To return to our history. King Alfonso was dissatisfied with the peace,

and as the war which he had unnecessarily caused Jacopo Piccinino to

make against the Siennese, had produced no important result, he resolved

to try what could be done against those whom the conditions of the

League permitted him to attack. He therefore, in the year 1456, assailed

the Genoese, both by sea and by land, designing to deprive the Fregosi

of the government and restore the Adorni. At the same time, he ordered

Jacopo Piccinino to cross the Tronto, and attack Gismondo Malatesti,

who, having fortified his territories, did not concern himself, and this

part of the king's enterprise produced no effect; but his proceedings

against Genoa occasioned more wars against himself and his kingdom than

he could have wished. Piero Fregoso was then doge of Genoa, and doubting

his ability to sustain the attack of the king, he determined to give

what he could not hold, to some one who might defend it against his

enemies, in hope, that at a future period, he should obtain a return for

the benefit conferred. He therefore sent ambassadors to Charles VII. of

France, and offered him the government of Genoa. Charles accepted the

offer, and sent John of Anjou, the son of King René, who had a short

time previously left Florence and returned to France, to take possession

with the idea, that he, having learned the manners and customs of Italy,

would be able to govern the city; and also that this might give him an

opportunity of undertaking the conquest of Naples, of which René, John's

father, had been deprived by Alfonso. John, therefore, proceeded to

Genoa, where he was received as prince, and the fortresses, both of the

city and the government, given up to him. This annoyed Alfonso, with the

fear that he had brought upon himself too powerful an enemy. He was not,

however, dismayed; but pursued his enterprise vigorously, and had led

his fleet to Porto, below Villamarina, when he died after a sudden

illness, and thus John and the Genoese were relieved from the war.

Ferrando, who succeeded to the kingdom of his father Alfonso, became

alarmed at having so powerful an enemy in Italy, and was doubtful of

the disposition of many of his barons, who being desirous of change, he

feared would take part with the French. He was also apprehensive of

the pope, whose ambition he well knew, and who seeing him new in the

government, might design to take it from him. He had no hope except

from the duke of Milan, who entertained no less anxiety concerning the

affairs of the kingdom than Ferrando; for he feared that if the French

were to obtain it, they would endeavor to annex his own dominions; which

he knew they considered to be rightfully their own. He, therefore, soon

after the death of Alfonso, sent letters and forces to Ferrando; the

latter to give him aid and influence, the former to encourage him with

an intimation that he would not, under any circumstances, forsake him.

The pontiff intended, after the death of Alfonso, to give the kingdom

of Naples to his nephew Piero Lodovico Borgia, and, to furnish a decent

pretext for his design and obtain the concurrence of the powers of Italy

in its favor he signified a wish to restore that realm to the dominion

of the church of Rome; and therefore persuaded the duke not to assist

Ferrando. But in the midst of these views and opening enterprises,

Calixtus died, and Pius II. of Siennese origin, of the family of the

Piccolomini, and by name Æneas, succeeded to the pontificate. This

pontiff, free from the ties of private interest, having no object but to

benefit Christendom and honor the church, at the duke's entreaty crowned

Ferrando king of Naples; judging it easier to establish peace if the

kingdom remained in the hands which at present held it, than if he were

to favor the views of the French, or, as Calixtus purposed, take it for

himself. Ferrando, in acknowledgment of the benefit, created Antonio,

one of the pope's nephews, prince of Malfi, gave him an illegitimate

daughter of his own in marriage, and restored Benevento and Terracina to

the church.

It thus appeared that the internal dissensions of Italy might be

quelled, and the pontiff prepared to induce the powers of Christendom

to unite in an enterprise against the Turks (as Calixtus had previously

designed) when differences arose between the Fregosi and John of Anjou,

the lord of Genoa, which occasioned greater and more important wars than

those recently concluded. Pietrino Fregoso was at his castle of Riviera,

and thought he had not been rewarded by John in proportion to his

family's merits; for it was by their means the latter had become prince

of the city. This impression drove the parties into open enmity; a

circumstance gratifying to Ferrando, who saw in it relief from his

troubles, and the sole means of procuring his safety: he therefore

assisted Pietrino with money and men, trusting to drive John out of the

Genoese territory. The latter being aware of his design, sent for aid

to France; and, on obtaining it, attacked Pietrino, who, through his

numerous friends, entertained the strongest assurance of success; so

that John was compelled to keep within the city, into which Pietrino

having entered by night, took possession of some parts of it; but upon

the return of day, his people were all either slain or made prisoners by

John's troops, and he himself was found among the dead.

This victory gave John hopes of recovering the kingdom; and in October,

1459, he sailed thither from Genoa, with a powerful fleet, and landed

at Baia; whence he proceeded to Sessa, by the duke of which place he was

favorably received. The prince of Taranto, the Aquilani, with several

cities and other princes, also joined him; so that a great part of the

kingdom fell into his hands. On this Ferrando applied for assistance

to the pope and the duke of Milan; and, to diminish the number of his

enemies, made peace with Gismondo Malatesti, which gave so much offense

to Jacopo Piccinino, the hereditary enemy of Gismondo, that he resigned

his command under Ferrando, and joined his rival. Ferrando also sent

money to Federigo, lord of Urbino, and collected with all possible speed

what was in those times considered a tolerable army; which, meeting the

enemy upon the river Sarni, an engagement ensued in which Ferrando was

routed, and many of his principal officers taken. After this defeat, the

city of Naples alone, with a few smaller places and princes of inferior

note, adhered to Ferrando, the greater part having submitted to John.

Jacopo Piccinino, after the victory, advised an immediate march upon

Naples; but John declined this, saying, he would first reduce the

remainder of the kingdom, and then attack the seat of government. This

resolution occasioned the failure of his enterprise; for he did not

consider how much more easily the members follow the head than the head

the members.

After his defeat, Ferrando took refuge in Naples, whither the scattered

remnants of his people followed him; and by soliciting his friends, he

obtained money and a small force. He sent again for assistance to the

pope and the duke, by both of whom he was supplied more liberally

and speedily than before; for they began to entertain most serious

apprehensions of his losing the kingdom. His hopes were thus revived;

and, marching from Naples, he regained his reputation in his dominions,

and soon obtained the places of which he had been deprived. While the

war was proceeding in the kingdom, a circumstance occurred by which

John of Anjou lost his influence, and all chance of success in

the enterprise. The Genoese had become so weary of the haughty and

avaricious dominion of the French, that they took arms against the

viceroy, and compelled him to seek refuge in the castelletto; the

Fregosi and the Adorni united in the enterprise against him, and were

assisted with money and troops by the duke of Milan, both for the

recovery and preservation of the government. At the same time, King René

coming with a fleet to the assistance of his son, and hoping to recover

Genoa by means of the castelletto, upon landing his forces was so

completely routed, that he was compelled to return in disgrace to

Provence. When the news of his father's defeat reached Naples, John was

greatly alarmed, but continued the war for a time by the assistance of

those barons who, being rebels, knew they would obtain no terms from

Ferrando. At length, after various trifling occurrences, the two royal

armies came to an engagement, in which John was routed near Troia, in

the year 1463. He was, however, less injured by his defeat than by the

desertion of Jacopo Piccinino, who joined Ferrando; and, being abandoned

by his troops, he was compelled to take refuge in Istria, and thence

withdrew to France. This war continued four years. John's failure was

attributable to negligence; for victory was often within his grasp,

but he did not take proper means to secure it. The Florentines took no

decisive part in this war. John, king of Aragon, who succeeded upon the

death of Alfonso, sent ambassadors to request their assistance for his

nephew Ferrando, in compliance with the terms of the treaty recently

made with his father Alfonso. The Florentines replied, that they were

under no obligation; that they did not think proper to assist the son

in a war commenced by the father with his own forces; and that as it was

begun without either their counsel or knowledge, it must be continued

and concluded without their help. The ambassadors affirmed the

engagement to be binding on the Florentines, and themselves to be

answerable for the event of the war; and then in great anger left the

city.

Thus with regard to external affairs, the Florentines continued

tranquil during this war; but the case was otherwise with their domestic

concerns, as will be particularly shown in the following book.

BOOK VII

CHAPTER I

Connection of the other Italian governments with the history of

Florence--Republics always disunited--Some differences are injurious;

others not so--The kind of dissensions prevailing at Florence--Cosmo de'

Medici and Neri Capponi become powerful by dissimilar means--Reform

in the election of magistrates favorable to Cosmo--Complaints of

the principal citizens against the reform in elections--Luca Pitti,

Gonfalonier of Justice, restrains the imborsations by force--Tyranny and

pride of Luca Pitti and his party--Palace of the Pitti--Death of

Cosmo de' Medici--His liberality and magnificence--His modesty--His

prudence--Sayings of Cosmo.

It will perhaps appear to the readers of the preceding book that,

professing only to write of the affairs of Florence, I have dilated too

much in speaking of those which occurred in Lombardy and Naples. But

as I have not already avoided, so it is not my intention in future to

forbear, similar digressions. For although we have not engaged to

give an account of the affairs of Italy, still it would be improper

to neglect noticing the most remarkable of them. If they were wholly

omitted, our history would not be so well understood, neither would it

be so instructive or agreeable; since from the proceedings of the other

princes and states of Italy, have most commonly arisen those wars in

which the Florentines were compelled to take part. Thus, from the

war between John of Anjou and King Ferrando, originated those serious

enmities and hatreds which ensued between Ferrando and the Florentines,

particularly the house of Medici. The king complained of a want of

assistance during the war, and of the aid afforded to his enemy; and

from his anger originated the greatest evils, as will be hereafter seen.

Having, in speaking of external affairs, come down to the year 1463, it

will be necessary in order to make our narrative of the contemporaneous

domestic transactions clearly understood, to revert to a period several

years back. But first, according to custom, I would offer a few remarks

referring to the events about to be narrated, and observe, that those

who think a republic may be kept in perfect unity of purpose are greatly

deceived. True it is, that some divisions injure republics, while others

are beneficial to them. When accompanied by factions and parties they

are injurious; but when maintained without them they contribute to their

prosperity. The legislator of a republic, since it is impossible to

prevent the existence of dissensions, must at least take care to prevent

the growth of faction. It may therefore be observed, that citizens

acquire reputation and power in two ways; the one public, the other

private. Influence is acquired publicly by winning a battle, taking

possession of a territory, fulfilling the duties of an embassy with

care and prudence, or by giving wise counsel attended by a happy result.

Private methods are conferring benefits upon individuals, defending them

against the magistrates, supporting them with money, and raising them to

undeserved honors; or with public games and entertainments gaining the

affection of the populace. This mode of procedure produces parties and

cliques; and in proportion as influence thus acquired is injurious, so

is the former beneficial, if quite free from party spirit; because it is

founded upon the public good, and not upon private advantage. And though

it is impossible to prevent the existence of inveterate feuds, still

if they be without partisans to support them for their own individual

benefit, they do not injure a republic, but contribute to its welfare;

since none can attain distinction, but as he contributes to her good,

and each party prevents the other from infringing her liberties. The

dissensions of Florence were always accompanied by factions, and were

therefore always pernicious; and the dominant party only remained united

so long as its enemies held it in check. As soon as the strength of the

opposition was annihilated, the government, deprived of the restraining

influence of its adversaries, and being subject to no law, fell to

pieces. The party of Cosmo de' Medici gained the ascendant in 1434; but

the depressed party being very numerous, and composed of several very

influential persons, fear kept the former united, and restrained their

proceedings within the bounds of moderation, so that no violence was

committed by them, nor anything done calculated to excite popular

dislike. Consequently, whenever this government required the citizens'

aid to recover or strengthen its influence, the latter were always

willing to gratify its wishes; so that from 1434 to 1455, during a

period of twenty-one years, the authority of a balia was granted to it

six times.

