truce had expired, he approached the

city with his forces, hoping quickly to get possession of it in spite

of the Venetians, who could bring no relief except from the side of

the Adda, which route he could easily obstruct, and therefore had no

apprehension (being then winter) of their arrival, and he trusted that,

before the return of spring, he would be victorious, particularly, as

by the death of Francesco Piccinino, there remained only Jacopo his

brother, to command the Milanese. The Venetians had sent an ambassador

to Milan to confirm the citizens in their resolution of defense,

promising them powerful and immediate aid. During the winter a few

slight skirmishes had taken place between the count and the Venetians;

but on the approach of milder weather, the latter, under Pandolfo

Malatesti, halted with their army upon the Adda, and considering

whether, in order to succor the Milanese, they ought to risk a battle,

Pardolfo, their general, aware of the count's abilities, and the courage

of his army, said it would be unadvisable to do so, and that, under the

circumstances, it was needless, for the count, being in great want of

forage, could not keep the field, and must soon retire. He therefore

advised them to remain encamped, to keep the Milanese in hope, and

prevent them from surrendering. This advice was approved by the

Venetians, both as being safe, and because, by keeping the Milanese in

this necessity, they might be the sooner compelled to submit to their

dominion; for they felt quite sure that the injuries they had received

would always prevent their submission to the count.

In the meantime, the Milanese were reduced to the utmost misery; and as

the city usually abounded with poor, many died of hunger in the streets;

hence arose complaints and disturbances in several parts, which alarmed

the magistrates, and compelled them to use their utmost exertions to

prevent popular meetings. The multitude are always slow to resolve on

commotion; but the resolution once formed, any trivial circumstance

excites it to action. Two men in humble life, talking together near the

Porta Nuova of the calamities of the city, their own misery, and the

means that might be adopted for their relief, others beginning to

congregate, there was soon collected a large crowd; in consequence of

it a report was spread that the neighborhood of Porta Nuova had risen

against the government. Upon this, all the lower orders, who only waited

for an example, assembled in arms, and chose Gasparre da Vicomercato to

be their leader. They then proceeded to the place where the magistrates

were assembled, and attacked them so impetuously that all who did not

escape by flight were slain: among the number, as being considered a

principal cause of the famine, and gratified at their distress, fell

Lionardo Veniero, the Venetian ambassador. Having thus almost become

masters of the city, they considered what course was next to be adopted

to escape from the horrors surrounding them, and to procure peace. A

feeling universally prevailed, that as they could not preserve their own

liberty, they ought to submit to a prince who could defend them. Some

proposed King Alfonso, some the duke of Savoy, and others the king

of France, but none mentioned the count, so great was the general

indignation against him. However, disagreeing with the rest, Gasparre da

Vicomercato proposed him, and explained in detail that if they desired

relief from war, no other plan was open, since the people of Milan

required a certain and immediate peace, and not a distant hope

of succor. He apologized for the count's proceedings, accused the

Venetians, and all the powers of Italy, of which some from ambition and

others from avarice were averse to their possessing freedom. Having to

dispose of their liberty, it would be preferable, he said, to obey one

who knew and could defend them; so that, by their servitude they might

obtain peace, and not bring upon themselves greater evils and more

dangerous wars. He was listened to with the most profound attention;

and, having concluded his harangue, it was unanimously resolved by the

assembly, that the count should be called in, and Gasparre was appointed

to wait upon him and signify their desire. By the people's command he

conveyed the pleasing and happy intelligence to the count, who heard

it with the utmost satisfaction, and entered Milan as prince on the

twenty-sixth of February, 1450, where he was received with the greatest

possible joy by those who, only a short time previously had heaped on

him all the slanders that hatred could inspire.

The news of this event reaching Florence, orders were immediately sent

to the envoys who were upon the way to Milan, that instead of treating

for his alliance with the count, they should congratulate the duke

upon his victory; they, arranging accordingly, had a most honorable

reception, and were treated with all possible respect; for the duke

well knew that in all Italy he could not find braver or more faithful

friends, to defend him against the power of the Venetians, than the

Florentines, who, being no longer in fear of the house of Visconti,

found themselves opposed by the Aragonese and Venetians; for the

Aragonese princes of Naples were jealous of the friendship which

the Florentines had always evinced for the family of France; and the

Venetians seeing the ancient enmity of the Florentines against the

Visconti transferred to themselves, resolved to injure them as much

as possible; for they knew how pertinaciously and invariably they had

persecuted the Lombard princes. These considerations caused the new duke

willingly to join the Florentines, and united the Venetians and King

Alfonso against their common enemies; impelling them at the same time to

hostilities, the king against the Florentines, and the Venetians against

the duke, who, being fresh in the government, would, they imagined, be

unable to resist them, even with all the aid he could obtain.