There were in Florence, as we have frequently observed, two principally

powerful citizens, Cosmo de' Medici and Neri Capponi. Neri acquired

his influence by public services; so that he had many friends but few

partisans. Cosmo, being able to avail himself both of public and private

means, had many partisans as well as friends. While both lived,

having always been united, they obtained from the people whatever they

required; for in them popularity and power were united. But in the year

1455, Neri being dead, and the opposition party extinct, the government

found a difficulty in resuming its authority; and this was occasioned,

remarkably enough, by Cosmo's private friends, and the most influential

men in the state; for, not fearing the opposite party, they became

anxious to abate his power. This inconsistency was the beginning of

the evils which took place in 1456; so that those in power were openly

advised in the deliberative councils not to renew the power of the

balia, but to close the balloting purses, and appoint the magistrates by

drawing from the pollings or squittini previously made. To restrain this

disposition, Cosmo had the choice of two alternatives, either forcibly

to assume the government, with the partisans he possessed, and drive

out the others, or to allow the matter to take its course, and let his

friends see they were not depriving him of power, but rather themselves.

He chose the latter; for he well knew that at all events the purses

being filled with the names of his own friends, he incurred no risk, and

could take the government into his own hands whenever he found occasion.

The chief offices of state being again filled by lot, the mass of the

people began to think they had recovered their liberty, and that the

decisions of the magistrates were according to their own judgments,

unbiased by the influence of the Great. At the same time, the friends

of different grandees were humbled; and many who had commonly seen their

houses filled with suitors and presents, found themselves destitute of

both. Those who had previously been very powerful were reduced to an

equality with men whom they had been accustomed to consider inferior;

and those formerly far beneath them were now become their equals. No

respect or deference was paid to them; they were often ridiculed and

derided, and frequently heard themselves and the republic mentioned in

the open streets without the least deference; thus they found it was not

Cosmo but themselves that had lost the government. Cosmo appeared not to

notice these matters; and whenever any subject was proposed in favor

of the people he was the first to support it. But the greatest cause

of alarm to the higher classes, and his most favorable opportunity of

retaliation, was the revival of the catasto, or property-tax of 1427, so

that individual contributions were determined by statute, and not by a

set of persons appointed for its regulation.

This law being re-established, and a magistracy created to carry it into

effect, the nobility assembled, and went to Cosmo to beg he would rescue

them and himself from the power of the plebeians, and restore to the

government the reputation which had made himself powerful and them

respected. He replied, he was willing to comply with their request, but

wished the law to be obtained in the regular manner, by consent of the

people, and not by force, of which he would not hear on any account.

They then endeavored in the councils to establish a new balia, but did

not succeed. On this the grandees again came to Cosmo, and most humbly

begged he would assemble the people in a general council or parliament,

but this he refused, for he wished to make them sensible of their great

mistake; and when Donato Cocchi, being Gonfalonier of Justice, proposed

to assemble them without his consent, the Signors who were of Cosmo's

party ridiculed the idea so unmercifully, that the man's mind actually

became deranged, and he had to retire from office in consequence.

However, since it is undesirable to allow matters to proceed beyond

recovery, the Gonfalon of Justice being in the hands of Luca Pitti,

a bold-spirited man, Cosmo determined to let him adopt what course he

thought proper, that if any trouble should arise it might be imputed

to Luca and not to himself. Luca, therefore, in the beginning of his

magistracy, several times proposed to the people the appointment of

a new balia; and, not succeeding, he threatened the members of the

councils with injurious and arrogant expressions, which were shortly

followed by corresponding conduct; for in the month of August, 1458, on

the eve of Saint Lorenzo, having filled the piazza, and compelled

them to assent to a measure to which he knew them to be averse. Having

recovered power, created a new balia, and filled the principal offices

according to the pleasure of a few individuals, in order to commence

that government with terror which they had obtained by force, they

banished Girolamo Machiavelli, with some others, and deprived many of

the honors of government. Girolamo, having transgressed the confines to

which he was limited, was declared a rebel. Traveling about Italy, with

the design of exciting the princes against his country, he was betrayed

while at Lunigiana, and, being brought to Florence, was put to death in

prison.

This government, during the eight years it continued, was violent and

insupportable; for Cosmo, being now old, and through ill health unable

to attend to public affairs as formerly, Florence became a prey to a

small number of her own citizens. Luca Pitti, in return for the services

he had performed for the republic, as made a knight, and to be no less

grateful than those who had conferred the dignity upon him, he ordered

that the priors, who had hitherto been called priors of the trades,

should also have a name to which they had no kind of claim, and

therefore called them priors of liberty. He also ordered, that as it

had been customary for the gonfalonier to sit upon the right hand of

the rectors, he should in future take his seat in the midst of them. And

that the Deity might appear to participate in what had been done, public

processions were made and solemn services performed, to thank him for

the recovery of the government. The Signory and Cosmo made Luca Pitti

rich presents, and all the citizens were emulous in imitation of them;

so that the money given amounted to no less a sum than twenty thousand

ducats. He thus attained such influence, that not Cosmo but himself now

governed the city; and his pride so increased, that he commenced two

superb buildings, one in Florence, the other at Ruciano, about a mile

distant, both in a style of royal magnificence; that in the city, being

larger than any hitherto built by a private person. To complete them, he

had recourse to the most extraordinary means; for not only citizens and

private individuals made him presents and supplied materials, but the

mass of people, of every grade, also contributed. Besides this, any

exiles who had committed murders, thefts, or other crimes which made

them amenable to the laws, found a safe refuge within their walls, if

they were able to contribute toward their decoration or completion. The

other citizens, though they did not build like him, were no less violent

or rapacious, so that if Florence were not harassed by external wars,

she was ruined by the wickedness of her own children. During this period

the wars of Naples took place. The pope also commenced hostilities in

Romagna against the Malatesti, from whom he wished to take Rimino and

Cesena, held by them. In these designs, and his intentions of a crusade

against the Turks, was passed the pontificate of Pius II.

Florence continued in disunion and disturbance. The dissensions

continued among the party of Cosmo, in 1455, from the causes already

related, which by his prudence, as we have also before remarked, he was

enabled to tranquilize; but in the year 1464, his illness increased,

and he died. Friends and enemies alike grieved for his loss; for his

political opponents, perceiving the rapacity of the citizens, even

during the life of him who alone restrained them and made their tyranny

supportable, were afraid, lest after his decease, nothing but ruin would

ensue. Nor had they much hope of his son Piero, who though a very good

man, was of infirm health, and new in the government, and they thought

he would be compelled to give way; so that, being unrestrained, their

rapacity would pass all bounds. On these accounts, the regret was

universal. Of all who have left memorials behind them, and who were not

of the military profession, Cosmo was the most illustrious and the most

renowned. He not only surpassed all his contemporaries in wealth and

authority, but also in generosity and prudence; and among the qualities

which contributed to make him prince in his own country, was his

surpassing all others in magnificence and generosity. His liberality

became more obvious after his death, when Piero, his son, wishing

to know what he possessed, it appeared there was no citizen of any

consequence to whom Cosmo had not lent a large sum of money; and often,

when informed of some nobleman being in distress, he relieved him

unasked. His magnificence is evident from the number of public edifices

he erected; for in Florence are the convents and churches of St. Marco

and St. Lorenzo, and the monastery of Santa Verdiana; in the mountains

of Fiesole, the church and abbey of St. Girolamo; and in the Mugello, he

not only restored, but rebuilt from its foundation, a monastery of the

Frati Minori, or Minims. Besides these, in the church of Santa Croce,

the Servi, the Agnoli, and in San Miniato, he erected splendid chapels

and altars; and besides building the churches and chapels we have

mentioned, he provided them with all the ornaments, furniture, and

utensils suitable for the performance of divine service. To these sacred

edifices are to be added his private dwellings, one in Florence, of

extent and elegance adapted to so great a citizen, and four others,

situated at Careggi, Fiesole, Craggiulo, and Trebbio, each, for size and

grandeur, equal to royal palaces. And, as if it were not sufficient

to be distinguished for magnificence of buildings in Italy alone, he

erected an hospital at Jerusalem, for the reception of poor and infirm

pilgrims. Although his habitations, like all his other works and

actions, were quite of a regal character, and he alone was prince in

Florence, still everything was so tempered with his prudence, that

he never transgressed the decent moderation of civil life; in his

conversation, his servants, his traveling, his mode of living, and the

relationships he formed, the modest demeanor of the citizen was always

evident; for he was aware that a constant exhibition of pomp brings

more envy upon its possessor than greater realities borne without

ostentation. Thus in selecting consorts for his sons, he did not

seek the alliance of princes, but for Giovanni chose Corneglia degli

Allesandri, and for Piero, Lucrezia de' Tornabuoni. He gave his

granddaughters, the children of Piero, Bianca to Guglielmo de' Pazzi,

and Nannina to Bernardo Ruccellai. No one of his time possessed such an

intimate knowledge of government and state affairs as himself; and hence

amid such a variety of fortune, in a city so given to change, and among

a people of such extreme inconstancy, he retained possession of the

government thirty-one years; for being endowed with the utmost prudence,

he foresaw evils at a distance, and therefore had an opportunity either

of averting them, or preventing their injurious results. He thus not

only vanquished domestic and civil ambition, but humbled the pride of

many princes with so much fidelity and address, that whatever powers

were in league with himself and his country, either overcame their

adversaries, or remained uninjured by his alliance; and whoever were

opposed to him, lost either their time, money, or territory. Of this

the Venetians afford a sufficient proof, who, while in league with him

against Duke Filippo were always victorious, but apart from him were

always conquered; first by Filippo and then by Francesco. When they

joined Alfonso against the Florentine republic, Cosmo, by his commercial

credit, so drained Naples and Venice of money, that they were glad to

obtain peace upon any terms it was thought proper to grant. Whatever

difficulties he had to contend with, whether within the city or without,

he brought to a happy issue, at once glorious to himself and destructive

to his enemies; so that civil discord strengthened his government in

Florence, and war increased his power and reputation abroad. He added

to the Florentine dominions, the Borgo of St. Sepolcro, Montedoglio, the

Casentino and Val di Bagno. His virtue and good fortune overcame all his

enemies and exalted his friends. He was born in the year 1389, on the

day of the saints Cosmo and Damiano. His earlier years were full of

trouble, as his exile, captivity, and personal danger fully testify;

and having gone to the council of Constance, with Pope John, in order to

save his life, after the ruin of the latter, he was obliged to escape in

disguise. But after the age of forty, he enjoyed the greatest felicity;

and not only those who assisted him in public business, but his

agents who conducted his commercial speculations throughout Europe,

participated in his prosperity. Hence many enormous fortunes took their

origin in different families of Florence, as in that of the Tornabuoni,

the Benci, the Portinari, and the Sassetti. Besides these, all who

depended upon his advice and patronage became rich; and, though he

was constantly expending money in building churches, and in charitable

purposes, he sometimes complained to his friends that he had never been

able to lay out so much in the service of God as to find the balance in

his own favor, intimating that all he had done or could do, was still

unequal to what the Almighty had done for him. He was of middle stature,

olive complexion, and venerable aspect; not learned but exceedingly

eloquent, endowed with great natural capacity, generous to his friends,

kind to the poor, comprehensive in discourse, cautious in advising,

and in his speeches and replies, grave and witty. When Rinaldo degli

Albizzi, at the beginning of his exile, sent to him to say, "the hen had

laid," he replied, "she did ill to lay so far from the nest." Some other

of the rebels gave him to understand they were "not dreaming." He said,

"he believed it, for he had robbed them of their sleep." When Pope

Pius was endeavoring to induce the different governments to join in

an expedition against the Turks, he said, "he was an old man, and had

undertaken the enterprise of a young one." To the Venetians ambassadors,

who came to Florence with those of King Alfonso to complain of the

republic, he uncovered his head, and asked them what color it was; they

said, "white;" he replied, "it is so; and it will not be long before

your senators have heads as white as mine." A few hours before his

death, his wife asked him why he kept his eyes shut, and he said, "to

get them in the way of it." Some citizens saying to him, after his

return from exile, that he injured the city, and that it was offensive

to God to drive so many religious persons out of it; he replied that,

"it was better to injure the city, than to ruin it; that two yards

of rose-colored cloth would make a gentleman, and that it required

something more to direct a government than to play with a string of

beads." These words gave occasion to his enemies to slander him, as a

man who loved himself more than his country, and was more attached

to this world than to the next. Many others of his sayings might be

adduced, but we shall omit them as unnecessary. Cosmo was a friend and

patron of learned men. He brought Argiripolo, a Greek by birth, and one

of the most erudite of his time, to Florence, to instruct the youth in

Hellenic literature. He entertained Marsilio Ficino, the reviver of the

Platonic philosophy, in his own house; and being much attached to him,

have him a residence near his palace at Careggi, that he might pursue

the study of letters with greater convenience, and himself have an

opportunity of enjoying his company. His prudence, his great wealth, the

uses to which he applied it, and his splendid style of living, caused

him to be beloved and respected in Florence, and obtained for him the

highest consideration, not only among the princes and governments of

Italy, but throughout all Europe. He thus laid a foundation for his

descendants, which enabled them to equal him in virtue, and greatly

surpass him in fortune; while the authority they possessed in Florence

and throughout Christendom was not obtained without being merited.

Toward the close of his life he suffered great affliction; for, of his

two sons, Piero and Giovanni, the latter, of whom he entertained the

greatest hopes, died; and the former was so sickly as to be unable to

attend either to public or private business. On being carried from

one apartment to another, after Giovanni's death, he remarked to his

attendants, with a sigh, "This is too large a house for so small a

family." His great mind also felt distressed at the idea that he had not

extended the Florentine dominions by any valuable acquisition; and he

regretted it the more, from imagining he had been deceived by Francesco

Sforza, who, while count, had promised, that if he became lord of Milan,

he would undertake the conquest of Lucca for the Florentines, a design,

however, that was never realized; for the count's ideas changed upon his

becoming duke; he resolved to enjoy in peace, the power he had acquired

by war, and would not again encounter its fatigues and dangers, unless

the welfare of his own dominions required it. This was a source of much

annoyance to Cosmo, who felt he had incurred great expense and trouble

for an ungrateful and perfidious friend. His bodily infirmities

prevented him from attending either to public or private affairs, as he

had been accustomed, and he consequently witnessed both going to decay;

for Florence was ruined by her own citizens, and his fortune by his

agents and children. He died, however, at the zenith of his glory and

in the enjoyment of the highest renown. The city, and all the Christian

princes, condoled with his son Piero for his loss. His funeral was

conducted with the utmost pomp and solemnity, the whole city following

his corpse to the tomb in the church of St. Lorenzo, on which, by public

decree, he was inscribed, "FATHER OF HIS COUNTRY." If, in speaking of

Cosmo's actions, I have rather imitated the biographies of princes than

general history, it need not occasion wonder; for of so extraordinary an

individual I was compelled to speak with unusual praise.

CHAPTER II

The duke of Milan becomes lord of Genoa--The king of Naples and the

duke of Milan endeavor to secure their dominions to their heirs--Jacopo

Piccinino honorably received at Milan, and shortly afterward murdered

at Naples--Fruitless endeavors of Pius II. to excite Christendom against

the Turks--Death of Francesco Sforza, duke of Milan--Perfidious counsel

given to Piero de' Medici by Diotisalvi Neroni--Conspiracy of

Diotisalvi and others against Piero--Futile attempts to appease the

disorders--Public spectacles--Projects of the conspirators against Piero

de' Medici--Niccolo Fedini discloses to Piero the plots of his enemies.

While Florence and Italy were in this condition, Louis XI. of France

was involved in very serious troubles with his barons, who, with the

assistance of Francis, duke of Brittany, and Charles, duke of Burgundy,

were in arms against him. This attack was so serious, that he was unable

to render further assistance to John of Anjou in his enterprise against

Genoa and Naples; and, standing in need of all the forces he could

raise, he gave over Savona (which still remained in the power of the

French) to the duke of Milan, and also intimated, that if he wished,

he had his permission to undertake the conquest of Genoa. Francesco

accepted the proposal, and with the influence afforded by the king's

friendship, and the assistance of the Adorni, he became lord of Genoa.

In acknowledgment of this benefit, he sent fifteen hundred horse into

France for the king's service, under the command of Galeazzo, his eldest

son. Thus Ferrando of Aragon and Francesco Sforza became, the latter,

duke of Lombardy and prince of Genoa, and the former, sovereign of the

whole kingdom of Naples. Their families being allied by marriage, they

thought they might so confirm their power as to secure to themselves its

enjoyment during life, and at their deaths, its unencumbered reversion

to their heirs. To attain this end, they considered it necessary that

the king should remove all ground of apprehension from those barons who

had offended him in the war of John of Anjou, and that the duke should

extirpate the adherents of the Bracceschi, the natural enemies of

his family, who, under Jacopo Piccinino, had attained the highest

reputation. The latter was now the first general in Italy, and

possessing no territory, he naturally excited the apprehension of all

who had dominions, and especially of the duke, who, conscious of what

he had himself done, thought he could neither enjoy his own estate in

safety, nor leave them with any degree of security to his son during

Jacopo's lifetime. The king, therefore, strenuously endeavored to come

to terms with his barons, and using his utmost ingenuity to secure them,

succeeded in his object; for they perceived their ruin to be inevitable

if they continued in war with their sovereign, though from submission

and confidence in him, they would still have reason for apprehension.

Mankind are always most eager to avoid a certain evil; and hence

inferior powers are easily deceived by princes. The barons, conscious

of the danger of continuing the war, trusted the king's promises, and

having placed themselves in his hands, they were soon after destroyed

in various ways, and under a variety of pretexts. This alarmed Jacopo

Piccinino, who was with his forces at Sulmona; and to deprive the king

of the opportunity of treating him similarly, he endeavored, by the

mediation of his friends, to be reconciled with the duke, who, by the

most liberal offers, induced Jacopo to visit him at Milan, accompanied

by only a hundred horse.

Jacopo had served many years with his father and brother, first under

Duke Filippo, and afterward under the Milanese republic, so that by

frequent intercourse with the citizens he had acquired many friends and

universal popularity, which present circumstances tended to increase;

for the prosperity and newly acquired power of the Sforzeschi had

occasioned envy, while Jacopo's misfortunes and long absence had given

rise to compassion and a great desire to see him. These various feelings

were displayed upon his arrival; for nearly all the nobility went to

meet him; the streets through which he passed were filled with citizens,

anxious to catch a glimpse of him, while shouts of "The Bracceschi! the

Bracceschi!" resounded on all sides. These honors accelerated his ruin;

for the duke's apprehensions increased his desire of destroying him; and

to effect this with the least possible suspicion, Jacopo's marriage with

Drusiana, the duke's natural daughter, was now celebrated. The duke then

arranged with Ferrando to take him into pay, with the title of captain

of his forces, and give him 100,000 florins for his maintenance. After

this agreement, Jacopo, accompanied by a ducal ambassador and his wife

Drusiana, proceeded to Naples, where he was honorably and joyfully

received, and for many days entertained with every kind of festivity;

but having asked permission to go to Sulmona, where his forces were, the

king invited him to a banquet in the castle, at the conclusion of which

he and his son Francesco were imprisoned, and shortly afterward put to

death. It was thus our Italian princes, fearing those virtues in others

which they themselves did not possess, extirpated them; and hence the

country became a prey to the efforts of those by whom it was not long

afterward oppressed and ruined.

At this time, Pope Pius II. having settled the affairs of Romagna, and

witnessing a universal peace, thought it a suitable opportunity to lead

the Christians against the Turks, and adopted measures similar to those

which his predecessors had used. All the princes promised assistance

either in men or money; while Matthias, king of Hungary, and Charles,

duke of Burgundy, intimated their intention of joining the enterprise

in person, and were by the pope appointed leaders of the expedition. The

pontiff was so full of expectation, that he left Rome and proceeded

to Ancona, where it had been arranged that the whole army should be

assembled, and the Venetians engaged to send ships thither to convey the

forces to Sclavonia. Upon the arrival of the pope in that city,

there was soon such a concourse of people, that in a few days all

the provisions it contained, or that could be procured from the

neighborhood, were consumed, and famine began to impend. Besides this,

there was no money to provide those who were in want of it, nor arms

to furnish such as were without them. Neither Matthias nor Charles made

their appearance. The Venetians sent a captain with some galleys, but

rather for ostentation and the sake of keeping their word, than for the

purpose of conveying troops. During this position of affairs, the pope,

being old and infirm, died, and the assembled troops returned to their

homes. The death of the pontiff occurred in 1465, and Paul II. of

Venetian origin, was chosen to succeed him; and that nearly all the

principalities of Italy might change their rulers about the same period,

in the following year Francesco Sforza, duke of Milan, also died, having

occupied the dukedom sixteen years, and Galleazzo, his son, succeeded

him.

The death of this prince infused redoubled energy into the Florentine

dissensions, and caused them to produce more prompt effects than they

would otherwise have done. Upon the demise of Cosmo, his son Piero,

being heir to the wealth and government of his father, called to his

assistance Diotisalvi Neroni, a man of great influence and the highest

reputation, in whom Cosmo reposed so much confidence that just before

his death he recommended Piero to be wholly guided by him, both with

regard to the government of the city and the management of his fortune.

Piero acquired Diotisalvi with the opinion Cosmo entertained of him,

and said that as he wished to obey his father, though now no more, as

he always had while alive, he should consult him concerning both his

patrimony and the city. Beginning with his private affairs, he caused

an account of all his property, liabilities, and assets, to be placed in

Diotisalvi's hands, that, with an entire acquaintance with the state of

his affairs, he might be able to afford suitable advice, and the latter

promised to use the utmost care. Upon examination of these accounts the

affairs were found to be in great disorder, and Diotisalvi, instigated

rather by his own ambition than by attachment to Piero or gratitude

to Cosmo, thought he might without difficulty deprive him of both

the reputation and the splendor which his father had left him as his

inheritance. In order to realize his views, he waited upon Piero, and

advised him to adopt a measure which, while it appeared quite correct in

itself, and suitable to existing circumstances, involved a consequence

destructive to his authority. He explained the disorder of his affairs,

and the large amount of money it would be necessary to provide, if he

wished to preserve his influence in the state and his reputation of

wealth; and said there was no other means of remedying these disorders

so just and available as to call in the sums which his father had lent

to an infinite number of persons, both foreigners and citizens;

for Cosmo, to acquire partisans in Florence and friends abroad, was

extremely liberal of his money, and the amount of loans due to him was

enormous. Piero thought the advice good, because he was only desirous to

repossess his own property to meet the demands to which he was liable;

but as soon as he had ordered those amounts to be recalled, the

citizens, as if he had asked for something to which he had no kind of

claim, took great offense, loaded him with opprobrious expressions, and

accused him of being avaricious and ungrateful.