But as the league between the Florentines and the Venetians still

continued, and as the king, after the war of Piombino, had made peace

with the former, it seemed indecent to commence an open rupture until

some plausible reason could be assigned in justification of offensive

measures. On this account each sent ambassadors to Florence, who, on the

part of their sovereigns, signified that the league formed between them

was made not for injury to any, but solely for the mutual defense

of their states. The Venetian ambassador then complained that the

Florentines had allowed Alessandro, the duke's brother, to pass into

Lombardy with his forces; and besides this, had assisted and advised

in the treaty made between the duke and the marquis of Mantua, matters

which he declared to be injurious to the Venetians, and inconsistent

with the friendship hitherto subsisting between the two governments;

amicably reminding them, that one who inflicts unmerited injury, gives

others just ground of hostility, and that those who break a peace may

expect war. The Signory appointed Cosmo de' Medici to reply to what had

been said by the Venetian ambassador, and in a long and excellent

speech he recounted the numerous advantages conferred by the city on the

Venetian republic; showed what an extent of dominion they had acquired

by the money, forces, and counsel of the Florentines, and reminded him

that, although the friendship had originated with the Florentines, they

had never given occasion of enmity; and as they desired peace, they

greatly rejoiced when the treaty was made, if it had been entered into

for the sake of peace, and not of war. True it was, he wondered much

at the remarks which had been made, seeing that such light and trivial

matters should give offense to so great a republic; but if they were

worthy of notice he must have it universally understood, that the

Florentines wished their country to be free and open to all; and that

the duke's character was such, that if he desired the friendship of

the marquis of Mantua, he had no need of anyone's favor or advice. He

therefore feared that these cavils were produced by some latent motive,

which it was not thought proper to disclose. Be this as it might,

they would freely declare to all, that in the same proportion as the

friendship of the Florentines was beneficial their enmity could be

destructive.

The matter was hushed up; and the ambassadors, on their departure,

appeared perfectly satisfied. But the league between the king and the

Venetians made the Florentines and the duke rather apprehend war than

hope for a long continuance of peace. They therefore entered into an

alliance, and at the same time the enmity of the Venetians transpired by

a treaty with the Siennese, and the expulsion of all Florentine subjects

from their cities and territories. Shortly after this, Alfonso did the

same, without any consideration of the peace made the year previous, and

not having even the shadow of an excuse. The Venetians attempted to

take Bologna, and having armed the emigrants, and united to them a

considerable force, introduced them into the city by night through one

of the common sewers. No sooner had they entered, than they raised a

cry, by which Santi Bentivogli, being awakened, was told that the whole

city was in possession of the rebels. But though many advised him

to escape, saying that he could not save the city by his stay, he

determined to confront the danger, and taking arms encouraged his

followers, assembled a few friends, attacked and routed part of the

rebels, slew many more, and drove the remainder out of the city. By this

act of bravery all agreed he had fully proved himself a genuine scion of

the house of the Bentivogli.