Diotisalvi, noticing the popular excitement against Piero, occasioned

by his own advice, obtained an interview with Luca Pitti, Agnolo

Acciajuoli, and Niccolo Soderini, and they resolved to unite their

efforts to deprive him both of the government and his influence. Each

was actuated by a different motive; Luca Pitti wished to take the

position Cosmo had occupied, for he was now become so great, that he

disdained to submit to Piero; Diotisalvi Neroni, who knew Luca unfit

to be at the head of a government, thought that of necessity on Piero's

removal, the whole authority of the state would devolve upon himself;

Niccolo Soderini desired the city to enjoy greater liberty, and for

the laws to be equally binding upon all. Agnolo Acciajuoli was greatly

incensed against the Medici, for the following reasons: his son,

Raffaello, had some time before married Alessandra de' Bardi, and

received with her a large dowry. She, either by her own fault or

the misconduct of others, suffered much ill-treatment both from her

father-in-law and her husband, and in consequence Lorenzo d' Ilarione,

her kinsman, out of pity for the girl, being accompanied by several

armed men, took her away from Agnolo's house. The Acciajuoli complained

of the injury done them by the Bardi, and the matter was referred to

Cosmo, who decided that the Acciajuoli should restore to Alessandra her

fortune, and then leave it to her choice either to return to her husband

or not. Agnolo thought Cosmo had not, in this instance, treated him as

a friend; and having been unable to avenge himself on the father, he now

resolved to do his utmost to ruin the son. These conspirators, though

each was influenced by a different motive from the rest, affected to

have only one object in view, which was that the city should be governed

by the magistrates, and not be subjected to the counsels of a few

individuals. The odium against Piero, and opportunities of injuring him,

were increased by the number of merchants who failed about this time;

for it was reported that he, in having, quite unexpectedly to all,

resolved to call in his debts, had, to the disgrace and ruin of the

city, caused them to become insolvent. To this was added his endeavor

to obtain Clarice degli Orsini as wife of Lorenzo, his eldest son; and

hence his enemies took occasion to say, it was quite clear, that as he

despised a Florentine alliance, he no longer considered himself one of

the people, and was preparing to make himself prince; for he who refuses

his fellow-citizens as relatives, desires to make them slaves, and

therefore cannot expect to have them as friends. The leaders of the

sedition thought they had the victory in their power; for the greater

part of the citizens followed them, deceived by the name of liberty

which they, to give their purpose a graceful covering, adopted upon

their ensigns.

In this agitated state of the city, some, to whom civil discord was

extremely offensive, thought it would be well to endeavor to engage

men's minds with some new occupation, because when unemployed they

are commonly led by whoever chooses to excite them. To divert their

attention from matters of government, it being now a year since the

death of Cosmo, it was resolved to celebrate two festivals, similar to

the most solemn observed in the city. At one of them was represented

the arrival of the three kings from the east, led by the star which

announced the nativity of Christ; which was conducted with such pomp and

magnificence, that the preparations for it kept the whole city occupied

many months. The other was a tournament (for so they call the exhibition

of equestrian combats), in which the sons of the first families in the

city took part with the most celebrated cavaliers of Italy. Among the

most distinguished of the Florentine youth was Lorenzo, eldest son of

Piero, who, not by favor, but by his own personal valor, obtained the

principal prize. When these festivals were over, the citizens reverted

to the same thoughts which had previously occupied them, and each

pursued his ideas with more earnestness than ever. Serious differences

and troubles were the result; and these were greatly increased by two

circumstances: one of which was, that the authority of the balia had

expired; the other, that upon the death of Duke Francesco, Galeazzo the

new duke sent ambassadors to Florence, to renew the engagements of his

father with the city, which, among other things, provided that every

year a certain sum of money should be paid to the duke. The principal

opponents of the Medici took occasion, from this demand, to make public

resistance in the councils, on pretense that the alliance was made with

Francesco and not Galeazzo; so that Francesco being dead, the obligation

had ceased; nor was there any necessity to revive it, because Galeazzo

did not possess his father's talents, and consequently they neither

could nor ought to expect the same benefits from him; that if they had

derived little advantage from Francesco, they would obtain still less

from Galeazzo; and that if any citizen wished to hire him for his own

purposes, it was contrary to civil rule, and inconsistent with the

public liberty. Piero, on the contrary, argued that it would be very

impolitic to lose such an alliance from mere avarice, and that there

was nothing so important to the republic, and to the whole of Italy,

as their alliance with the duke; that the Venetians, while they were

united, could not hope either by feigned friendship or open war

to injure the duchy; but as soon as they perceived the Florentines

alienated from him they would prepare for hostilities, and, finding him

young, new in the government, and without friends, they would, either

by force or fraud, compel him to join them; in which case ruin of the

republic would be inevitable.

The arguments of Piero were without effect, and the animosity of the

parties began to be openly manifested in their nocturnal assemblies; the

friends of the Medici meeting in the Crocetta, and their adversaries in

the Pieta. The latter being anxious for Piero's ruin, had induced many

citizens to subscribe their names as favorable to the undertaking. Upon

one occasion, particularly when considering the course to be adopted,

although all agreed that the power of the Medici ought to be reduced,

different opinions were given concerning the means by which it should be

effected; one party, the most temperate and reasonable, held that as the

authority of the balia had ceased, they must take care to prevent

its renewal; it would then be found to be the universal wish that the

magistrates and councils should govern the city, and in a short time

Piero's power would be visibly diminished, and, as a consequence of his

loss of influence in the government, his commercial credit would also

fail; for his affairs were in such a state, that if they could prevent

him from using the public money his ruin must ensue. They would thus

be in no further danger from him, and would succeed in the recovery of

their liberty, without the death or exile of any individual; but if

they attempted violence they would incur great dangers; for mankind

are willing to allow one who falls of himself to meet his fate, but if

pushed down they would hasten to his relief; so that if they adopted no

extraordinary measures against him, he will have no reason for defense

or aid; and if he were to seek them it would be greatly to his own

injury, by creating such a general suspicion as would accelerate his

ruin, and justify whatever course they might think proper to adopt. Many

of the assembly were dissatisfied with this tardy method of proceeding;

they thought delay would be favorable to him and injurious to

themselves; for if they allowed matters to take their ordinary course,

Piero would be in no danger whatever, while they themselves would incur

many; for the magistrates who were opposed to him would allow him to

rule the city, and his friends would make him a prince, and their own

ruin would be inevitable, as happened in 1458; and though the advice

they had just heard might be most consistent with good feeling, the

present would be found to be the safest. That it would therefore be

best, while the minds of men were yet excited against him, to effect

his destruction. It must be their plan to arm themselves, and engage the

assistance of the marquis of Ferrara, that they might not be destitute

of troops; and if a favorable Signory were drawn, they would be in

condition to make use of them. They therefore determined to wait the

formation of the new Signory, and be governed by circumstances.

Among the conspirators was Niccolo Fedini, who had acted as president of

their assemblies. He, being induced by most certain hopes, disclosed the

whole affair to Piero, and gave him a list of those who had subscribed

their names, and also of the conspirators. Piero was alarmed on

discovering the number and quality of those who were opposed to him; and

by the advice of his friends he resolved to take the signatures of those

who were inclined to favor him. Having employed one of his most

trusty confidants to carry his design into effect, he found so great a

disposition to change and instability, that many who had previously set

down their names among the number of his enemies, now subscribed them in

his favor.

CHAPTER III

Niccolo Soderini drawn Gonfalonier of Justice--Great hopes excited in

consequence--The two parties take arms--The fears of the Signory--Their

conduct with regard to Piero--Piero's reply to the Signory--Reform of

government in favor of Piero de' Medici--Dispersion of his enemies--Fall

of Lucca Pitti--Letter of Agnolo Acciajuoli to Piero de' Medici--Piero's

answer--Designs of the Florentine exiles--They induce the Venetians to

make war on Florence.

In the midst of these events, the time arrived for the renewal of

the supreme magistracy; and Niccolo Soderini was drawn Gonfalonier

of Justice. It was surprising to see by what a concourse, not only of

distinguished citizens, but also of the populace, he was accompanied to

the palace; and while on the way thither an olive wreath was placed upon

his head, to signify that upon him depended the safety and liberty

of the city. This, among many similar instances, serves to prove how

undesirable it is to enter upon office or power exciting inordinate

expectations; for, being unable to fulfil them (many looking for more

than it is possible to perform), shame and disappointment are the

ordinary results. Tommaso and Niccolo Soderini were brothers. Niccolo

was the more ardent and spirited, Tommaso the wiser man; who, being very

much the friend of Piero, and knowing that his brother desired nothing

but the liberty of the city, and the stability of the republic, without

injury to any, advised him to make new Squittini, by which means the

election purses might be filled with the names of those favorable to his

design. Niccolo took his brother's advice, and thus wasted the period

of his magistracy in vain hopes, which his friends, the leading

conspirators, allowed him to do from motives of envy; for they were

unwilling that the government should be reformed by the authority

of Niccolo, and thought they would be in time enough to effect their

purpose under another gonfalonier. Thus the magistracy of Niccolo

expired; and having commenced many things without completing aught, he

retired from office with much less credit than when he had entered upon

it.

This circumstance caused the aggrandizement of Piero's party, whose

friends entertained stronger hopes, while those who had been neutral or

wavering became his adherents; so that both sides being balanced,

many months elapsed without any open demonstration of their particular

designs. Piero's party continuing to gather strength, his enemies'

indignation increased in proportion; and they now determined to effect

by force what they either could not accomplish, or were unwilling to

attempt by the medium of the magistrates, which was assassination of

Piero, who lay sick at Careggi, and to this end order the marquis of

Ferrara nearer to the city with his forces, that after Piero's death he

might lead them into the piazza, and thus compel the Signory to form a

government according to their own wishes; for though all might not be

friendly, they trusted they would be able to induce those to submit by

fear who might be opposed to them from principle.

Diotisalvi, the better to conceal his design, frequently visited Piero,

conversed with him respecting the union of the city, and advised him to

effect it. The conspirators' designs had already been fully disclosed to

Piero; besides this, Domenico Martelli had informed him, that Francesco

Neroni, the brother of Diotisalvi, had endeavored to induce him to join

them, assuring him the victory was certain, and their object all but

attained. Upon this, Piero resolved to take advantage of his enemies'

tampering with the marquis of Ferrara, and be first in arms. He

therefore intimated that he had received a letter from Giovanni

Bentivogli, prince of Bologna, which informed him that the marquis of

Ferrara was upon the river Albo, at the head of a considerable force,

with the avowed intention of leading it to Florence; that upon this

advice he had taken up arms; after which, in the midst of a strong

force, he came to the city, when all who were disposed to support him,

armed themselves also. The adverse party did the same, but not in such

good order, being unprepared. The residence of Diotisalvi being near

that of Piero, he did not think himself safe in it, but first went to

the palace and begged the Signory would endeavor to induce Piero to lay

down his arms, and thence to Luca Pitti, to keep him faithful in their

cause. Niccolo Soderini displayed the most activity; for taking arms,

and being followed by nearly all the plebeians in his vicinity, he

proceeded to the house of Luca, and begged that he would mount his

horse, and come to the piazza in support of the Signory, who were, he

said, favorable, and that the victory would, undoubtedly, be on their

side; that he should not stay in the house to be basely slain by their

armed enemies, or ignominiously deceived by those who were unarmed; for,

in that case, he would soon repent of having neglected an opportunity

irrecoverably lost; that if he desired the forcible ruin of Piero, he

might easily effect it; and that if he were anxious for peace, it would

be far better to be in a condition to propose terms than to be compelled

to accept any that might be offered. These words produced no effect upon

Luca, whose mind was now quite made up; he had been induced to desert

his party by new conditions and promises of alliance from Piero; for one

of his nieces had been married to Giovanni Tornabuoni. He, therefore,

advised Niccolo to dismiss his followers and return home, telling him

he ought to be satisfied, if the city were governed by the magistrates,

which would certainly be the case, and that all ought to lay aside their

weapons; for the Signory, most of whom were friendly, would decide their

differences. Niccolo, finding him impracticable, returned home; but

before he left, he said, "I can do the city no good alone, but I can

easily foresee the evils that will befall her. This resolution of yours

will rob our country of her liberty; you will lose the government, I

shall lose my property, and the rest will be exiled."