These events and demonstrations gave the Florentines an earnest of

approaching war; they consequently followed their usual practice on

similar occasions, and created the Council of Ten. They engaged new

condottieri, sent ambassadors to Rome, Naples, Venice, Milan, and

Sienna, to demand assistance from their friends, gain information about

those they suspected, decide such as were wavering, and discover the

designs of the foe. From the pope they obtained only general expressions

of an amicable disposition and admonitions to peace; from the king,

empty excuses for having expelled the Florentines, and offers of safe

conduct for whoever should demand it; and although he endeavored, as

much as possible, to conceal every indication of his hostile designs,

the ambassadors felt convinced of his unfriendly disposition, and

observed many preparations tending to the injury of the republic. The

League with the duke was strengthened by mutual obligations, and through

his means they became friends with the Genoese, the old differences with

them respecting reprisals, and other small matters of dispute, being

composed, although the Venetians used every possible means to prevent

it, and entreated the emperor of Constantinople to expel all Florentines

from his dominions; so fierce was the animosity with which they entered

on this war, and so powerful their lust of dominion, that without the

least hesitation they sought the destruction of those who had been the

occasion of their own power. The emperor, however, refused to listen to

them. The Venetian senate forbade the Florentine ambassadors to enter

their territories, alleging, that being in league with the king, they

could not entertain them without his concurrence. The Siennese received

the ambassadors with fair words, fearing their own ruin before the

League could assist them, and therefore endeavored to appease the powers

whose attack they were unable to resist. The Venetians and the king (as

was then conjectured) were disposed to send ambassadors to Florence to

justify the war. But the Venetian envoy was not allowed to enter the

Florentine dominions, and the king's ambassador, being unwilling to

perform his office alone, the embassy was not completed; and thus

the Venetians learned, that however little they might esteem the

Florentines, the latter had still less respect for them.

In the midst of these fears, the emperor, Frederick III., came into

Italy to be crowned. On the thirtieth of January, 1451, he entered

Florence with fifteen hundred horse, and was most honorably received

by the Signory. He remained in the city till the sixth of February, and

then proceeded to Rome for his coronation, where, having been solemnly

consecrated, and his marriage celebrated with the empress, who had

come to Rome by sea, he returned to Germany, and again passed through

Florence in May, with the same honors as upon his arrival. On his

return, having derived some benefits from the marquis of Mantua, he

conceded to him Modena and Reggio. In the meantime, the Florentines did

not fail to prepare themselves for immediate war; and to augment their

influence, and strike the enemy with terror, they, in conjunction with

the duke, entered into alliance with the king of France for the mutual

defense of their states. This treaty was published with great pomp

throughout all Italy.

The month of May, 1452, having arrived, the Venetians thought it not

desirable to defer any longer their attack upon the duke, and with

sixteen thousand horse and six thousand foot assailed his territories

in the direction of Lodi, while the marquis of Montferrat, instigated

either by his own ambition or the entreaties of the Venetians, did the

same on the side of Alexandria. The duke assembled a force of eighteen

thousand cavalry and three thousand infantry, garrisoned Alexandria and

Lodi, and all the other places where the enemy might annoy them. He then

attacked the Brescian territory, and greatly harassed the Venetians;

while both parties alike plundered the country and ravaged the smaller

towns. Having defeated the marquis of Montferrat at Alexandria, the duke

was able to unite his whole force against the Venetians and invade their

territory.

While the war in Lombardy proceeded thus, giving rise to various

trifling incidents unworthy of recital, King Alfonso and the Florentines

carried on hostilities in Tuscany, but in a similarly inefficient

manner, evincing no greater talent, and incurring no greater danger.

Ferrando, the illegitimate son of Alfonso, entered the country with

twelve thousand troops, under the command of Federigo, lord of Urbino.

Their first attempt was to attack Fojano, in the Val di Chiane;

for, having the Siennese in their favor, they entered the Florentine

territory in that direction. The walls of the castle were weak, and it

was small, and consequently poorly manned, but the garrison were, among

the soldiers of that period, considered brave and faithful. Two hundred

infantry were also sent by the Signory for its defense. Before this

castle, thus provided, Ferrando sat down, and either from the valor of

its defenders or his own deficiencies, thirty-six days elapsed before

he took it. This interval enabled the city to make better provision

for places of greater importance, to collect forces and conclude more

effective arrangements than had hitherto been made. The enemy next

proceeded into the district of Chiane, where they attacked two small

towns, the property of private citizens, but could not capture them.

They then encamped before the Castellina, a fortress upon the borders

of the Chianti, within ten miles of Sienna, weak from its defective

construction, and still more so by its situation; but, notwithstanding

these defects, the assailants were compelled to retire in disgrace,

after having lain before it forty-four days. So formidable were those

armies, and so perilous those wars, that places now abandoned as

untenable were then defended as impregnable.

While Ferrando was encamped in the Chianti he made many incursions, and

took considerable booty from the Florentine territories, extending his

depredations within six miles of the city, to the great alarm and injury

of the people, who at this time, having sent their forces to the

number of eight thousand soldiers under Astorre da Faenza and Gismondo

Malatesti toward Castel di Colle, kept them at a distance from the

enemy, lest they should be compelled to an engagement; for they

considered that so long as they were not beaten in a pitched battle,

they could not be vanquished in the war generally; for small castles,

when lost, were recovered at the peace, and larger places were in no

danger, because the enemy would not venture to attack them. The king

had also a fleet of about twenty vessels, comprising galleys and smaller

craft, which lay off Pisa, and during the siege of Castellina were

moored near the Rocca di Vada, which, from the negligence of the

governor, he took, and then harassed the surrounding country. However,

this annoyance was easily removed by a few soldiers sent by the

Florentines to Campiglia, and who confined the enemy to the coast.

CHAPTER VI

Conspiracy of Stefano Porcari against the papal government--The

conspirators discovered and punished--The Florentines recover the places

they had lost--Gherardo Gambacorti, lord of Val di Bagno, endeavors

to transfer his territories to the king of Naples--Gallant conduct of

Antonio Gualandi, who counteracts the design of Gambacorti--René

of Anjou is called into Italy by the Florentines--René returns to

France--The pope endeavors to restore peace--Peace proclaimed--Jacopo

Piccinino attacks the Siennese.

The pontiff did not interfere in these affairs further than to endeavor

to bring the parties to a mutual accommodation; but while he refrained

from external wars he incurred the danger of more serious troubles at

home. Stefano Porcari was a Roman citizen, equally distinguished

for nobility of birth and extent of learning, but still more by the

excellence of his character. Like all who are in pursuit of glory, he

resolved either to perform or to attempt something worthy of memory, and

thought he could not do better than deliver his country from the hands

of the prelates, and restore the ancient form of government; hoping, in

the event of success, to be considered a new founder or second father of

the city. The dissolute manners of the priesthood, and the discontent

of the Roman barons and people, encouraged him to look for a happy

termination of his enterprise; but he derived his greatest confidence

from those verses of Petrarch in the canzone which begins, "Spirto

gentil che quelle membra reggi," where he says,--

"Sopra il Monte Tarpejo canzon vedra, Un cavalier, ch' Italia tutta

onora, Pensoso piu d'altrui, che di se stesso."

Stefano, believing poets are sometimes endowed with a divine and

prophetic spirit, thought the event must take place which Petrarch in

this canzone seemed to foretell, and that he was destined to effect the

glorious task; considering himself in learning, eloquence, friends, and

influence, superior to any other citizen of Rome. Having taken these

impressions, he had not sufficient prudence to avoid discovering his

design by his discourse, demeanor, and mode of living; so that the pope

becoming acquainted with it, in order to prevent the commission of some

rash act, banished him to Bologna and charged the governor of the city

to compel his appearance before him once every day. Stefano was

not daunted by this first check, but with even greater earnestness

prosecuted his undertaking, and, by such means as were available, more

cautiously corresponded with his friends, and often went and returned

from Rome with such celerity as to be in time to present himself

before the governor within the limit allowed for his appearance. Having

acquired a sufficient number of partisans, he determined to make the

attempt without further delay, and arranged with his friends at Rome to

provide an evening banquet, to which all the conspirators were invited,

with orders that each should bring with him his most trust-worthy

friends, and himself promised to be with him before the entertainment

was served. Everything was done according to this orders, and Stefano

Porcari arrived at the place appointed. Supper being brought in, he

entered the apartment dressed in cloth of gold, with rich ornaments

about his neck, to give him a dignified appearance and commanding

aspect. Having embraced the company, he delivered a long oration to

dispose their minds to the glorious undertaking. He then arranged the

measures to be adopted, ordering that one part of them should, on the

following morning, take possession of the pontiff's palace, and that

the other should call the people of Rome to arms. The affair came to the

knowledge of the pope the same night, some say by treachery among the

conspirators, and others that he knew of Porcari's presence at Rome. Be

this as it may, on the night of the supper Stefano, and the greater part

of his associates, were arrested, and afterward expiated their crime

by death. Thus ended his enterprise; and though some may applaud his

intentions, he must stand charged with deficiency of understanding; for

such undertakings, though possessing some slight appearance of glory,

are almost always attended with ruin.

Gherardo Gambacorti was lord of Val di Bagno, and his ancestors as well

as himself had always been in the pay or under the protection of the

Florentines. Alfonso endeavored to induce him to exchange his territory

for another in the kingdom of Naples. This became known to the

Signory, who, in order to ascertain his designs, sent an ambassador

to Gambacorti, to remind him of the obligations of his ancestors and

himself to their republic, and induce him to continue faithful to them.