During this disturbance the Signory closed the palace and kept their

magistrates about them, without showing favor to either party. The

citizens, especially those who had followed Luca Pitti, finding Piero

fully prepared and his adversaries unarmed, began to consider, not how

they might injure him, but how, with least observation, glide into

the ranks of his friends. The principal citizens, the leaders of both

factions, assembled in the palace in the presence of the Signory,

and spoke respecting the state of the city and the reconciliation

of parties; and as the infirmities of Piero prevented him from being

present, they, with one exception, unanimously determined to wait upon

him at his house. Niccolo Soderini having first placed his children

and his effects under the care of his brother Tommaso, withdrew to his

villa, there to await the event, but apprehended misfortune to himself

and ruin to his country. The other citizens coming into Piero's

presence, one of them who had been appointed spokesman, complained of

the disturbances that had arisen in the city, and endeavored to show,

that those must be most to blame who had been first to take up arms; and

not knowing what Piero (who was evidently the first to do so) intended,

they had come in order to be informed of his design, and if it had in

view the welfare of the city, they were desirous of supporting it. Piero

replied, that not those who first take arms are the most to blame, but

those who give the first occasion for it, and if they would reflect a

little on their mode of proceeding toward himself, they would cease to

wonder at what he had done; for they could not fail to perceive, that

nocturnal assemblies, the enrollment of partisans, and attempts to

deprive him both of his authority and his life, had caused him to take

arms; and they might further observe, that as his forces had not quitted

his own house, his design was evidently only to defend himself and not

to injure others. He neither sought nor desired anything but safety and

repose; neither had his conduct ever manifested a desire for ought else;

for when the authority of the Balia expired, he never made any attempt

to renew it, and was very glad the magistrates had governed the city and

had been content. They might also remember that Cosmo and his sons could

live respected in Florence, either with the Balia or without it, and

that in 1458, it was not his family, but themselves, who had renewed it.

That if they did not wish for it at present, neither did he; but this

did not satisfy them; for he perceived that they thought it impossible

to remain in Florence while he was there. It was entirely beyond all

his anticipations that his own or his father's friends should think

themselves unsafe with him in Florence, having always shown himself

quiet and peaceable. He then addressed himself to Diotisalvi and his

brothers, who were present, reminding them with grave indignation, of

the benefits they had received from Cosmo, the confidence he had reposed

in them and their subsequent ingratitude; and his words so strongly

excited some present, that had he not interfered, they would certainly

have torn the Neroni to pieces on the spot. He concluded by saying, that

he should approve of any determination of themselves and the Signory;

and that for his own part, he only desired peace and safety. After this,

many things were discussed, but nothing determined, excepting generally,

that it was necessary to reform the administration of the city and

government.

The Gonfalon of Justice was then in the hands of Bernardo Lotti, a man

not in the confidence of Piero, who was therefore disinclined to attempt

aught while he was in office; but no inconvenience would result from the

delay, as his magistracy was on the point of expiring. Upon the election

of Signors for the months of September and October, 1466, Roberto Lioni

was appointed to the supreme magistracy, and as soon as he assumed its

duties, every requisite arrangement having been previously made, the

people were called to the piazza, and a new Balia created, wholly in

favor of Piero, who soon afterward filled all the offices of government

according to his own pleasure. These transactions alarmed the leaders of

the opposite faction, and Agnolo Acciajuoli fled to Naples, Diotisalvi

Neroni and Niccolo Soderini to Venice. Luca Pitti remained in Florence,

trusting to his new relationship and the promises of Piero. The refugees

were declared rebels, and all the family of the Neroni were dispersed.

Giovanni di Neroni, then archbishop of Florence, to avoid a greater

evil, became a voluntary exile at Rome, and to many other citizens

who fled, various places of banishment were appointed. Nor was this

considered sufficient; for it was ordered that the citizens should go

in solemn procession to thank God for the preservation of the government

and the reunion of the city, during the performance of which, some were

taken and tortured, and part of them afterward put to death and exiled.

In this great vicissitude of affairs, there was not a more remarkable

instance of the uncertainty of fortune than Luca Pitti, who soon found

the difference between victory and defeat, honor and disgrace. His house

now presented only a vast solitude, where previously crowds of citizens

had assembled. In the streets, his friends and relatives, instead of

accompanying, were afraid even to salute him. Some of them were deprived

of the honors of government, others of their property, and all alike

threatened. The superb edifices he had commenced were abandoned by

the builders; the benefits that had been conferred upon him, where now

exchanged for injuries, the honors for disgrace. Hence many of those who

had presented him with articles of value now demanded them back again,

as being only lent; and those who had been in the habit of extolling

him as a man of surpassing excellence, now termed him violent and

ungrateful. So that, when too late, he regretted not having taken the

advice of Niccolo Soderini, and preferred an honorable death in battle,

than to a life of ignominy among his victorious enemies.

The exiles now began to consider various means of recovering that

citizenship which they had not been able to preserve. However, Agnolo

Acciajuoli being at Naples, before he attempted anything else, resolved

to sound Piero, and try if he could effect a reconciliation. For this

purpose, he wrote to him in the following terms: "I cannot help laughing

at the freaks of fortune, perceiving how, at her pleasure, she converts

friends into enemies, and enemies into friends. You may remember that

during your father's exile, regarding more the injury done to him than

my own misfortunes, I was banished, and in danger of death, and never

during Cosmo's life failed to honor and support your family; neither

have I since his death ever entertained a wish to injure you. True,

it is, that your own sickness, and the tender years of your sons,

so alarmed me, that I judged it desirable to give such a form to the

government, that after your death our country might not be ruined; and

hence, the proceedings, which not against you, but for the safety of

the state, have been adopted, which, if mistaken, will surely obtain

forgiveness, both for the good design in view, and on account of my

former services. Neither can I apprehend, that your house, having found

me so long faithful, should now prove unmerciful, or that you could

cancel the impression of so much merit for so small a fault." Piero

replied: "Your laughing in your present abode is the cause why I do

not weep, for were you to laugh in Florence, I should have to weep at

Naples. I confess you were well disposed toward my father, and you ought

to confess you were well paid for it; and the obligation is so much the

greater on your part than on ours, as deeds are of greater value than

words. Having been recompensed for your good wishes, it ought not to

surprise you that you now receive the due reward of your bad ones.

Neither will a pretense of your patriotism excuse you, for none will

think the city less beloved or benefited by the Medici, than by the

Acciajuoli. It, therefore, seems but just, that you should remain in

dishonor at Naples, since you knew not how to live with honor at home."

Agnolo, hopeless of obtaining pardon, went to Rome, where, joining the

archbishop and other refugees, they used every available means to injure

the commercial credit of the Medici in that city. Their attempts greatly

annoyed Piero; but by his friends' assistance, he was enabled to render

them abortive. Diotisalvi Neroni and Niccolo Soderini strenuously urged

the Venetian senate to make war upon their country, calculating, that

in case of an attack, the government being new and unpopular, would

be unable to resist. At this time there resided at Ferrara, Giovanni

Francesco, son of Palla Strozzi, who, with his father, was banished from

Florence in the changes of 1434. He possessed great influence, and was

considered one of the richest merchants. The newly banished pointed out

to Giovanni Francesco how easily they might return to their country,

if the Venetians were to undertake the enterprise, and that it was most

probable they would do so, if they had pecuniary assistance, but that

otherwise it would be doubtful. Giovanni Francesco, wishing to avenge

his own injuries, at once fell in with their ideas, and promised to

contribute to the success of the attempt all the means in his power.

On this they went to the Doge, and complained of the exile they were

compelled to endure, for no other reason, they said, than for having

wished their country should be subject to equal laws, and that the

magistrates should govern, not a few private individuals; that Piero de'

Medici, with his adherents, who were accustomed to act tyrannically, had

secretly taken up arms, deceitfully induced them to lay their own aside,

and thus, by fraud, expelled them from their country; that, not content

with this, they made the Almighty himself a means of oppression to

several, who, trusting to their promises, had remained in the city

and were there betrayed; for, during public worship and solemn

supplications, that the Deity might seem to participate in their

treachery, many citizens had been seized, imprisoned, tortured, and put

to death; thus affording to the world a horrible and impious precedent.

To avenge themselves for these injuries, they knew not where to turn

with so much hope of success as to the senate, which, having always

enjoyed their liberty, ought to compassionate those who had lost it.

They therefore called upon them as free men to assist them against

tyrants; as pious, against the wicked; and would remind the Venetians,

that it was the family of the Medici who had robbed them of their

dominions in Lombardy, contrary to the wish of the other citizens,

and who, in opposition to the interests of the senate, had favored and

supported Francesco, so, that if the exiles' distresses could not induce

them to undertake the war, the just indignation of the people of Venice,

and their desire of vengeance ought to prevail.

CHAPTER IV

War between the Venetians and the Florentines--Peace

re-established--Death of Niccolo Soderini--His character--Excesses in

Florence--Various external events from 1468 to 1471--Accession of Sixtus

IV.--His character--Grief of Piero de' Medici for the violence committed

in Florence--His speech to the principal citizens--Plans of Piero de'

Medici for the restoration of order--His death and character--Tommaso

Soderini, a citizen of great reputation, declares himself in favor of

the Medici--Disturbances at Prato occasioned by Bernardo Nardi.

The concluding words of the Florentine exiles produced the utmost

excitement among the Venetian senators, and they resolved to send

Bernardo Coglione, their general, to attack the Florentine territory.

The troops were assembled, and joined by Ercole da Esti, who had been

sent by Borgo, marquis of Ferrara. At the commencement of hostilities,

the Florentines not being prepared, their enemies burned the Borgo of

Dovadola, and plundered the surrounding country. But having expelled the

enemies of Piero, renewed their league with Galeazzo, duke of Milan, and

Ferrando, king of Naples, they appointed to the command of their forces

Federigo, count of Urbino; and being thus on good terms with their

friends, their enemies occasioned them less anxiety. Ferrando sent

Alfonso, his eldest son, to their aid, and Galeazzo came in person,

each at the head of a suitable force, and all assembled at Castrocaro,

a fortress belonging to the Florentines, and situated among the roots of

the Appennines which descend from Tuscany to Romagna. In the meantime,

the enemy withdrew toward Imola. A few slight skirmishes took place

between the armies; yet, in accordance with the custom of the times,

neither of them acted on the offensive, besieged any town, or gave the

other an opportunity of coming to a general engagement; but each kept

within their tents, and conducted themselves with most remarkable

cowardice. This occasioned general dissatisfaction among the

Florentines; for they found themselves involved in an expensive war,

from which no advantage could be derived. The magistrates complained

of these spiritless proceedings to those who had been appointed

commissaries to the expedition; but they replied, that the entire evil

was chargeable upon the Duke Galeazzo, who possessing great authority

and little experience, was unable to suggest useful measures, and

unwilling to take the advice of those who were more capable; and

therefore any demonstration of courage or energy would be impracticable

so long as he remained with the army. Hereupon the Florentines

intimated to the duke, that his presence with the force was in many

ways advantageous and beneficial, and of itself sufficient to alarm the

enemy; but they considered his own safety and that of his dominions,

much more important than their own immediate convenience; because so

long as the former were safe, the Florentines had nothing to fear, and

all would go well; but if his dominions were to suffer, they might then

apprehend all kinds of misfortune. They assured him they did not think

it prudent for him to be absent so long from Milan, having recently

succeeded to the government, and being surrounded by many powerful

enemies and suspected neighbors; while any who were desirous of plotting

against him, had an opportunity of doing so with impunity. They would,

therefore, advise him to return to his territories, leaving part of

his troops with them for the use of the expedition. This advice pleased

Galeazzo, who, in consequence, immediately withdrew to Milan. The

Florentine generals being now left without any hindrance, to show that

the cause assigned for their inaction was the true one, pressed the

enemy more closely, so that they came to a regular engagement, which

continued half a day, without either party yielding. Some horses were

wounded and prisoners taken, but no death occurred. Winter having

arrived, and with it the usual time for armies to retire into quarters,

Bartolommeo Coglione withdrew to Ravenna, the Florentine forces into

Tuscany, and those of the king and duke, each to the territories of

their sovereign. As this attempt had not occasioned any tumult in

Florence, contrary to the rebels' expectation, and the troops they had

hired were in want of pay, terms of peace were proposed, and easily

arranged. The revolted Florentines, thus deprived of hope, dispersed

themselves in various places. Diotisalvi Neroni withdrew to Ferrara,

where he was received and entertained by the Marquis Borso. Niccolo

Soderini went to Ravenna, where, upon a small pension allowed by the

Venetians, he grew old and died. He was considered a just and brave man,

but over-cautious and slow to determine, a circumstance which occasioned

him, when Gonfalonier of Justice, to lose the opportunity of victory

which he would have gladly recovered when too late.

Upon the restoration of peace, those who remained victorious in

Florence, as if unable to convince themselves they had conquered, unless

they oppressed not merely their enemies, but all whom they suspected,

prevailed upon Bardo Altoviti, then Gonfalonier of Justice, to deprive

many of the honors of government, and to banish several more. They

exercised their power so inconsiderately, and conducted themselves in

such an arbitrary manner, that it seemed as if fortune and the Almighty

had given the city up to them for a prey. Piero knew little of these

things, and was unable to remedy even the little he knew, on account

of his infirmities; his body being so contracted that he could use no

faculty but that of speech. All he could do was to admonish the leading

men, and beg they would conduct themselves with greater moderation, and

not by their violence effect their country's ruin. In order to divert

the city, he resolved to celebrate the marriage of his son Lorenzo

with Clarice degli Orsini with great splendor; and it was accordingly

solemnized with all the display suitable to the exalted rank of the

parties. Feasts, dancing, and antique representations occupied many

days; at the conclusion of which, to exhibit the grandeur of the house

of Medici and of the government, two military spectacles were presented,

one performed by men on horseback, who went through the evolutions of

a field engagement, and the other representing the storming of a

town; everything being conducted with admirable order and the greatest

imaginable brilliancy.

During these transactions in Florence, the rest of Italy, though at

peace, was filled with apprehension of the power of the Turks, who

continued to attack the Christians, and had taken Negropont, to the

great disgrace and injury of the Christian name. About this time died

Borso, marquis of Ferrara, who was succeeded by his brother Ercole.

Gismondo da Rimini, the inveterate enemy of the church also expired, and

his natural brother Roberto, who was afterward one of the best generals

of Italy, succeeded him. Pope Paul died, and was succeeded by Sixtus IV.

previously called Francesco da Savona, a man of the very lowest origin,

who by his talents had become general of the order of St. Francis, and

afterward cardinal. He was the first who began to show how far a pope

might go, and how much that which was previously regarded as sinful lost

its iniquity when committed by a pontiff. Among others of his family

were Piero and Girolamo, who, according to universal belief, were his

sons, though he designated them by terms reflecting less scandal on

his character. Piero being a priest, was advanced to the dignity of a

cardinal, with the title of St. Sixtus. To Girolamo he gave the city

of Furli, taken from Antonio Ordelaffi, whose ancestors had held that

territory for many generations. This ambitious method of procedure made

him more regarded by the princes of Italy, and all sought to obtain

his friendship. The duke of Milan gave his natural daughter Caterina to

Girolamo, with the city of Imola, which he had taken from Taddeo degli

Alidossi, as her portion. New matrimonial alliances were formed between

the duke and king Ferrando; Elisabetta, daughter of Alfonso, the king's

eldest son, being united to Giovan Galeazzo, the eldest son of the duke.

Italy being at peace, the principal employment of her princes was to

watch each other, and strengthen their own influence by new alliances,

leagues, or friendships. But in the midst of this repose, Florence

endured great oppression from her principal citizens, and the

infirmities of Piero incapacitated him from restraining their ambition.

However, to relieve his conscience, and, if possible, to make them

ashamed of their conduct, he sent for them to his house, and addressed

them in the following words: "I never thought a time would come when the

behavior of my friends would compel me to esteem and desire the society

of my enemies, and wish that I had been defeated rather than victorious;

for I believed myself to be associated with those who would set some

bounds to their avarice, and who, after having avenged themselves on

their enemies, and lived in their country with security and honor, would

be satisfied. But now I find myself greatly deceived, unacquainted with

the ambition of mankind, and least of all with yours; for, not satisfied

with being masters of so great a city, and possessing among yourselves

those honors, dignities, and emoluments which used to be divided among

many citizens; not contented with having shared among a few the property

of your enemies, or with being able to oppress all others with public

burdens, while you yourselves are exempt from them, and enjoy all the

public offices of profit you must still further load everyone with ill

usage. You plunder your neighbors of their wealth; you sell justice;

you evade the law; you oppress the timid and exalt the insolent. Nor

is there, throughout all Italy, so many and such shocking examples of

violence and avarice as in this city. Has our country fostered us only

to be her destroyer? Have we been victorious only to effect her ruin?

Has she honored us that we may overwhelm her with disgrace? Now, by that

faith which is binding upon all good men, I promise you, that if you

still conduct yourselves so as to make me regret my victory, I will

adopt such measures as shall cause you bitterly to repent of having

misused it." The reply of the citizens accorded with the time and

circumstances, but they did not forego their evil practices; so that,

in consequence, Piero sent for Agnolo Acciajuoli to come secretly to

Cafaggiolo, and discussed with him at great length the condition of the

city; and doubtless, had he not been prevented by death, he would have

called home the exiles as a check upon the rapine of the opposite party.

But these honorable designs were frustrated; for, sinking under bodily

infirmities and mental anguish, he expired in the fifty-third year

of his age. His goodness and virtue were not duly appreciated by his

country, principally from his having, until almost the close of his

life, been associated with Cosmo, and the few years he survived being

spent in civil discord and constant debility. Piero was buried in the

church of St. Lorenzo, near his father, and his obsequies were performed

with all the pomp and solemnity due to his exalted station. He left two

sons, Lorenzo and Guiliano, whose extreme youth excited alarm in the

minds of thinking men, though each gave hopes of future usefulness to

the republic.

Among the principal citizens in the government of Florence, and very

superior to the rest, was Tommaso Soderini, whose prudence and authority

were well known not only at home, but throughout Italy. After Piero's

death, the whole city looked up to him; many citizens waited upon him

at his own house, as the head of the government, and several princes

addressed him by letter; but he, impartially estimating his own

fortune and that of the house of Medici, made no reply to the princes'

communications, and told the citizens, it was not his house, but that

of the Medici they ought to visit. To demonstrate by his actions the

sincerity and integrity of his advice he assembled all the heads of

noble families in the convent of St. Antonio, whither he also brought

Lorenzo and Guiliano de' Medici, and in a long and serious speech upon

the state of the city, the condition of Italy, and the views of her

princes, he assured them, that if they wished to live in peace and unity

in Florence, free both from internal dissensions and foreign wars,

it would be necessary to respect the sons of Piero and support the

reputation of their house; for men never regret their continuance in a

course sanctioned by custom while new methods are soon adopted and as

speedily set aside; and it has always been found easier to maintain a

power which by its continuance has outlived envy, than to raise a new

one, which innumerable unforeseen causes may overthrow. When Tommaso

had concluded, Lorenzo spoke, and, though young, with such modesty and

discretion that all present felt a presentiment of his becoming what he

afterward proved to be; and before the citizens departed they swore to

regard the youths as their sons, and the brothers promised to look upon

them as their parents. After this, Lorenzo and Guiliano were honored as

princes, and resolved to be guided by the advice of Tommaso Soderini.

While profound tranquillity prevailed both at home and abroad, no wars

disturbing the general repose, there arose an unexpected disturbance,

which came like a presage of future evils. Among the ruined families of

the party of Luca Pitti, was that of the Nardi; for Salvestro and his

brothers, the heads of the house, were banished and afterward declared

rebels for having taken part in the war under Bartolommeo Coglione.

Bernardo, the brother of Salvestro, was young, prompt, and bold, and on

account of his poverty being unable to alleviate the sorrows of exile,

while the peace extinguished all hopes of his return to the city, he

determined to attempt some means of rekindling the war; for a trifling

commencement often produces great results, and men more readily

prosecute what is already begun than originate new enterprises. Bernardo

had many acquaintances at Prato, and still more in the district of

Pistoia, particularly among the Palandra, a family which, though rustic,

was very numerous, and, like the rest of the Pistolesi, brought up to

slaughter and war. These he knew to be discontented, on account of the

Florentine magistrates having endeavored, perhaps too severely, to check

their partiality for inveterate feuds and consequence bloodshed. He was

also aware that the people of Prato considered themselves injured by the

pride and avarice of their governors, and that some were ill disposed

toward Florence; therefore all things considered, he hoped to be able to

kindle a fire in Tuscany (should Prato rebel) which would be fostered

by so many, that those who might wish to extinguish it would fail in the

attempt. He communicated his ideas to Diotisalvi Neroni, and asked

him, in case they should succeed in taking possession of Prato, what

assistance might be expected from the princes of Italy, by his means?

Diotisalvi considered the enterprise as imminently dangerous, and almost

impracticable; but since it presented a fresh chance of attaining his

object, at the risk of others, he advised him to proceed, and promised

certain assistance from Bologna and Ferrara, if he could retain Prato

not less than fifteen days. Bernardo, whom this promise inspired with

a lively hope of success, proceeded secretly to Prato, and communicated

with those most disposed to favor him, among whom were the Palandra; and

having arranged the time and plan, informed Diotisalvi of what had been

done.

CHAPTER V

Bernardo takes possession of Prato, but is not assisted by the

inhabitants--He is taken, and the tumult appeased--Corruption of

Florence--The duke of Milan in Florence--The church of Santo Spirito

destroyed by fire--The rebellion of Volterra, and the cause of

it--Volterra reduced to obedience by force, in accordance with the

advice of Lorenzo de' Medici--Volterra pillaged.

Cesare Petrucci held the office of Provost of Prato for the Florentine

people, at this period. It is customary with governors of towns,

similarly situated, to keep the keys of the gates near their persons;

and whenever, in peaceful times, they are required by any of the

inhabitants, for entrance or exit, they are usually allowed to be taken.

Bernardo was aware of this custom, and about daybreak, presented himself

at the gate which looks toward Pistoia, accompanied by the Palandra and

about one hundred persons, all armed. Their confederates within the town

also armed themselves, and one of them asked the governor for the keys,

alleging, as a pretext, that some one from the country wished to enter.