Gherardo affected the greatest astonishment, assured the ambassador with

solemn oaths that no such treacherous thought had ever entered his mind,

and that he would gladly go to Florence and pledge himself for the truth

of his assertions; but being unable, from indisposition, he would send

his son as an hostage. These assurances, and the proposal with which

they were accompanied, induced the Florentines to think Gherardo had

been slandered, and that his accuser must be alike weak and treacherous.

Gherardo, however, hastened his negotiation with redoubled zeal, and

having arranged the terms, Alfonso sent Frate Puccio, a knight of

Jerusalem, with a strong body of men to the Val di Bagno, to take

possession of the fortresses and towns, the people of which, being

attached to the Florentine republic, submitted unwillingly.

Frate Puccio had already taken possession of nearly the whole territory,

except the fortress of Corzano. Gambacorti was accompanied, while

transferring his dominions, by a young Pisan of great courage and

address, named Antonio Gualandi, who, considering the whole affair, the

strength of the place, the well known bravery of the garrison, their

evident reluctance to give it up, and the baseness of Gambacorti,

at once resolved to make an effort to prevent the fulfillment of

his design; and Gherardo being at the entrance, for the purpose of

introducing the Aragonese, he pushed him out with both his hands, and

commanded the guards to shut the gate upon such a scoundrel, and hold

the fortress for the Florentine republic. When this circumstance became

known in Bagno and the neighboring places, the inhabitants took up arms

against the king's forces, and, raising the Florentine standard, drove

them out. The Florentines learning these events, imprisoned Gherardo's

son, and sent troops to Bagno for the defense of the territory, which

having hitherto been governed by its own prince, now became a vicariate.

The traitor Gherardo escaped with difficulty, leaving his wife, family,

and all his property, in the hands of those whom he had endeavored

to betray. This affair was considered by the Florentines of great

importance; for had the king succeeded in securing the territory, he

might have overrun the Val di Tavere and the Casentino at his pleasure,

and would have caused so much annoyance, that they could no longer have

allowed their whole force to act against the army of the Aragonese at

Sienna.

In addition to the preparations made by the Florentines in Italy to

resist the hostile League, they sent as ambassador, Agnolo Acciajuoli,

to request that the king of France would allow René of Anjou to enter

Italy in favor of the duke and themselves, and also, that by his

presence in the country, he might defend his friends and attempt the

recovery of the kingdom of Naples; for which purpose they offered him

assistance in men and money. While the war was proceeding in Lombardy

and Tuscany, the ambassador effected an arrangement with King René,

who promised to come into Italy during the month of June, the League

engaging to pay him thirty thousand florins upon his arrival at

Alexandria, and ten thousand per month during the continuance of the

war. In pursuance of this treaty, King René commenced his march

into Italy, but was stopped by the duke of Savoy and the marquis of

Montferrat, who, being in alliance with the Venetians, would not allow

him to pass. The Florentine ambassador advised, that in order to uphold

the influence of his friends, he should return to Provence, and conduct

part of his forces into Italy by sea, and, in the meantime, endeavor,

by the authority of the king of France, to obtain a passage for the

remainder through the territories of the duke. This plan was completely

successful; for René came into Italy by sea, and his forces, by the

mediation of the king of France, were allowed a passage through Savoy.

King René was most honorably received by Duke Francesco, and joining his

French with the Italian forces, they attacked the Venetians with so much

impetuosity, that they shortly recovered all the places which had been

taken in the Cremonese. Not content with this, they occupied nearly

the whole Brescian territory; so that the Venetians, unable to keep the

field, withdrew close to the walls of Brescia.

Winter coming on, the duke deemed it advisable to retire into quarters,

and appointed Piacenza for the forces of René, where, having passed the

whole of the cold season of 1453, without attempting anything, the duke

thought of taking the field, on the approach of spring, and stripping

the Venetians of the remainder of their possessions by land, but was

informed by the king that he was obliged of necessity to return to

France. This determination was quite new and unexpected to the duke,

and caused him the utmost concern; but though he immediately went to

dissuade René from carrying it into effect, he was unable either by

promises or entreaties to divert him from his purpose. He engaged,

however, to leave part of his forces, and send his son for the service

of the League. The Florentines were not displeased at this; for having

recovered their territories and castles, they were no longer in fear of

Alfonso, and on the other hand, they did not wish the duke to obtain any

part of Lombardy but what belonged to him. René took his departure,

and send his son John into Italy, according to his promise, who did not

remain in Lombardy, but came direct to Florence, where he was received

with the highest respect.