The governor not entertaining the slightest suspicion, sent a servant

with them. When at a convenient distance, they were taken by the

conspirators, who, opening the gates, introduced Bernardo and his

followers. They divided themselves into two parties, one of which, led

by Salvestro, an inhabitant of Prato, took possession of the citadel;

the other following Bernardo, seized the palace, and placed Cesare with

all his family in the custody of some of their number. They then raised

the cry of liberty, and proceeded through the town. It was now day,

and many of the inhabitants hearing the disturbance, ran to the piazza

where, learning that the fortress and the palace were taken and

the governor with all his people made prisoners, they were utterly

astonished, and could not imagine how it had occurred. The eight

citizens, possessing the supreme authority, assembled in their palace

to consider what was best to be done. In the meantime, Bernardo and his

followers, on going round the town, found no encouragement, and being

told that the Eight had assembled, went and declared the nature of

their enterprise, which he said was to deliver the country from slavery,

reminding them how glorious it would be for those who took arms to

effect such an honorable object, for they would thus obtain permanent

repose and everlasting fame. He called to recollection their ancient

liberty and present condition, and assured them of certain assistance,

if they would only, for a few days, aid in resisting the forces the

Florentines might send against them. He said he had friends in Florence

who would join them as soon as they found the inhabitants resolved to

support him. His speech did not produce the desired effect upon the

Eight, who replied that they knew not whether Florence was free or

enslaved, for that was a matter which they were not called upon to

decide; but this they knew very well, that for their own part, they

desired no other liberty than to obey the magistrates who governed

Florence, from whom they had never received any injury sufficient

to make them desire a change. They therefore advised him to set the

governor at liberty, clear the place of his people, and, as quickly as

possible, withdraw from the danger he had so rashly incurred. Bernardo

was not daunted by these words, but determined to try whether fear

could influence the people of Prato, since entreaties produced so little

effect. In order to terrify them, he determined to put Cesare to death,

and having brought him out of prison, ordered him to be hanged at the

windows of the palace. He was already led to the spot with a halter

around his neck, when seeing Bernardo giving directions to hasten

his end, he turned to him, and said: "Bernardo, you put me to death,

thinking that the people of Prato will follow you; but the direct

contrary will result; for the respect they have for the rectors which

the Florentine people send here is so great, that as soon as they

witness the injury inflicted upon me, they will conceive such a disgust

against you as will inevitably effect your ruin. Therefore, it is not

by my death, but by the preservation of my life, that you can attain the

object you have in view; for if I deliver your commands, they will be

much more readily obeyed, and following your directions, we shall soon

attain the completion of your design." Bernardo, whose mind was not

fertile in expedients, thought the advice good, and commanded Cesare, on

being conducted to a veranda which looked upon the piazza, to order the

people of Prato to obey him, and having done which, Cesare was led back

to prison.

The weakness of the conspirators was obvious; and many Florentines

residing in the town, assembled together, among whom, Giorgio Ginori, a

knight of Rhodes, took arms first against them, and attacked Bernardo,

who traversed the piazza, alternately entreating and threatening those

who refused to obey him, and being surrounded by Giorgio's followers, he

was wounded and made prisoner. This being done, it was easy to set the

governor at liberty and subdue the rest, who being few, and divided into

several parties, were nearly all either secured or slain. An exaggerated

report of these transactions reached Florence, it being told there that

Prato was taken, the governor and his friends put to death, and the

place filled with the enemy; and that Pistoia was also in arms, and

most of the citizens in the conspiracy. In consequence of this alarming

account, the palace as quickly filled with citizens, who consulted with

the Signory what course ought to be adopted. At this time, Roberto da

San Severino, one of the most distinguished generals of this period,

was at Florence, and it was therefore determined to send him, with what

forces could be collected, to Prato, with orders that he should approach

the place, particularly observe what was going on, and provide such

remedies as the necessity of the case and his own prudence should

suggest. Roberto had scarcely passed the fortress of Campi, when he was

met by a messenger from the governor, who informed him that Bernardo was

taken, his followers either dispersed or slain, and everything restored

to order. He consequently returned to Florence, whither Bernardo was

shortly after conveyed, and when questioned by the magistracy concerning

the real motives of such a weak conspiracy, he said, he had undertaken

it, because, having resolved to die in Florence rather than live in

exile, he wished his death to be accompanied by some memorable action.

This disturbance having been raised and quelled almost at the same time,

the citizens returned to their accustomed mode of life, hoping to enjoy,

without anxiety, the state they had now established and confirmed. Hence

arose many of those evils which usually result from peace; for the youth

having become more dissolute than before, more extravagant in dress,

feasting, and other licentiousness, and being without employment, wasted

their time and means on gaming and women; their principal study being

how to appear splendid in apparel, and attain a crafty shrewdness in

discourse; he who could make the most poignant remark being considered

the wisest, and being most respected. These manners derived additional

encouragement from the followers of the duke of Milan, who, with his

duchess and the whole ducal court, as it was said, to fulfill a vow,

came to Florence, where he was received with all the pomp and respect

due to so great a prince, and one so intimately connected with

the Florentine people. Upon this occasion the city witnessed an

unprecedented exhibition; for, during Lent, when the church commands us

to abstain from animal food, the Milanese, without respect for either

God or his church, ate of it daily. Many spectacles were exhibited in

honor of the duke, and among others, in the temple of Santo Spirito,

was represented the descent of the Holy Ghost among the apostles; and

in consequence of the numerous fires used upon the occasion, some of the

woodwork became ignited, and the church was completely destroyed by the

flames. Many thought that the Almighty being offended at our misconduct,

took this method of signifying his displeasure. If, therefore, the duke

found the city full of courtly delicacies, and customs unsuitable to

well-regulated conduct, he left it in a much worse state. Hence the good

citizens thought it necessary to restrain these improprieties, and made

a law to put a stop to extravagance in dress, feasts, and funerals.

In the midst of this universal peace, a new and unexpected disturbance

arose in Tuscany. Certain citizens of Volterra had discovered an

alum-mine in their district, and being aware of the profit derivable

from it, in order to obtain the means of working and securing it, they

applied to some Florentines, and allowed them to share in the profits.

This, as is frequently the case with new undertakings, at first excited

little attention from the people of Volterra; but in time, finding

the profits derived from it had become considerable, they fruitlessly

endeavored to effect what at first might have been easily accomplished.

They began by agitating the question in their councils, declaring it

grossly improper that a source of wealth discovered in the public lands

should be converted to the emolument of private individuals. They

next sent advocates to Florence, and the question was referred to the

consideration of certain citizens, who, either through being bribed by

the party in possession, or from a sincere conviction, declared the

aim of the people of Volterra to be unjust in desiring to deprive their

citizens of the fruit of their labor; and decided that the alum-pit was

the rightful property of those who had hitherto wrought it; but, at

the same time, recommended them to pay an annual sum by way of

acknowledgment to the city. This answer instead of abating, served only

to increase the animosities and tumult in Volterra, and absorbed entire

attention both in the councils and throughout the city; the people

demanding the restitution of what they considered their due, and

the proprietors insisting upon their right to retain what they had

originally acquired, and what had been subsequently been confirmed

to them by the decision of the Florentines. In the midst of these

disturbances, a respectable citizen, named Il Pecorino, was killed,

together with several others, who had embraced the same side, whose

houses were also plundered and burned; and the fury of the mob rose to

such a height, that they were with difficulty restrained from putting

the Florentine rectors to death.

After the first outrage, the Volterrani immediately determined to send

ambassadors to Florence, who intimated, that if the Signory would allow

them their ancient privileges, the city would remain subject to them as

formerly. Many and various were the opinions concerning the reply to be

made. Tommaso Soderini advised that they should accept the submission

of the people of Volterra, upon any conditions with which they were

disposed to make it; for he considered it unreasonable and unwise to

kindle a flame so near home that it might burn their own dwelling; he

suspected the pope's ambition, and was apprehensive of the power of the

king; nor could he confide in the friendship either of the duke or the

Venetians, having no assurance of the sincerity of the latter, or the

valor of the former. He concluded by quoting that trite proverb, "Meglio

un magro accordo che una grassa vittoria."[*] On the other hand, Lorenzo

de' Medici, thinking this an opportunity for exhibiting his prudence

and wisdom, and being strenuously supported by those who envied the

influence of Tommaso Soderini, resolved to march against them, and

punish the arrogance of the people of Volterra with arms; declaring

that if they were not made a striking example, others would, without

the least fear or respect, upon every slight occasion, adopt a similar

course. The enterprise being resolved on, the Volterrani were told that

they could not demand the observance of conditions which they themselves

had broken, and therefore must either submit to the direction of the

Signory or expect war. With this answer they returned to their city, and

prepared for its defense; fortifying the place, and sending to all the

princes of Italy to request assistance, none of whom listened to them,

except the Siennese and the lord of Piombino, who gave them some hope

of aid. The Florentines on the other hand, thinking success dependent

principally upon celerity, assembled ten thousand foot and two thousand

horse, who, under the command of Federigo, lord of Urbino, marched into

the country of Volterra and quickly took entire possession of it. They

then encamped before the city, which, being in a lofty situation, and

precipitous on all sides, could only be approached by a narrow pass

near the church of St. Alessandro. The Volterrani had engaged for

their defense about one thousand mercenaries, who, perceiving the great

superiority of the Florentines, found the place untenable, and were

tardy in their defensive operations, but indefatigable in the constant

injuries they committed upon the people of the place. Thus these poor

citizens were harassed by the enemy without, and by their own soldiery

within; so, despairing of their safety, they began to think of a

capitulation; and, being unable to obtain better terms, submitted to the

discretion of the Florentine commissaries, who ordered the gates to

be opened, and introduced the greater part of their forces. They then

proceeded to the palace, and commanded the priors to retire to their

homes; and, on the way thither, one of them was in derision stripped

by the soldiers. From this beginning (so much more easily are men

predisposed to evil than to good) originated the pillage and destruction

of the city; which for a whole day suffered the greatest horrors,

neither women nor sacred places being spared; and the soldiery, those

engaged for its defense as well as its assailants, plundered all that

came within their reach. The news of this victory was received with

great joy at Florence, and as the expedition had been undertaken wholly

by the advice of Lorenzo, he acquired great reputation. Upon which one

of the intimate friends of Tommaso Soderini, reminding him of the advice

he had given, asked him what he thought of the taking of Volterra; to

which he replied, "To me the place seems rather lost than won; for had

it been received on equitable terms, advantage and security would have

been the result; but having to retain it by force it will in critical

junctures, occasion weakness and anxiety, and in times of peace, injury

and expense."

[*] A lean peace is better than a fat victory.

CHAPTER VI

Origin of the animosity between Sixtus IV. and Lorenzo de' Medici--Carlo

di Braccio da Perugia attacks the Siennese--Carlo retires by desire

of the Florentines--Conspiracy against Galeazzo, duke of Milan--His

vices--He is slain by the conspirators--Their deaths.

The pope, anxious to retain the territories of the church in obedience,

had caused Spoleto to be sacked for having, through internal factions,

fallen into rebellion. Citta di Castello being in the same state of

contumacy, he besieged that place; and Niccolo Vitelli its prince, being

on intimate terms with Lorenzo de' Medici, obtained assistance from

him, which, though inadequate, was quite enough to originate that enmity

between Sixtus IV. and the Medici afterward productive of such unhappy

results. Nor would this have been so long in development had not the

death of Frate Piero, cardinal of St. Sixtus, taken place; who, after

having traveled over Italy and visited Venice and Milan (under the

pretense of doing honor to the marriage of Ercole, marquis of Ferrara),

went about sounding the minds of the princes, to learn how they were

disposed toward the Florentines. But upon his return he died, not

without suspicion of having been poisoned by the Venetians, who found

they would have reason to fear Sixtus if he were allowed to avail

himself of the talents and exertions of Frate Piero. Although of very

low extraction, and meanly brought up within the walls of a convent,

he had no sooner attained the distinction of the scarlet hat, than

he exhibited such inordinate pride and ambition, that the pontificate

seemed too little for him, and he gave a feast in Rome which would

have seemed extraordinary even for a king, the expense exceeding twenty

thousand florins. Deprived of this minister, the designs of Sixtus

proceeded with less promptitude. The Florentines, the duke, and the

Venetians having renewed their league, and allowed the pope and the king

to join them if they thought proper, the two latter also entered into

a league, reserving an opening for the others if they were desirous

to become parties to it. Italy was thus divided in two factions; for

circumstances daily arose which occasioned ill feeling between the two

leagues; as occurred with respect to the island of Cyprus, to which

Ferrando laid claim, and the Venetians occupied. Thus the pope and the

king became more closely united. Federigo, prince of Urbino, was at

this time one of the first generals of Italy; and had long served the

Florentines. In order, if possible, to deprive the hostile league of

their captain, the pope advised, and the king requested him to pay

a visit to them. To the surprise and displeasure of the Florentines,

Federigo complied; for they thought the same fate awaited him as had

befallen Niccolo Piccinino. However, the result was quite different;

for he returned from Naples and Rome greatly honored, and with the

appointment of general to their forces. They also endeavored to gain

over to their interest the lords of Romagna and the Siennese, that they

might more easily injure the Florentines, who, becoming aware of these

things, used their utmost endeavors to defend themselves against the

ambition of their enemies; and having lost Federigo d'Urbino, they

engaged Roberto da Rimino in his place, renewed the league with the

Perugini and formed one with the prince of Faenza. The pope and the king

assigned, as the reasons of their animosity against the Florentines,

that they wished to withdraw them from the Venetian alliance, and

associate them with their own league; for the pope did not think the

church could maintain her reputation, nor the Count Girolamo retain

the states of Romagna, while the Florentines and the Venetians remained

united. The Florentines conjectured their design was to set them at

enmity with the Venetians, not so much for the sake of gaining their

friendship as to be able the more easily to injure them. Two years

passed away in these jealousies and discontents before any disturbance

broke out; but the first which occurred, and that but trivial, took

place in Tuscany.