The king's departure made the duke desirous of peace. The Venetians,

Alfonso, and the Florentines, being all weary of the war, were similarly

disposed; and the pope continued to wish it as much as ever; for during

this year the Turkish emperor, Mohammed, had taken Constantinople and

subdued the whole of Greece. This conquest alarmed the Christians, more

especially the Venetians and the pope, who already began to fancy

the Mohammedans at their doors. The pope therefore begged the Italian

potentates to send ambassadors to himself, with authority to negotiate

a general peace, with which all complied; but when the particular

circumstances of each case came to be considered, many difficulties were

found in the war of effecting it. King Alfonso required the Florentines

to reimburse the expenses he had incurred in the war, and the

Florentines demanded some compensation from him. The Venetians thought

themselves entitled to Cremona from the duke; while he insisted upon the

restoration of Bergamo, Brescia, and Crema; so that it seemed impossible

to reconcile such conflicting claims. But what could not be effected

by a number at Rome was easily managed at Milan and Venice by two;

for while the matter was under discussion at Rome, the duke and the

Venetians came to an arrangement on the ninth of April, 1454, by virtue

of which, each party resumed what they possessed before the war, the

duke being allowed to recover from the princes of Montferrat and Savoy

the places they had taken. To the other Italian powers a month was

allowed to ratify the treaty. The pope and the Florentines, and with

them the Siennese and other minor powers, acceded to it within the time.

Besides this, the Florentines, the Venetians, and the duke concluded

a treaty of peace for twenty-five years. King Alfonso alone exhibited

dissatisfaction at what had taken place, thinking he had not been

sufficiently considered, that he stood, not on the footing of a

principal, but only ranked as an auxiliary, and therefore kept aloof,

and would not disclose his intentions. However, after receiving a legate

from the pope, and many solemn embassies from other powers, he allowed

himself to be persuaded, principally by means of the pontiff, and with

his son joined the League for thirty years. The duke and the king also

contracted a twofold relationship and double marriage, each giving a

daughter to a son of the other. Notwithstanding this, that Italy might

still retain the seeds of war, Alfonso would not consent to the peace,

unless the League would allow him, without injury to themselves, to make

war upon the Genoese, Gismondo Malatesti, and Astorre, prince of Faenza.

This being conceded, his son Ferrando, who was at Sienna, returned to

the kingdom, having by his coming into Tuscany acquired no dominion and

lost a great number of his men.

Upon the establishment of a general peace, the only apprehension

entertained was, that it would be disturbed by the animosity of Alfonso

against the Genoese; yet it happened otherwise. The king, indeed, did

not openly infringe the peace, but it was frequently broken by the

ambition of the mercenary troops. The Venetians, as usual on the

conclusion of a war, had discharged Jacopo Piccinino, who with some

other unemployed condottieri, marched into Romagna, thence into the

Siennese, and halting in the country, took possession of many places.

At the commencement of these disturbances, and the beginning of the year

1455, Pope Nicholas died, and was succeeded by Calixtus III., who, to

put a stop to the war newly broken out so near home, immediately sent

Giovanni Ventimiglia, his general, with what forces he could furnish.

These being joined by the troops of the Florentines and the duke of

Milan, both of whom furnished assistance, attacked Jacopo, near Bolsena,

and though Ventimiglia was taken prisoner, yet Jacopo was worsted, and

retreated in disorder to Castiglione della Pescaia, where, had he

not been assisted by Alfonso, his force would have been completely

annihilated. This made it evident that Jacopo's movement had been

made by order of Alfonso, and the latter, as if palpably detected, to

conciliate his allies, after having almost alienated them with this

unimportant war, ordered Jacopo to restore to the Siennese the places he

had taken, and they gave him twenty thousand florins by way of ransom,

after which he and his forces were received into the kingdom of Naples.