Braccio of Perugia, whom we have frequently mentioned as one of the

most distinguished warriors of Italy, left two sons, Oddo and Carlo; the

latter was of tender years; the former, as above related, was slain by

the people of Val di Lamona; but Carlo, when he came to mature age, was

by the Venetians, out of respect for the memory of his father, and the

hopes they entertained from himself, received among the condottieri of

their republic. The term of his engagement having expired, he did not

design to renew it immediately, but resolved to try if, by his own

influence and his father's reputation, he could recover possession of

Perugia. To this the Venetians willingly consented, for they usually

extended their dominion by any changes that occurred in the neighboring

states. Carlo consequently came into Tuscany, but found more

difficulties in his attempt upon Perugia than he had anticipated, on

account of its being allied with the Florentines; and desirous of doing

something worthy of memory, he made war upon the Siennese, alleging

them to be indebted to him for services performed by his father in the

affairs of that republic, and attacked them with such impetuosity as to

threaten the total overthrow of their dominion. The Siennese, ever ready

to suspect the Florentines, persuaded themselves that this outrage had

been committed with their cognizance, and made heavy complaints to the

pope and the king against them. They also sent ambassadors to Florence

to complain of the injuries they had suffered, and adroitly intimated,

that if Carlo had not been secretly supported he could not have made

war upon them with such perfect security. The Florentines denied all

participation in the proceedings of Carlo, expressed their most earnest

wish to do everything in their power to put a stop to them, and allowed

the ambassadors to use whatever terms they pleased in the name of

the Signory, to command him to desist. Carlo complained that the

Florentines, by their unwillingness to support him, had deprived

themselves of a most valuable acquisition and him of great glory; for he

could have insured them the possession of the whole territory in a

short time, from the want of courage in the people and the ineffectual

provision they had made for their defense. He then withdrew to his

engagement under the Venetians; but the Siennese, although delivered

from such imminent peril by the Florentines, were still very indignant

against them; considering themselves under no obligation to those who

had delivered them from an evil to which they had first exposed them.

While the transactions between the king and the pope were in progress,

and those in Tuscany in the manner we have related, an event of greater

importance occurred in Lombardy. Cola Montano, a learned and ambitious

man, taught the Latin language to the youth of the principal families in

Milan. Either out of hatred to the character and manners of the duke, or

from some other cause, he constantly deprecated the condition of those

who live under a bad prince; calling those glorious and happy who had

the good fortune to be born and live in a republic. He endeavored to

show that the most celebrated men had been produced in republics, and

not reared under princes; that the former cherish virtue, while the

latter destroy it; the one deriving advantage from virtuous men,

while the latter naturally fear them. The youths with whom he was most

intimate were Giovanni Andrea Lampognano, Carlo Visconti, and Girolamo

Ogliato. He frequently discussed with them the faults of their prince,

and the wretched condition of those who were subject to him; and by

constantly inculcating his principles, acquired such an ascendancy over

their minds as to induce them to bind themselves by oath to effect the

duke's destruction, as soon as they became old enough to attempt it.

Their minds being fully occupied with this design, which grew with

their years, the duke's conduct and their own private injuries served to

hasten its execution. Galeazzo was licentious and cruel, of both which

vices he had given such repeated proofs, that he became odious to all.

Not content with corrupting the wives of the nobility, he also took

pleasure in making it notorious; nor was he satisfied with murdering

individuals unless he effected their deaths by some unusual cruelty. He

was suspected of having destroyed his own mother; for, not considering

himself prince while she was present, he conducted himself in such a

manner as induced her to withdraw from his court, and, travelling toward

Cremona, which she obtained as part of her marriage portion, she was

seized with a sudden illness, and died upon the road; which made many

think her son had caused her death. The duke had dishonored both Carlo

and Girolamo in respect to their wives or other female relatives, and

had refused to concede to Giovanandrea possession of the monastery of

Miramondo, of which he had obtained a grant from the pope for a near

relative. These private injuries increased the young men's desire for

vengeance, and the deliverance of their country from so many evils;

trusting that whenever they should succeed in destroying the duke, many

of the nobility and all the people would rise in their defense. Being

resolved upon their undertaking, they were often together, which, on

account of their long intimacy, did not excite any suspicion. They

frequently discussed the subject; and in order to familiarize their

minds with the deed itself, they practiced striking each other in the

breast and in the side with the sheathed daggers intended to be used for

the purpose. On considering the most suitable time and place, the castle

seemed insecure; during the chase, uncertain and dangerous; while going

about the city for his own amusement, difficult if not impracticable;

and, at a banquet, of doubtful result. They, therefore, determined to

kill him upon the occasion of some procession or public festivity when

there would be no doubt of his presence, and where they might, under

various pretexts, assemble their friends. It was also resolved that

if one of their number were prevented from attending, on any account

whatever, the rest should put him to death in the midst of their armed

enemies.

It was now the close of the year 1476, near Christmas, and as it was

customary for the duke to go upon St. Stephen's day, in great solemnity,

to the church of that martyr, they considered this the most suitable

opportunity for the execution of their design. Upon the morning of that

day they ordered some of their most trusty friends and servants to arm,

telling them they wished to go to the assistance of Giovanandrea,

who, contrary to the wish of some of his neighbors, intended to turn a

watercourse into his estate; but that before they went they wished to

take leave of the prince. They also assembled, under various

pretenses, other friends and relatives, trusting that when the deed

was accomplished, everyone would join them in the completion of their

enterprise. It was their intention, after the duke's death, to collect

their followers together and proceed to those parts of the city where

they imagined the plebeians would be most disposed to take arms against

the duchess and the principal ministers of state, and they thought the

people, on account of the famine which then prevailed, would easily be

induced to follow them; for it was their design to give up the houses of

Cecco Simonetta, Giovanni Botti, and Francesco Lucani, all leading men

in the government, to be plundered, and by this means gain over the

populace and restore liberty to the community. With these ideas, and

with minds resolved upon their execution, Giovanandrea, together with

the rest, were early at the church, and heard mass together; after

which, Giovanandrea, turning to a statue of St. Ambrose, said, "O patron

of our city! thou knowest our intention, and the end we would attain,

by so many dangers; favor our enterprise, and prove, by protecting the

oppressed, that tyranny is offensive to thee." To the duke, on the other

hand, when intending to go to the church, many omens occurred of his

approaching death; for in the morning, having put on a cuirass, as was

his frequent custom, he immediately took it off again, either because

it inconvenienced him, or that he did not like its appearance. He

then wished to hear mass in the castle, and found that the priest who

officiated in the chapel had gone to St. Stephen's, and had taken with

him the sacred utensils. On this he desired the service to be performed

by the bishop of Como, who acquainted him with preventing circumstances.

Thus, almost compelled, he determined to go to the church; but before

his departure, caused his sons, Giovan Galeazzo and Ermes, to be brought

to him, whom he embraced and kissed several times, seeming reluctant to

part with them. He then left the castle, and, with the ambassadors

of Ferrara and Mantua on either hand, proceeded to St. Stephen's. The

conspirators, to avoid exciting suspicion, and to escape the cold, which

was very severe, had withdrawn to an apartment of the archpriest, who

was a friend of theirs, but hearing the duke's approach, they came into

the church, Giovanandrea and Girolamo placing themselves upon the

right hand of the entrance, and Carlo on the left. Those who led

the procession had already entered, and were followed by the duke,

surrounded by such a multitude as is usual on similar occasions. The

first attack was made by Lampognano and Girolamo, who, pretending to

clear the way for the prince, came close to him, and grasping their

daggers, which, being short and sharp, were concealed in the sleeves of

their vests, struck at him. Lampognano gave him two wounds, one in the

belly, the other in the throat. Girolamo struck him in the throat and

breast. Carlo Visconti, being nearer the door, and the duke having

passed, could not wound him in front: but with two strokes,

transpierced his shoulder and spine. These six wounds were inflicted

so instantaneously, that the duke had fallen before anyone was aware of

what had happened, and he expired, having only once ejaculated the

name of the Virgin, as if imploring her assistance. A great tumult

immediately ensued, several swords were drawn, and as often happens in

sudden emergencies, some fled from the church, and others ran toward the

scene of tumult, both without any definite motive or knowledge of what

had occurred. Those, however, who were nearest the duke and had seen

him slain, recognizing the murderers, pursued them. Giovanandrea,

endeavoring to make his way out of the church, proceeded among the

women, who being numerous, and according to their custom, seated upon

the ground, was prevented in his progress by their apparel, and being

overtaken, he was killed by a Moor, one of the duke's footmen. Carlo was

slain by those immediately around him. Girolamo Olgiato passed through

the crowd, and got out of the church; but seeing his companions dead,

and not knowing where else to go, he proceeded home, where his father

and brothers refused to receive him; his mother only, having compassion

on her son recommended him to a priest, an old friend of the family,

who, disguising him in his own apparel, led him to his house. Here he

remained two days, not without hope that some disturbance might arise

in Milan which would contribute to his safety. This not occurring, and

apprehensive that his hiding place would be discovered, he endeavored

to escape in disguise, but being observed, he was given over to justice,

and disclosed all the particulars of the conspiracy. Girolamo was

twenty-three years of age, and exhibited no less composure at his death

than resolution in his previous conduct, for being stripped of his

apparel, and in the hands of the executioner, who stood by with

the sword unsheathed, ready to deprive him of life, he repeated the

following words, in the Latin tongue, in which he was well versed: "Mors

acerba, fama perpetua, stabit vetus memoria facti."

The enterprise of these unfortunate young men was conducted with secrecy

and executed with resolution; and they failed for want of the support

of those whom they expected would rise in their defense. Let princes

therefore learn to live, so as to render themselves beloved and

respected by their subjects, that none may have hope of safety after

having destroyed them; and let others see how vain is the expectation

which induces them to trust so much to the multitude, as to believe,

that even when discontented, they will either embrace or ward off their

dangers. This event spread consternation all over Italy; but those

which shortly afterward occurred in Florence caused much more alarm, and

terminated a peace of twelve years' continuance, as will be shown in the

following book; which, having commenced with blood and horror, will have

a melancholy and tearful conclusion.

BOOK VIII

CHAPTER I

State of the family of the Medici at Florence--Enmity of Sixtus IV.

toward Florence--Differences between the family of the Pazzi and that

of the Medici--Beginning of the conspiracy of the Pazzi--Arrangements to

effect the design of the conspiracy--Giovanni Batista da Montesecco

is sent to Florence--The pope joins the conspiracy--The king of Naples

becomes a party to it--Names of the conspirators--The conspirators make

many ineffectual attempts to kill Lorenzo and Giuliano de' Medici--The

final arrangement--Order of the conspiracy.