CHAPTER VII

Christendom alarmed by the progress of the Turks--The Turks routed

before Belgrade--Description of a remarkable hurricane--War against

the Genoese and Gismondo Malatesti--Genoa submits to the king

of France--Death of Alfonso king of Naples--Succeeded by his son

Ferrando--The pope designs to give the kingdom of Naples to his nephew

Piero Lodovico Borgia--Eulogy of Pius II.--Disturbances in Genoa between

John of Anjou and the Fregosi--The Fregosi subdued--John attacks

the kingdom of Naples--Ferrando king of Naples routed--Ferrando

reinstated--The Genoese cast off the French yoke--John of Anjou routed

in the kingdom of Naples.

The pope, though anxious to restrain Jacopo Piccinino, did not neglect

to make provision for the defense of Christendom, which seemed in danger

from the Turks. He sent ambassadors and preachers into every Christian

country, to exhort princes and people to arm in defense of their

religion, and with their persons and property to contribute to the

enterprise against the common enemy. In Florence, large sums were

raised, and many citizens bore the mark of a red cross upon their dress

to intimate their readiness to become soldiers of the faith. Solemn

processions were made, and nothing was neglected either in public or

private, to show their willingness to be among the most forward to

assist the enterprise with money, counsel, or men. But the eagerness

for this crusade was somewhat abated, by learning that the Turkish army,

being at the siege of Belgrade, a strong city and fortress in Hungary,

upon the banks of the Danube, had been routed and the emperor wounded;

so that the alarm felt by the pope and all Christendom, on the loss

of Constantinople, having ceased to operate, they proceeded with

deliberately with their preparations for war; and in Hungary their

zeal was cooled through the death of Giovanni Corvini the Waiwode, who

commanded the Hungarian forces on that memorable occasion, and fell in

the battle.

To return to the affairs of Italy. In the year 1456, the disturbances

occasioned by Jacopo Piccinino having subsided, and human weapons

laid aside, the heavens seemed to make war against the earth; dreadful

tempestuous winds then occurring, which produced effects unprecedented

in Tuscany, and which to posterity will appear marvelous and

unaccountable. On the twenty-fourth of August, about an hour before

daybreak, there arose from the Adriatic near Ancona, a whirlwind, which

crossing from east to west, again reached the sea near Pisa, accompanied

by thick clouds, and the most intense and impenetrable darkness,

covering a breadth of about two miles in the direction of its course.

Under some natural or supernatural influence, this vast and overcharged

volume of condensed vapor burst; its fragments contended with

indescribable fury, and huge bodies sometimes ascending toward heaven,

and sometimes precipitated upon the earth, struggled, as it were,

in mutual conflict, whirling in circles with intense velocity, and

accompanied by winds, impetuous beyond all conception; while flashes of

awful brilliancy, and murky, lurid flames incessantly broke forth.

From these confused clouds, furious winds, and momentary fires, sounds

issued, of which no earthquake or thunder ever heard could afford the

least idea; striking such awe into all, that it was thought the end

of the world had arrived, that the earth, waters, heavens, and entire

universe, mingling together, were being resolved into their ancient

chaos. Wherever this awful tempest passed, it produced unprecedented and

marvelous effects; but these were more especially experienced near the

castle of St. Casciano, about eight miles from Florence, upon the hill

which separates the valleys of Pisa and Grieve. Between this castle and

the Borgo St. Andrea, upon the same hill, the tempest passed without

touching the latter, and in the former, only threw down some of the

battlements and the chimneys of a few houses; but in the space between

them, it leveled many buildings quite to the ground. The roofs of the

churches of St. Martin, at Bagnolo, and Santa Maria della Pace, were

carried more than a mile, unbroken as when upon their respective

edifices. A muleteer and his beasts were driven from the road into the

adjoining valley, and found dead. All the large oaks and lofty trees

which could not bend beneath its influence, were not only stripped of

their branches but borne to a great distance from the places where

they grew, and when the tempest had passed over and daylight made the

desolation visible, the inhabitants were transfixed with dismay. The

country had lost all its habitable character; churches and dwellings

were laid in heaps; nothing was heard but the lamentations of those

whose possessions had perished, or whose cattle or friends were buried

beneath the ruins; and all who witnessed the scene were filled with

anguish or compassion. It was doubtless the design of the Omnipotent,

rather to threaten Tuscany than to chastise her; for had the hurricane

been directed over the city, filled with houses and inhabitants,

instead of proceeding among oaks and elms, or small and thinly scattered

dwellings, it would have been such a scourge as the mind, with all its

ideas of horror, could not have conceived. But the Almighty desired

that this slight example should suffice to recall the minds of men to a

knowledge of himself and of his power.